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isbe[4901]='Jedeus`je-de\'-us (Iedaios): Called <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=ADAIAH">ADAIAH</A> (which see) in <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',10,29);">Ezr 10:29</a> (1Esdras 9:30).``1';
isbe[4902]='Jediael`je-di\'-a-el (yedhi\'a\'-el, "God makes known" (?)):<P>(1) A "son" of Benjamin or probably of Zebulun (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',7,6,10,11);">1Ch 7:6, 10-11</a>). See Curtis, Chronicles, 145-49, who suggests emending the name to yachle\'el, Jahleel, in agreement with <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',46,24);">Ge 46:24</a>.<P>(2) One of David\'s mighty men (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',11,45);">1Ch 11:45</a>), probably = the Manassite who deserted to David at Ziklag (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',12,20);">1Ch 12:20 (Hebrew 21)</a>).<P>(3) A Korahite doorkeeper in David\'s reign (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',26,2);">1Ch 26:2</a>).``1';
isbe[4903]='Jedidah`je-di\'-da (yedhidhah, "beloved"): Mother of King Josiah of Judah, daughter of Adaiah of Bozkath (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',22,1);">2Ki 22:1</a>).``1';
isbe[4904]='Jedidiah`jed-i-di\'-a (yedhidh-yah, "the beloved of Yah"): The name conferred by God through Nathan upon Solomon at his birth (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',12,25);">2Sa 12:25</a>).``1';
isbe[4905]='Jeduthun`je-du\'-thun.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ASAPH">ASAPH</a>`1';
isbe[4906]='Jeeli`je-e\'-li (Ieieli: Called "Jaalah" in <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',2,56);">Ezr 2:56</a> and "Jaala" in <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',7,58);">Ne 7:58</a> (1Esdras 5:33).``1';
isbe[4907]='Jeelus`je-e\'-lus (Ieelos): Called "Jehiel" in <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',10,2);">Ezr 10:2</a> (1Esdras 8:92).``1';
isbe[4908]='Jeezer`je-e\'-zer (the King James Version) (\'i\'ezer; the Revised Version (British and American) <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=IEZER;+IEZERITES">IEZER</A>): The name of a elan of Gilead (<a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',26,30);">Nu 26:30</a>), but read la-\'abhi\'ezer, i.e. "of Abiezer" (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',17,2);">Jos 17:2</a>).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ABIEZER">ABIEZER</a>`1';
isbe[4909]='Jeezerites`je-e\'-zer-its.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ABIEZER">ABIEZER</a>`1';
isbe[4910]='Jegar-Saha-Dutha`je-gar-sa-ha-du\'-tha (yeghar sahadhutha\'; Septuagint Bounos marturei, "(the) mound witnesses"): The name given by the Aramean, Laban, to the "cairn of witness," called by Jacob <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=GALEED">GALEED</a> (which see) (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',31,47);">Ge 31:47</a>). The rest of the second part of this name appears again in <a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',16,19);">Job 16:19</a>, where sahadhi, should be rendered with the Revised Version (British and American), "he that voucheth for me," i.e. "my witness."``1';
isbe[4911]='Jehallelel; Jehaleleel`je-hal\'-e-lel (Revised Version (British and American)), je-ha-le\'-le-el (the King James Version) (yehallel\'el, "he shall praise God"):<P>(1) A Judahite (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',4,16);">1Ch 4:16</a>).<P>(2) A Levite, a descendant of Merari (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',29,12);">2Ch 29:12</a>).``1';
isbe[4912]='Jehdeiah`je-de\'-ya, ja\'-de-ya (yechdeyahu, "may Yahweh give joy!"):<P>(1) A Levite, head of the family of Shubael (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',24,20);">1Ch 24:20</a>).<P>(2) An officer of David "over the asses" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',27,30);">1Ch 27:30</a>).``1';
isbe[4913]='Jehezkel; Jehezekel`je-hez\'-kel (Revised Version (British and American)), je-hez\'-e-kel (the King James Version) (yechezqe\'l "God strengthens"):<P>(1) A priest of David\'s time (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',24,16);">1Ch 24:16</a>).<P>(2) Jehezkel in <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',1,3);">Eze 1:3</a> King James Version margin, for <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=EZEKIEL,+1">EZEKIEL</a> (which see).``1';
isbe[4914]='Jehiah`je-hi\'-a (yechiyah, "may Yahweh live!"): Keeper of the ark with Obed-edom (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',15,24);">1Ch 15:24</a>), but in verse <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',15,18);">18</A> the name is ye\'i\'el, <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=JEIEL">JEIEL</A> (which see)``1';
isbe[4915]='Jehiel; Jehieli`je-hi\'-el, je-hi\'-e-li (yechi\'el, "may God live!"):<P>(1) A Levite, one of the musicians appointed to play upon instruments at the bringing up of the ark by David (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',15,18,20);">1Ch 15:18, 20</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',16,5);">16:5</a>); (yechi\'eli): A patronymic of this name (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',26,21,22);">1Ch 26:21-22</a>), but Curtis (Chronicles, 286-87) reads "Jehiel (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',26,21);">1Ch 26:21</a>) and he is brethren Zetham and Joel" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',26,22);">1Ch 26:22</a>); compare <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',23,8);">1Ch 23:8</a>, where the three seem to be brothers. See (2) above [<a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=JEHIAH">Jehiah</A>].<P>(2) A Gershonite, head of a Levitical house (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',23,8);">1Ch 23:8</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',29,8);">29:8</a>).<P>(3) Son of a Hachmonite; he was "with the king\'s (David\'s) sons," i.e. their tutor (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',27,32);">1Ch 27:32</a>).<P>(4) A son of King Jehoshaphat (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',21,2);">2Ch 21:2</a>).<P>(5) In <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',29,14);">2Ch 29:14</a> the King James Version, where Qere is yechu\'el, the Revised Version (British and American) "Jehuel," a Hermanite Levite who took part in cleansing the temple in Hezekiah\'s reign.<P>(6) An overseer in Hezekiah\'s reign (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',31,13);">2Ch 31:13</a>).<P>(7) One of the three "rulers" of the temple in Hezekiah\'s reign (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',35,8);">2Ch 35:8</a>).<P>(8) Father of Obadiah, a returned exile (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',8,9);">Ezr 8:9</a>) = "Jezelus" of 1Esdras 8:35.<P>(9) Father of Shecaniah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',10,2);">Ezr 10:2</a>) = "Jeelus" of 1Esdras 8:92. He was a "son" of Elam, and so probably the same as "Jehiel" in <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',10,26);">Ezr 10:26</a>, one of those who had married foreign wives = "Jezrielus" of 1Esdras 9:27.<P>(10) A "son" of Harim, and one of those who had married foreign wives (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',10,21);">Ezr 10:21</a>) = "Hiereel" of 1Esdras 9:21.<P>(11) The King James Version in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',9,35);">1Ch 9:35</a> = <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=JEIEL">JEIEL</a> (q.v. (2)).<P>(12) The King James Version in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',11,44);">1Ch 11:44</a> = <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=JEIEL">JEIEL</a> (q.v. (3)).``149';
isbe[4916]='Jehizkiah`je-hiz-ki\'-a (yechizqiyahu, "Yah strengthens"): One of the Ephraimite chiefs (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',28,12);">2Ch 28:12</a>) who with Obed are said to have opposed the enslavement of the Judahites taken captive by Pekah in his war against Ahaz (circa 734 BC).``1';
isbe[4917]='Jehoaddah; Jehoadah`je-ho-ad\'-a (Revised Version (British and American)), je-ho\'-a-da (the King James Version) (yeho\'addah, "Yah has deposed" or "numbered"): A descendant of King Saul (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',8,36);">1Ch 8:36</a>), called "Jarah" in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',9,42);">1Ch 9:42</a>, where the Septuagint has Iada = ya\'dah.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=JARAH">JARAH</a>`1';
isbe[4918]='Jehoaddan`je-ho-ad\'-an (yeho\'addan, meaning unknown): In <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',25,1);">2Ch 25:1</a>; and Qere, the King James Version in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',14,2);">2Ki 14:2</a>, where Kethibh and the Revised Version (British and American) are "Jehoaddin" (yeho\'addin), the mother of King Amaziah of Judah.``1';
isbe[4919]='Jehoaddin`je-ho-ad\'-in.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=JEHOADDAN">JEHOADDAN</a>`1';
isbe[4920]='Jehoahaz`je-ho\'-a-haz, je-ho-a\'-haz (yeho\'achaz, "Yah has grasped"; Ioachas; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',13,\'1-9\');">2Ki 13:1-9</a>):<P>(1) Son of Jehu, and 11th king of Israel. He is stated to have reigned 17 years.<P>1. Chronology of Reign:<P>Josephus was already aware (Ant., IX, viii, 5) of the chronological difficulty involved in the cross-references in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',13,1);">2Ki 13:1</a> and <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',13,10);">10</A>, the former of which states that Jehoahaz began to reign in the 23rd year of Jehoash of Jerusalem, and reigned 17 years; while the latter gives him a successor in Jehoash\'s 37th year, or 14 years later. Josephus alters the figure of verse <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',13,1);">1</A> to <span class="noTag">21</a>; and, to meet the same difficulty, the Septuagint (Aldine edition) changes 37 to 39</a> in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',13,10);">13:10</a>. The difficulty may be met by supposing that Jehoahaz was associated with his father Jehu for several years in the government of the country before the death of the latter, and that these years were counted as a part of his reign. This view has in its favor the fact that Jehu was an old man when he died, and may have been incapacitated for the full discharge of administrative duties before the end came. The accession of Jehoahaz as sole ruler may be dated about 825 BC.<P>2. Low Condition of the Kingdom:<P>When Jehoahaz came to the throne, he found a discouraged and humiliated people. The territory beyond Jordan, embracing 2 1/2 tribes, or one-fourth of the whole kingdom, had been lost in warfare with the Syrian king, Hazael (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',10,32,33);">2Ki 10:32-33</a>). A heavy annual subsidy was still payable to Assyria, as by his father Jehu. The neighboring kingdom of Judah was still unfriendly to any member of the house of Jehu. Elisha the prophet, though then in the zenith of his influence, does not seem to have done anything toward the stability of Jehu\'s throne.<P>3. Israel and Syria:<P>Specially did Israel suffer during this reign from the continuance of the hostility of Damascus (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',13,3,4,22);">2Ki 13:3-4, 22</a>). Hazael had been selected, together with Jehu, as the instrument by which the idolatry of Israel was to be punished (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',19,16);">1Ki 19:16</a>). Later the instruments of vengeance fell out. On Jehu\'s death, the pressure from the east on Hazael was greatly relieved. The great conqueror, Shalmaneser II, had died, and his son Samsi-Ramman IV had to meet a revolt within the empire, and was busy with expeditions against Babylon and Media during the 12 years of his reign (824-812 BC). During these years, the kingdoms of the seaboard of the Mediterranean were unmolested. They coincide with the years of Jehoahaz, and explain the freedom which Hazael had to harass the dominions of that king.<P>4. The Elisha Episodes:<P>Particulars of the several campaigns in which the troops of Damascus harassed Israel are not given. The life of Elisha extended through the 3 reigns of Jehoram (12 years), Jehu (28 years) and Jehoahaz (12 or 13 years), into the reign of Joash (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',13,1);">2Ki 13:1</a>). It is therefore probable that in the memorabilia of his life in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',4,\'1-\');">2Ki 4-8</a>, now one and now another king of Israel should figure, and that some of the episodes there recorded belong to the reign of Jehoahaz. There are evidences that strict chronological order is not observed in the narrative of Elisha, e.g. Gehazi appears in waiting on the king of Israel in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',8,5);">8:5</A>, after the account of his leprosy in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',5,27);">5:27</A>. The terrible siege of Samaria in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',7,\'1-\');">2Ki 7</a> is generally referred to the reign of Jehoram; but no atmosphere is so suitable to it as that of the reign of Jehoahaz, in one of the later years of whom it may have occurred. The statement in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',13,7);">13:7</A> that "the king of Syria destroyed them, and made them like the dust in threshing," and the statistics there given of the depleted army of Jehoahaz, would correspond with the state of things that siege implies. In this case the Ben-hadad of <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',6,24);">2Ki 6:24</a> would be the son of Hazael (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',13,3);">13:3</A>).<P>5. His Idolatry:<P>Jehoahaz, like his father, maintained the calf-worship in Bethel and Dan, and revived also the cult of the Asherah, a form of Canaanitish idolatry introduced by Ahab (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',16,33);">1Ki 16:33</a>). It centered round a sacred tree or pole, and was probably connected with phallic worship (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',15,13);">1Ki 15:13</a>, where Maacah, mother of Asa, is said to have "made an abominable image for an Asherah" in Jerusalem).<P>6. Partial Reform:<P>The close of this dark reign, however, is brightened by a partial reform. In his distress, we are told, "Jehoahaz besought Yahweh, and Yahweh hearkened unto him" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',13,4);">2Ki 13:4</a>). If the siege of Samaria in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',6,\'1-\');">2Ki 6</a> belongs to his reign, we might connect this with his wearing "sackcloth within upon his flesh" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',6,30);">6:30</A>)<29>an act of humiliation only accidentally discovered by the rending of his garments. <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',6,5);">2Ki 6:5</a> goes on to say that "Yahweh gave Israel a saviour, so that they went out from under the hand of the Syrians." The "saviour" may refer to Joash, under whom the deliverance began (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',13,25);">13:25</A>), or to Jeroboam II, of whom it is declared that by him God "saved" Israel (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',14,27);">14:27</A>). Others take it to refer to Ramman-nirari III, king of Assyria, whose conquest of Damascus made possible the victories of these kings.<P>(2) A king of Judah, son and successor of Josiah; reigned three months and was deposed, 608 BC. Called "Shallum" in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',22,11);">Jer 22:11</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',3,15);">1Ch 3:15</a>. The story of his reign is told in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',23,\'30-35\');">2Ki 23:30-35</a>, and in a briefer account in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',36,\'1-3\');">2Ch 36:1-3</a>. The historian of 2 Kings characterizes his reign as evil; 2Ch passes no verdict upon him. On the death of his father in battle, which threw the realm into confusion, he, though a younger son (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',23,31);">2Ki 23:31</a> with <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',23,36);">23:36</A>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',3,15);">1Ch 3:15</a> makes him the fourth son of Josiah), was raised to the throne by "the people of the land," the same who had secured the accession to his father; see under <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=JOSIAH">JOSIAH</A>. Perhaps, as upholders of the sterling old Davidic idea, which his father had carried out so well, they saw in him a better hope for its integrity than in his elder brother Jehoiakim (Eliakim), whose tyrannical tendencies may already have been too apparent. The prophets also seem to have set store by him, if we may judge by the sympathetic mentions of him in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',22,11);">Jer 22:11</a> and <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',1,3,4);">Eze 1:3-4</a>. His career was too short, however, to make any marked impression on the history of Judah.<P>Josiah\'s ill-advised meddling with the designs of Pharaoh-necoh (see under <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=JOSIAH">JOSIAH</a>) had had, in fact, the ill effect of plunging Judah again into the vortex of oriental politics, from which it had long been comparatively free. The Egyptian king immediately concluded that so presumptuous a state must not be left in his rear unpunished. Arrived at Riblah on his Mesopotamian expedition, he put Jehoahaz in bonds, and later carried him prisoner to Egypt, where he died; raised his brother Jehoiakim to the throne as a vassal king; and imposed on the realm a fine of a hundred talents of silver and a talent of gold. So the fortunes of the Judean state, so soon after Josiah\'s good reign, began their melancholy change for the worse.<P>(3) In <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',21,17);">2Ch 21:17</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',25,23);">25:23</a> = <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=AHAZIAH">AHAZIAH</a>, king of Judah (which see) (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',8,25);">2Ki 8:25</a>ff; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',22,\'1-\');">2Ch 22:1</a>).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=JEHOASH">JEHOASH</a>`18';
isbe[4921]='Jehoash; Joash`je-ho\'-ash, the uncontracted form of (yeho\'ash, yo\'ash, "Yahweh has bestowed"; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,2,21);">2Ki 11:2,21</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',12,1,19);">12:1,19</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',24,\'1-\');">2Ch 24</a>: je-ho\'-ash, the uncontracted form of (yeho\'ash, yo\'ash, "Yahweh has bestowed"; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,2,21);">2Ki 11:2,21</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',12,1,19);">12:1,19</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',24,1);">2Ch 24:1</a>, etc.; Ioas):<P>(1) The 9th king of Judah; son of Ahaziah and Zibiah, a woman of Beersheba (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,\'1-\');">2Ki 11</A>-<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',12,\'1-\');">12</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',22,\'10-\');">2Ch 22:10-24:27</a>). Jehoash was 7 years old at his accession, and reigned 40 years. His accession may be placed in 852 BC. Some include in the years of his reign the 6 years of Athaliah\'s usurpation.<P>I. Ninth King of Judah<P>1. His Early Preservation:<P>When, on Athaliah\'s usurpation of the throne, she massacred the royal princes, Jehoash was saved from her unnatural fury by the action of his aunt Jehosheba, the wife of Jehoiada, the high priest (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,1,2);">2Ki 11:1-2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',22,10,11);">2Ch 22:10-11</a>). During 6 years he was concealed in the house of Jehoiada, which adjoined the temple; hence, is said to have been "hid in the house of Yahweh"<22>a perfectly legitimate use of the phrase according to the idiom of the time.<P>2. The Counter-Revolution:<P>During these formative years of Jehoash\'s early life, he was under the moral and spiritual influence of Jehoiada<64>a man of lofty character and devout spirit. At the end of 6 years, a counter-revolution was planned by Jehoiada, and was successfully carried out on a Sabbath, at one of the great festivals. The accounts of this revolution in Kings and Chronicles supplement each other, but though the Levitical interest of the Chronicler is apparent in the details to which he gives prominence, the narratives do not necessarily collide, as has often been represented. The event was prepared for by the young king being privately exhibited to the 5 captains of the "executioners" (the Revised Version (British and American) "Carites") and "runners" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,4);">2Ki 11:4</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',23,1);">2Ch 23:1</a>). These entered into covenant with Jehoiada, and, by his direction, summoned the Levites from Judah (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',23,2);">2Ch 23:2</a>), and made the necessary arrangements for guarding the palace and the person of the king. In these dispositions both the royal body-guard and the Levites seem to have had their parts. Jehoash next appears standing on a platform in front of the temple, the law of the testimony in his hand and the crown upon his head. Amid acclamations, he is anointed king. Athaliah, rushing on the scene with cries of "treason" (see <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=ATHALIAH">ATHALIAH</a>), is driven forth and slain. A new covenant is made between Yahweh and the king and people, and, at the conclusion of the ceremony, a great procession is formed, and the king is conducted with honor to the royal house (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,19);">2Ki 11:19</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',23,20);">2Ch 23:20</a>). Thus auspiciously did the new reign begin.<P>3. Repair of the Temple:<P>Grown to manhood (compare the age of his son Amaziah, <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',14,25);">2Ki 14:25</a>), Jehoash married two wives, and by them had sons and daughters (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',24,3);">2Ch 24:3</a>). His great concern at this period, however, was the repair of the temple<6C>the "house of Yahweh"<22>which in the reign of Athaliah had been broken up in many places, plundered, and allowed to become dilapidated (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',12,5,12);">2Ki 12:5,12</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',24,7);">2Ch 24:7</a>). To meet the expense of its restoration, the king gave orders that all moneys coming into the temple, whether dues or voluntary offerings, should be appropriated for this purpose (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',12,4);">2Ki 12:4</a>), and from the account in Chronicles would seem to have contemplated a revival of the half-shekel tax appointed by Moses for the construction of the tabernacle (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',24,5,6);">2Ch 24:5-6</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',30,\'11-16\');">Ex 30:11-16</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',38,25);">38:25</a>). To enforce this impost would have involved a new census, and the memory of the judgments which attended David\'s former attempt of this kind may well have had a deterrent effect on Jehoiada and the priesthood. "The Levites hastened it not," it is declared (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',24,5);">2Ch 24:5</a>).<P>4. A New Expedient:<P>Time passed, and in the 23rd year of the king\'s reign (his 30th year), it was found that the breaches of the house had still not been repaired. A new plan was adopted. It was arranged that a chest with a hole bored in its lid should be set up on the right side of the altar in the temple-court, under the care of two persons, one the king\'s scribe, the other an officer of the high priest, and that the people should be invited to bring voluntarily their half-shekel tax or other offerings, and put it in this box (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',12,9);">2Ki 12:9</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',24,8,9);">2Ch 24:8-9</a>). Gifts from worshippers who did not visit the altar were received by priests at the gate, and brought to the box. The expedient proved brilliantly successful. The people cheerfully responded, large sums were contributed, the money was honestly expended, and the temple was thoroughly renovated. There remained even a surplus, with which gold and silver vessels were made, or replaced, for the use of the temple. Jehoiada\'s long and useful life seems to have closed soon after.<P>5. The King\'s Declension:<P>With the death of this good man, it soon became evident that the strongest pillar of the state was removed. It is recorded that "Jehoash did that which was right in the eyes of Yahweh all his days wherein Jehoiada the priest instructed him" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',12,2);">2Ki 12:2</a>), but after Jehoiada had been honorably interred in the sepulchers of the kings (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',24,16);">2Ch 24:16</a>), a sad declension became manifest. The princes of Judah came to Jehoash and expressed their wish for greater freedom in worship than had been permitted them by the aged priest. With weak complaisance, the king "hearkened unto them" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',24,17);">2Ch 24:17</a>). Soon idols and Asherahs began to be set up in Jerusalem and the other cities of Judah. Unnamed prophets raised their protests in vain. The high priest Zechariah, a worthy son of Jehoiada, testified in his place that as the nation had forsaken Yahweh, he also would forsake it, and that disaster would follow (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',24,20);">2Ch 24:20</a>). Wrathful at the rebuke, the king gave orders that Zechariah should be stoned with stones in the temple-court (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',24,21);">2Ch 24:21</a>). This was done, and the act of sacrilege, murder, and ingratitude was perpetrated to which Jesus seems to refer in <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',23,35);">Mt 23:35</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',11,51);">Lu 11:51</a> ("son of Barachiah" in the former passage is probably an early copyist\'s gloss through confusion with the prophet Zechariah).<P>6. Calamities and Assassination:<P>The high priest\'s dying words, "Yahweh look upon it, and require it," soon found an answer. Within a year of Zechariah\'s death, the armies of Hazael, the Syrian king, were ravaging and laying waste Judah. The city of Gath fell, and a battle, the place of which is not given, placed Jerusalem at the mercy of the foe (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',12,17);">2Ki 12:17</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',24,23,24);">2Ch 24:23-24</a>). To save the capital from the indignity of foreign occupation, Jehoash, then in dire sickness, collected all the hallowed things of the temple, and all the gold of the palace, and sent them to Hazael (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',12,17,18);">2Ki 12:17-18</a>). This failure of his policy, in both church and state, excited such popular feeling against Jehoash, that a conspiracy was formed to assassinate him. His physical sufferings won for him no sympathy, and two of his own officers slew him, while asleep, in the fortress of Millo, where he was paying a visit (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',12,20);">2Ki 12:20</a>). He was buried in the city of David, but not in the royal sepulchers, as Jehoiada had been (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',24,25);">2Ch 24:25</a>).<P>Jehoash is mentioned as the father of Amaziah (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',14,1);">2Ki 14:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',25,25);">2Ch 25:25</a>). His contemporaries in Israel were Jehoahaz (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',13,1);">2Ki 13:1</a>) and Jehoash (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',13,10);">2Ki 13:10</a>).<P>(2) The son of Jehoahaz, and 12th king of Israel (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',13,\'10-25\');">2Ki 13:10-25</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',14,\'8-16\');">14:8-16</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',25,\'17-24\');">2Ch 25:17-24</a>).<P>II. Twelveth King of Israel<P>1. Accession and Reign:<P>Jehoash reigned for 16 years. His accession may be placed in 813 BC. There were almost simultaneous changes in the sovereignties of Judah and of Assyria<69>Amazih succeeding to the throne of Judah in the 2nd year of Jehoash, and Ramman-nirari III coming to the throne of Assyria in 811 BC<42>which had important effects on the history of Israel in this reign.<P>2. Elisha and Jehoash:<P>During the three previous reigns, for half a century, Elisha had been the prophet of Yahweh to Israel. He was now aged and on his deathbed. Hearing of his illness, the young king came to Dothan, where the prophet was, and had a touching interview with him. His affectionate exclamation, "My father, my father, the chariots of Israel and the horsemen thereof" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',13,14);">2Ki 13:14</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',2,12);">2:12</a>), casts a pleasing light upon his character. On his lips the words had another meaning than they bore when used by Elish himself at Elijah\'s translation. Then they referred to the "appearance" which parted Elisha from his master; now they referred to the great service rendered by the prophet to the kingdom. Not only had Elisha repeatedly saved the armies of Israel from the ambushes prepared for them by the Syrians (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',6,\'8-23\');">2Ki 6:8-23</a>), but he had given assurance of the relief of the capital when it was at its worst extremity (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',6,24);">2Ki 6:24</a>). To Jehoash, Elisha\'s presence was indeed in place of chariots and horse. The truth was anew demonstrated by the promise which the dying prophet now made to him. Directing Jehoash in the symbolical action of the shooting of certain arrows, he predicted three victories over the Syrians<6E>the first at Aphek, now Fik, on the east of the Lake of Galilee<65>and more would have been granted, had the faith of the king risen to the opportunity then afforded him (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',6,\'15-19\');">2Ki 6:15-19</a>).<P>3. Assyria and Damascus:<P>An interesting light is thrown by the annals of Assyria on the circumstances which may have made these victories of Jehoash possible. Ramman-nirari III, who succeeded to the throne in 811 BC, made an expedition against Damascus, Edom and Philistia, in his account of which he says: "I shut up the king (of Syria) in his chief city, Damascus....He clasped my feet, and gave himself up....His countless wealth and goods I seized in Damascus." With the Syrian power thus broken during the remainder of this ruler\'s reign of 27 years, it may be understood how Jehoash should be able to recover, as it is stated he did, the cities which Ben-hadad had taken from his father Jehoahaz (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',13,25);">2Ki 13:25</a>). Schrader and others see in this Assyrian ruler the "saviour" of Israel alluded to in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',13,5);">2Ki 13:5</a>; more usually the reference is taken to be to Jehoash himself, and to Jeroboam II (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',14,27);">2Ki 14:27</a>).<P>4. War With Judah:<P>The epitome of Jehoash\'s reign is very brief, but the favorable impression formed of him from the acts of Elisha is strengthened by another gained from the history of Amaziah of Judah (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',14,\'8-16\');">2Ki 14:8-16</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',25,\'17-24\');">2Ch 25:17-24</a>). For the purpose of a southern campaign Amaziah had hired a large contingent of troops from Samaria. Being sent back unemployed, these mercenaries committed ravages on their way home, for which, apparently, no redress was given. On the first challenge of the king of Judah, Jehoash magnanimously refused the call to arms, but on Amaziah persisting, the peace established nearly 80 years before by Jehoshaphat (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',22,44);">1Ki 22:44</a>) was broken at the battle of Beth-shemesh, in which Amaziah was defeated and captured. Jerusalem opened its gates to the victor, and was despoiled of all its treasure, both of palace and temple. A portion of the wall was broken down, and hostages for future behavior were taken to Samaria (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',14,13,14);">2Ki 14:13-14</a>).<P>5. Character:<P>Jehoash did not long survive his crowning victory, but left a resuscitated state, and laid the foundation for a subsequent rule which raised Israel to the zenith of its power. Josephus gives Jehoash a high character for godliness, but, like each of his predecessors, he followed in the footsteps of Jeroboam I in permitting, if not encouraging, the worship of the golden calves. Hence, his conduct is pronounced "evil" by the historian (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',13,11);">2Ki 13:11</a>). He was succeeded by his son Jeroboam II.``17';
isbe[4922]='Jehohanan`je-ho-ha\'-nan (yehochanan, "Yahweh is (or has been) gracious"):<P>(1) A Korahite doorkeeper in David\'s reign, "son" of Meshelemiah (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',26,3);">1Ch 26:3</a>). Septuagint, Luc, has "Jehonathan."<P>(2) One of the five captains over King Jehoshaphat\'s army (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',17,15);">2Ch 17:15</a>), probably father of Ishmael, "son of Jehohanan" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',23,1);">2Ch 23:1</a>).<P>(3) <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',10,6);">Ezr 10:6</a> (the King James Version has "Johnnan") = "Johanan" of <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',12,22,23);">Ne 12:22-23</a> = "Jonathan" of <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',12,11);">Ne 12:11</a>, "son" of Eliashib (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',10,6);">Ezr 10:6</a>; but "grandson" in <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',12,11);">Ne 12:11</a>). He was high priest in Ezra\'s time = "Jonas" in 1Esdras 9:1 (the King James Version "Joanan").<P>(4) One of those who had married foreign wives (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',10,28);">Ezr 10:28</a>) = "Joannes" the Revised Version (British and American), "Johannes" the King James Version (1Esdras 9:29).<P>(5) Son of Tobiah, the Ammonite, Nehemiah\'s opponent (<a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',6,18);">Ne 6:18</a>, the King James Version "Johanan").<P>(6) Head of the priestly family of Amariah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',12,13);">Ne 12:13</a>).<P>(7) A priest present at the dedication of the walls of Jerusalem (<a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',12,42);">Ne 12:42</a>).<P>(8) The name in the Hebrew of <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',28,12);">2Ch 28:12</a>.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=JOHANAN">JOHANAN</a>`149';
isbe[4923]='Jehoiachin`je-hoi\'-a-kin (yehoyakhin, "Yahweh will uphold"; called also "Jeconiah" in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',3,16);">1Ch 3:16</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',24,1);">Jer 24:1</a>; yekhonyah, "Yahweh will be steadfast," and "Coniah" in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',22,24,28);">Jer 22:24,28</a>; konyahu, "Yahweh has upheld him"; \'Ioakeim): A king of Judah; son and successor of Jehoiakim; reigned three months and surrendered to Nebuchadnezzar; was carried to Babylon, where, after being there 37 years a prisoner, he died.<P>1. Sources:<P>The story of his reign is told in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',24,\'8-16\');">2Ki 24:8-16</a>, and more briefly in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',36,\'9-10\');">2Ch 36:9-10</a>. Then, after the reign of his successor Zedekiah and the final deportation are narrated, the account of his release from prison 37 years afterward and the honor done him is given as the final paragraph of 2Ki (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',25,\'27-30\');">25:27-30</A>). The same thing is told at the end of the Book of Jeremiah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',52,\'31-34\');">52:31-34</A>). Neither for this reign nor for the succeeding is there the usual reference to state annals; these seem to have been discontinued after Jehoiakim. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',22,\'24-30\');">Jer 22:24-30</a> there is a final pronouncement on this king, not so much upon the man as upon his inevitable fate, and a prediction that no descendant of his shall ever have prosperous rule in Judah.<P>2. His Reign:<P>Of the brief reign of Jehoiachin there is little to tell. It was rather a historic landmark than a reign; but its year, 597 BC, was important as the date of the first deportation of Jewish captives to Babylon (unless we except the company of hostages carried away in Jehoiakim\'s 3rd (4th) year, <a onClick="return mV(\'Dan\',1,\'1-7\');">Da 1:1-7</a>). His coming to the throne was just at or near the time when Nebuchadnezzar\'s servants were besieging Jerusalem; and when the Chaldean king\'s arrival in person to superintend the siege made apparent the futility of resistance, Jehoiachin surrendered to him, with all the royal household and the court. He was carried prisoner to Babylon, and with him ten thousand captives, comprising all the better and sturdier element of the people from prince to craftsman, leaving only the poorer sort to constitute the body of the nation under his successor Zedekiah. With the prisoners were carried away also the most valuable treasures of the temple and the royal palace.<P>3. The Two Elements:<P>Ever since Isaiah fostered the birth and education of a spiritually-minded remnant, for him the vital hope of Israel, the growth and influence of this element in the nation has been discernible, as well in the persecution it has roused (see under <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=MANASSEH+(3)">MANASSEH</A>), as in its fiber of sound progress. It is as if a sober sanity of reflection were curing the people of their empty idolatries. The feeling is well expressed in such a passage as <a onClick="return mV(\'Hab\',2,\'18-20\');">Hab 2:18-20</a>. Hitherto, however, the power of this spiritual Israel has been latent, or at best mingled and pervasive among the various occupations and interests of the people. The surrender of Jehoiachin brings about a segmentation of Israel on an unheard-of principle: not the high and low in wealth or social position, but the weight and worth of all classes on the one side, who are marked for deportation, and the refuse element of all classes on the other, who are left at home. With which element of this strange sifting Jeremiah\'s prophetic hopes are identified appears in his parable of the Good and Bad Figs (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',24,\'1-\');">Jer 24</a>), in which he predicts spiritual integrity and upbuilding to the captives, and to the home-staying remainder, shame and calamity. Later on, he writes to the exiles in Babylon, advising them to make themselves at home and be good citizens (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',29,\'1-10\');">Jer 29:1-10</a>). As for the hapless king, "this man Coniah," who is to be their captive chief in a strange land, Jeremiah speaks of him in a strain in which the stern sense of Yahweh\'s inexorable purpose is mingled with tender sympathy as he predicts that this man shall never have a descendant on David\'s throne (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',22,\'24-30\');">Jer 22:24-30</a>). It is as if he said, All as Yahweh has ordained, but<75>the pity of it!<P>4. Thirty-seven Years Later:<P>In the first year of Nebuchadnezzar\'s successor, perhaps by testamentary edict of Nebuchadnezzar himself, a strange thing occurred. Jehoiachin, who seems to have been a kind of hostage prisoner for his people, was released from prison, honored above all the other kings in similar case, and thenceforth to the end of his life had his portion at the royal table (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',25,\'27-30\');">2Ki 25:27-30</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',52,\'31-34\');">Jer 52:31-34</a>). This act of clemency may have been due to some such good influence at court as is described in the Book of Daniel; but also it was a tribute to the good conduct of that better element of the people of which he was hostage and representative. It was the last event of Judean royalty; and suggestive for the glimpse it seems to afford of a people whom the Second Isaiah could address as redeemed and forgiven, and of a king taken from durance and judgment (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',53,8);">Isa 53:8</a>), whose career makes strangely vivid the things that are said of the mysterious "Servant of Yahweh."``66';
isbe[4924]='Jehoiada`je-hoi\'-a-da (yehoyadha\', "Yahweh knows"; Iodae):<P>(1) Father of Benaiah, the captain of David\'s body-guard (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',8,18);">2Sa 8:18</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',20,23);">20:23</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',23,20,22);">23:20,22</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',1,8);">1Ki 1:8</a>, etc.). Jehoiada was "the son of a valiant man of Kabzeel" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',23,20);">2Sa 23:20</a>), but commentators read with Septuagint and Ewald, "Benaiah (the son of Jehoiada) a man of valor." Kabzeel was a town belonging to Judah on the border of Edom in the south (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',15,21);">Jos 15:21</a>). In <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',27,5);">1Ch 27:5</a>, we read "Benaiah, the son of Jehoiada the priest, chief," the Revised Version (British and American), but the Revised Version margin has "chief minister" wrongly. Yet Jehoiada is nowhere else called a priest or even a Levite, though in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',12,27);">1Ch 12:27 (Hebrew, verse 28)</a> a Jehoiada is mentioned as a military "leader of the house of Aaron," who came to David to Hebron with other members of the house of Levi. In <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',27,34);">1Ch 27:34</a> there is named among David\'s counselors, "Jehoiada the son. of Benaiah," where some commentators would read with two manuscripts, "Benaiah, the son of Jehoiada" though Curtis, Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Books of Chronicles,295,keeps the Massoretic Text.<P>(2) Priest in the reigns of Ahaziah, Queen Athaliah, and Jehoash (Joash) of Judah (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,\'4-\');">2Ki 11:4</a>-<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',12,\'1-16\');">12:16 (Hebrew 17)</a> = <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',23,\'1-\');">2Ch 23:1</A>-<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',24,\'1-14\');">24:14</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',22,11);">2Ch 22:11</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',24,\'14-16\',\'17-20\',22,25);">24:14-16,17-20,22,25</a>). In <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',12,10);">2Ki 12:10 (Hebrew, verse 11)</a> he is called "high priest," and is the first to be given that title, but as the priest lived in the temple, there is no meaning in saying that he "came up," so commentators omit the words, "and the chief priest." According to <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',22,11);">2Ch 22:11</a>, he had married Jehoshabeath (= Jehosheba), the daughter of the king, i.e. Jehoram.<P>1. Jehoiada and the Revolt against Athaliah:<P>(a) The account in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',23,\'1-21\');">2Ch 23:1-21</a> differs in many respects from that in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,\'4-20\');">2Ki 11:4-20</a>, but even the latter has its problems, and Stade (ZATW, 1885, 280ff) pointed out two sources in it. This view is accepted by many. A reader is struck at once by the double reference to the death of Athaliah (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,16,20);">2Ki 11:16,20</a>), and the construction of the Hebrew for "making a covenant" is different in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,4);">2Ki 11:4</a> from that in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,17);">11:17</A>. Stade holds that there is one narrative in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,\'4-12\',\'18-20\');">11:4-12,18b-20</a> and another in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,\'13-18\');">11:13-18a</A>.<P>In the first, Jehoiada makes an agreement with the captains of the foreign body-guard, and arranges that both the incoming and outgoing temple-guard shall be kept in the temple at the time when the guard should be changed on the Sabbath, and also that th e young prince, Jehoash, who had been kept in hiding, shall be proclaimed. The captains do this, and the prince is crowned and proclaimed (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,\'4-12\');">2Ki 11:4-12</a>). Then officers are set up in the temple, and Jehoash is taken to the royal palace and enthroned. The revolt proves popular with the people of Jerusalem and those of the district, and Athaliah is slain in the palace.<P>But there are difficulties in this narrative, though the above gives the trend of events; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,5);">2Ki 11:5</a> refers to a third of the guard who "came in on the sabbath," and <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,7);">11:7</a> to two companies who "go forth on the sabbath"; the Hebrew is, "they that enter the sabbath" and "they that go out of the sabbath." <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,9);">2Ki 11:9</a> makes clear the connection between <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,5);">11:5</a> and <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,7);">7</A>. But <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,6);">11:6</a> introduces a difficulty: it seems to denote a division of those who "enter" into three divisions, i.e. the two in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,6);">11:6</A> and one in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,5);">11:5</a>. If <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,16);">11:6</a> be omitted, as is proposed by many, this difficulty vanishes. But there still remains the question of the change of guards. Commentators say that "they who enter the sabbath" are those who leave the temple and enter their quarters at the beginning of the Sabbath, presumably, while "those who go out" are those who leave their quarters to mount guard. This is not impossible as an explanation of the Hebrew. It is further believed that the guard at the temple on the Sabbath was double that on other days. The other explanation, held by older commentators is that on the Sabbath the guard was only half its usual size; this gives another meaning to the Hebrew phrases. On the other hand, it may be held that the revolt took place at the close of the Sabbath, and that the double-sized guard was kept by Jehoiada even after the usual-sized one had come to take their place. It should be added that Wellhausen proposed to read (tse\'adhoth), "armlets" (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',3,19);">Isa 3:19</a>), for (\'edhuth), "testimony," in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,12);">2Ki 11:12</a>; and in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,19);">11:19</A> the words "and all the people of the land" are held to be an addition.<P>(b) The 2nd narrative (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,\'13-18\');">2Ki 11:13-18a</a>) begins suddenly. Presumably, its earlier part was identical with the earlier part of the 1st narrative, unless <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,6);">2Ki 11:6</a> was a part originally of this 2nd account. Athaliah hears the noise of the people (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,13);">11:13</A>, where "the guard" is a gloss and so to be omitted), and comes to the temple, where she witnesses the revolt and cries, "Treason! treason!" Jehoiada orders her to be put forth (omit "between the ranks" in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,15);">11:15</A>), so that she should not be slain in the temple, and she is murdered at one of the palace entrances (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,16);">11:16</A>, where the Revised Version (British and American), following Septuagint of <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',23,15);">2Ch 23:15</a>, translates the first sentence wrongly: it should be "So they laid hands on her"). Jehoiada then makes the king and the people enter into a solemn covenant to be Yahweh\'s people, and the result is the destruction of the temple of Baal, and the death of Mattan, its priest (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',11,17,18);">1Ki 11:17-18 a</a>). This 2nd narrative gives a religious significance to the revolt, but it is incomplete. The other narrative presents a very natural course of events, for it was absolutely necessary for Jehoiada to secure the allegiance of the royal foreign body-guard.<P>(c) The account in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',23,\'1-21\');">2Ch 23:1-21</a>, though following that of 2Ki in the main, differs from it considerably. The guard is here composed of Levites; it does not mention the foreign body-guard, and relates how the revolt was planned with the Levites of the cities of Judah<61>a method which would have become known to Athaliah and for which she would have made preparations, no doubt. Chronicles makes it a wholly religious movement, while 2 Kings gives two points of view. The value of the Chronicler\'s account depends largely on one\'s estimate of the Books of Chronicles and one\'s views as to the development of the Jewish priestly system. A. Van Hoonacker, Lesacerdoce levitique dans la loi et dans l\'histoire des Hebreux, 93-100, defends the account in 2 Chronicles.<P>2. Jehoiada and the Restoration of the Temple:<P>The part which Jehoiada played in the restoration of the temple buildings is described in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,\'21-\');">2Ki 11:21</A>-<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,16);">12:16 (Hebrew 12:1-17)</a> parallel <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',24,\'1-14\');">2Ch 24:1-14</a>. Here again the narratives of 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles differ to a large extent.<P class="in15">(a) According to 2 Kings,<P class="in30">(i) the priests are commanded by Jehoash to devote the dues or free-will offerings of the people to repairing the breaches in the temple. They fail to do so, and<P class="in30">(ii) Jehoiada is summoned by the king and rebuked. Then<P class="in30">(iii) a new regulation is put into force: the offerings, except the guilt offerings and sin offerings, are no longer to be given to the priests, but to be put into a chest provided in the temple for the purpose.<P class="in30">(iv) The money got in this way is devoted to repairing the temple, but<P class="in30">(v) none of it is used to provide temple vessels.<P class="in15">(b) Chronicles, on the other hand,<P class="in30">(i) relates that the priests and Levites are commanded to go through Judah to collect the necessary money. They "hastened it not." Then<P class="in30">(ii) Jehoiada is summoned to account for this disobedience, and<P class="in30">(iii) a chest is put outside the temple to receive the tax commanded by Moses.<P class="in30">(iv) This the people pay willingly, and the temple is repaired. There is such a surplus that<P class="in30">(v) there is money also to provide vessels for the temple.<P>It is at least questionable whether the additions in 2 Chronicles are trustworthy; the contradictions against 2 Kings are clear, and the latter gives the more likely narrative, although Van Hoonackcr (op. cit., 10114) defends the former.<P>According to <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',24,15);">2Ch 24:15</a>, Jehoiada lived to be 130 years old, and was buried among the kings<67>a unique distinction.<P>(3) The King James Version in <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',3,6);">Ne 3:6</a> = <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=JOIADA">JOIADA</a> (which see).<P>(4) There is a Jehoiada, the priest mentioned in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',29,26);">Jer 29:26</a>, in whose stead Zephaniah was declared priest by Shemaiah in a letter.<P>Giesebrecht takes him to be the same as the priest of Athaliah\'s time (see (2) above), but Duhm says that nothing is known of him. In any case, Zephaniah could not have been the direct successor of the well-known Jehoiada, and so the reference can scarcely be to him if it is to have any meaning.``149';
isbe[4925]='Jehoiakim`je-hoi\'-a-kim (yehoyaqim, "Yahweh will establish"; Ioakeim): The name given him by Pharaoh-necoh, who raised him to the throne as vassal king in place of his brother Jehoahaz, is changed from Eliakim (\'elyaqim, "God will establish"). The change compounds the name, after the royal Judean custom, with that of Yahweh; it may also imply that Necoh claims Yahweh\'s authorization for his act, as in a similar way Sennacherib had claimed it for his invasion of Judah (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',18,25);">2Ki 18:25</a>). He has represented the campaign with which Josiah interfered as undertaken by Divine command (\'El, <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',35,21);">2Ch 35:21</a>); this episode of it merely translates the authorization, rather arrogantly, into the conquered nation\'s dialect.<P>A king of Judah, elder (half-) brother and successor of Jehoahaz; reigned 11 years from 608 BC.<P>I. Sources for His Life and Time.<P>1. Annalistic:<P>The circumstances of his accession and raising of the indemnity to Pharaoh-necoh, followed by a brief resume of his reign, are narrated in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',23,\'34-\');">2Ki 23:34</a>-<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',24,\'1-6\');">24:6</a>. The naming of the source for "the rest of his acts" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',24,5);">24:5</A>) is the last reference we have to "the book of the chronicles of the kings of Judah." The account in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',36,\'5-8\');">2Ch 36:5-8</a>, though briefer still, mentions Nebuchadnezzar\'s looting of the temple at some uncertain date in his reign. Neither account has any good to say of Jehoiakim; to the writer of 2 Kings, however, his ill fortunes are due to Yahweh\'s retributive justice for the sins of Manasseh; while to the Chronicler the sum of his acts, apparently connected with the desecration of the sanctuary, is characterized as "the abominations which he did." For "the rest of his acts" we are referred, also for the last time, to the "book of the kings of Israel and Judah."<P>2. Prophetic:<P>For the moral and spiritual chaos of the time, and for prophecies and incidents throwing much light on the king\'s character, Jeremiah has a number of extended passages, not, however, in consecutive order.<P>The main ones clearly identifiable with this reign are: <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',22,\'13-19\');">2Ki 22:13-19</a>, inveighing against the king\'s tyrannies and predicting his ignominious death; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',26,\'1-\');">2 Kings 25</a>, dated in the beginning of his reign and again predicting (as had been predicted before in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',7,\'2-15\');">7:2-15</A>) the destruction of the temple; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',25,\'1-\');">2 Kings 25</a>, dated in his 4th year and predicting the conquest of Judah and surrounding nations by Nebuchadnezzar; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',36,\'1-\');">2 Kings 36</A>, dated in the 4th and 5th years, and telling the story of the roll of prophecy which the king destroyed; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',45,\'1-\');">2 Kings 45</A>, an appendix from the 4th year, reassuring Baruch the scribe, in terms of the larger prophetic scale, for his dismay at what he had to write; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',46,\'1-\');">2 Kings 46</A>, also an appendix, a reminiscence of the year of Carchemish, containing the oracle then pronounced against Egypt, and giving words of the larger comfort to Judah. The Book of the prophet Habakkuk, written in this reign, gives expression to the prophetic feeling of doubt and dismay at the unrequited ravages of the Chaldeans against a people more righteous than they, with a sense of the value of steadfast faith and of Yahweh\'s world-movement and purpose which explains the seeming enormity.<P>II. Character and Events of His Reign.<P>1. The Epoch:<P>The reign of Jehoiakim is not so significant for any personal impress of his upon his time as for the fact that it fell in one of the most momentous epochs of ancient history. By the fall of Nineveh in 606 to the assault of Nebuchadnezzar, then crown prince of the rising Babylonian empire, Assyria, "the rod of (Yahweh\'s) anger" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',10,5);">Isa 10:5</a>), ended its arrogant and inveterate sway over the nations. Nebuehadnezzar, coming soon after to the Chaldean throne, followed up his victory by a vigorous campaign against Pharaoh-necoh, whom we have seen at the end of Josiah\'s reign (see under <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=JOSIAH">JOSIAH</a>) advancing toward the Euphrates in his attempt to secure Egyptian dominion over Syria and Mesopotamia. The encounter took place in 605 at Carehemish on the northern Euphrates, where Necoh was defeated and driven back to the borders of his own land, never more to renew his aggressions (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',24,7);">2Ki 24:7</a>). The dominating world-empire was now in the hands of the Chaldeans, "that bitter and hasty nation" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Hab\',1,6);">Hab 1:6</a>); the first stage of the movement by which the world\'s civilization was passing from Semitic to Aryan control. With this world-movement Israel\'s destiny was henceforth to be intimately involved; the prophets were already dimly aware of it, and were shaping their warnings and promises, as by a Divine instinct, to that end. It was on this larger scale of things that they worked; it had all along been their endeavor, and continued with increasing clearness and fervor, to develop in Israel a conscience and stamina which should be a leavening power for good in the coming great era (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',2,\'2-4\');">Isa 2:2-4</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mic\',4,\'1-3\');">Mic 4:1-3</a>).<P>2. The King\'s Perverse Character:<P>Of all these prophetic meanings, however, neither the king nor the ruling classes had the faintest realization; they saw only the political exigencies of the moment. Nor did the king himself, in any patriotic way, rise even to the immediate occasion. As to policy, he was an unprincipled opportunist: vassal to Necoh to whom he owed his throne, until Necoh himself was defeated; enforced vassal to Nebuchadnezzar for 3 years along with the other petty kings of Western Asia; then rebelling against the latt er as soon as he thought he could make anything by it. As to responsibility of administration, he had simply the temper of a despotic self-indulgent Oriental. He raised the immense fine that Necoh imposed upon him by a direct taxation, which he farmed out to unscrupulous officials. He indulged himself with erecting costly royal buildings, employing for the purpose enforced and unpaid labor (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',22,\'13-17\');">Jer 22:13-17</a>); while all just interests of his oppressed subjects went wholly unregarded. As to religion, he let matters go on as they had been under Manasseh, probably introducing also the still more strange and heathenish rites from Egypt and the east of which we see the effects in <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',8,\'5-17\');">Eze 8:5-17</a>. And meanwhile the reformed temple-worship which Josiah had introduced seems to have become a mere formal and perfunctory matter, to which, if we may judge by his conspicuous absence from fast and festal occasions (e.g. <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',26,\'1-\');">Jer 26</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',36,\'1-\');">36</a>), the king paid no attention. His impious act of cutting up and burning Jeremiah\'s roll (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',36,23);">Jer 36:23</a>), as also his vindictive pursuit and murder of Uriah for prophesying in the spirit of Jeremiah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',26,\'20-23\');">26:20-23</a>), reveal his antipathy to any word that does not prophesy "smooth things" (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',30,10);">Isa 30:10</a>), and in fact a downright perversity to the name and will of Yahweh.<P>3. The Prophetic Attitude:<P>With the onset of the Chaldean power, prophecy, as represented in the great seers whose words remain to us, reached a crisis which only time and the consistent sense of its Iarger issues could enable it to weather. Isaiah, in his time, had stood for the inviolability of Zion, and a miraculous deliverance had vindicated his sublime faith. But with Jeremiah, conditions had changed. The idea thus engendered, that the temple was bound to stand and with it Jerusalem, an idea confirmed by Josiah\'s centralizing reforms, had become a superstition and a presumption (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',7,4);">Jer 7:4</a>); and Jeremiah had reached the conviction that it, with its wooden rites and glaring abuses, must go: that nothing short of a clean sweep of the old religious fetishes could cure the inveterate unspirituality of the nation. This conviction of his must needs seem to many like an inconsistency<63>to set prophecy against itself. And when the Chaldean appeared on the scene, his counsel of submission and prediction of captivity would seem a double inconsistency; not only a traversing of a tested prophecy, but treason to the state. This was the situation that he had to encounter; and for it he gave his tender feelings, his liberty, his life. It is in this reign of Jehoiakim that, for the sake of Yahweh\'s word and purpose, he is engulfed in the deep tragedy of his career. And in this he must be virtually alone. Habakkuk is indeed with him in sympathy; but his vision is not so clear; he must weather disheartening doubts, and" cherish the faith of the righteous (<a onClick="return mV(\'Hab\',2,4);">Hab 2:4</a>), and wait until the vision of Yahweh\'s secret purpose clears (<a onClick="return mV(\'Hab\',2,\'1-3\');">Hab 2:1-3</a>). If the prophets themselves are thus having such an equivocal crisis, we can imagine how forlorn is the plight of Yahweh\'s "remnant," who are dependent on prophetic faith and courage to guide them through the depths. The humble nucleus of the true Israel, which is some day to be the nation\'s redeeming element, is undergoing a stern seasoning.<P>4. Harassing and Death:<P>After Syria fell into Nebuchadnezzar\'s power, he seems to have established his headquarters for some years at Riblah; and after Jehoiada attempted to revolt from his authority, he sent against him guerrilla bands from the neighboring nations, and detachments from his Chaldean garrisons, who harassed him with raids and depredations. In <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',36,6,7);">2Ch 36:6-7</a>, it is related that Nebuchadnezzar carried some of the vessels of the temple to Babylon and bound the king in fetters to carry him also to Babylon<6F>the latter purpose apparently not carried out. This was in Jehoiada\'s 4th year. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Dan\',1,1,2);">Da 1:1-2</a>, though ascribed to Jehoiakim\'s 3rd year, this same event is related as the result of a siege of Jerusalem. It is ambiguously intimated also that the king was deported; and among "the seed royal and of the nobles" who were of the company were Daniel and his three companions (<a onClick="return mV(\'Dan\',1,3,6);">Da 1:3,6</a>). The manner of Jehoiakim\'s death is obscure. It is merely said (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',24,6);">2Ki 24:6</a>) that he "slept with his fathers"; but Josephus (Ant., X, vi, 3) perhaps assuming that Jeremiah\'s prediction (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',22,19);">Jer 22:19</a>) was fulfilled, states that Nebuchadnezzar slew him and cast his body outside the walls unburied.``66';
isbe[4926]='Jehoiarib`je-hoi\'-a-rib (yehoyaribh, "Yahweh pleads" or "contends"): A priest in Jerusalem (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',9,10);">1Ch 9:10</a>); the name occurs again in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',24,7);">1Ch 24:7</a> as the name of a family among the 24 courses of priests = the family Joiarib (yoyaribh, same meaning as above, <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',1,2,6);">Ne 1:2,6</a>), the head of which is Matrenai in <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',12,19);">Ne 12:19</a>. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',11,10);">Ne 11:10</a> we should probably read ""Jedaiah and Joiarib" for "Jedaiah the son of Joiarib" (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',9,10);">1Ch 9:10</a>). Jehoiarib = Joarib in 1Macc 2:1.``1';
isbe[4927]='Jehonadab`je-hon\'-a-dab (yehonadhabh, either "Yahweh is noble" or "liberal," or "Yahweh has impelled") = Jonadab (yonadhabh, same meaning):<P>(1) Jehonadab in the Hebrew of <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',13,5);">2Sa 13:5</a>; but Jonadab in English Versions of the Bible, and in Hebrew and English Versions of the Bible of <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',13,3,12,35);">13:3,12,35</A>; son of Shimeah, King David\'s brother. He was friendly with Amnon his cousin, and is said to be "a very shrewd (the Revised Version (British and American) "subtle") man." He planned to get Tamar to wait upon Amnon. Two years after, when Absalom had murdered Amnon, and David had heard that all the king\'s sons were assassinated, Jehonadab assured him that only Amnon was killed; and his reassuring tone is justified (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',13,35);">2Sa 13:35</a>); possibly he knew of Absalom\'s intentions. Septuagint, Lucian, has "Jonathan" in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',13,3);">2Sa 13:3</a>ff; and in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',21,21);">2Sa 21:21</a> parallel <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',20,7);">1Ch 20:7</a>, there is mentioned a son of Shimei (= "Shimca," <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',2,7);">1Ch 2:7</a> = "Shammah," <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',16,9);">1Sa 16:9</a>), whose name is Jonathan.<P>See <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=JONATHAN+(1)">JONATHAN, (4)</a>.<P>(2) Jehonadab in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',10,15,23);">2Ki 10:15,23</a>; in Hebrew of <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',35,8,14,16,18);">Jer 35:8,14,16,18</a> = Jonadab in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',35,6,10,19);">Jer 35:6,10,19</a>, and English Versions of the Bible of <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',35,8,14,16,18);">35:8,14,16,18</A>, "son" of Rechab, of the Kenite clan (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',2,55);">1Ch 2:55</a>). Jehonadab is described in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',10,\'1-\');">2Ki 10</a> as an ally of Jehu in the olition of Baal-worship in Samaria. Jehu met him after slaying the son of Ahab (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',10,15);">10:15</A>); the second part of the verse should probably be translated "And he greeted him and said to him, Is thy heart upright (with me) as my heart is with thee? And Jehonadab answered, Yes. Then spake Jehu (so the Septuagint), If so, give me thy hand. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',35,\'1-\');">Jer 35</a> (where English Versions of the Bible has Jonadab throughout), he is called the "father" of the Rechabites, who derived from him their ordinances for their nomadic life and abstention from wine.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=RECHAB;+RECHABITES">RECHAB; RECHABITES</a>`149';
isbe[4928]='Jehonathan`je-hon\'-a-than (yehonathan, "Yahweh has given"): The name is the same as Jonathan: the Hebrew has the two forms for the same person sometimes; sometimes only one is found. See <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=JONATHAN+(1)">JONATHAN</a>. The form "Jehonathan" occurs as follows in English Versions of the Bible:<P>(1) A Levite who took part in teaching the Torah in the cities of Judah under Jehoshaphat (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',17,8);">2Ch 17:8</a> English Versions of the Bible and Hebrew).<P>(2) Head of the priestly family of Shemaiah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',12,18);">Ne 12:18</a> English Versions of the Bible and Hebrew).<P>(3) the King James Version and Hebrew in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',27,25);">1Ch 27:25</a>;`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=JONATHAN+(1)">JONATHAN</a>`1';
isbe[4929]='Jehoram; Joram`je-ho\'-ram, written also in the abbreviated form, (yehoram, yoram, "Yahweh is high"; the Revised Version (British and American) retains "Joram" for Hebrew yehoram in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',9,\'15-24\');">2Ki 9:15-24</a>):<P>(1) Ninth king of Israel (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',1,\'17-\');">2Ki 1:17-9:28</a>), son of Ahab and Jezebel, successor to his brother Ahaziah, who died childless. He began to reign 853 BC, and reigned 12 years (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',3,1);">2Ki 3:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',8,16);">8:16</a>).<P>The statement in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',1,17);">2Ki 1:17</a>, "the second year of Jehoram," follows a system of chronology common to the Lucian group of manuscripts, in which the 1st year of Jehoshaphat falls in the 11th year of Omri; the 24th year of Jehoshaphat in the 1st year of Ahaziah; and the 1st year of Jehoram in the 2nd year of Jehoram of Judah. The double chronology (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',1,17);">2Ki 1:17</a> and <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',3,1);">2Ki 3:1</a>) is due to the intention of the compiler of Kings to refer all the acts of Elisha to the reign of Jehoram, thus dislocating the order of events in that reign. Elisha, however, survived Jehoram many years, and it is possible that some of the events are to be referred to subsequent reigns.<P>I. Ninth King of Israel<P>1. His Religious Policy:<P>It is difficult to estimate the religious character of Jehoram. Apparently the fierce fanaticism of Jezebel and the boldness of Ahab reappear in the son in the form of duplicity and superstition. The attempt of Jezebel to substitute Baal for Yahweh had failed. The people were on the side of Yahweh. Otherwise Jehu could not have carried out his bloody reform. All the worshippers of Baal in the land could be gathered into one temple of Baal (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',10,18);">2Ki 10:18</a>). Evidently Jehoram feared the people. Accordingly he posed as a reformer by putting away the pillar of Baal (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',3,2);">2Ki 3:2</a>), while secretly he worshipped Baal (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',3,13);">2Ki 3:13a</a>). Nevertheless, when he got into straits, he expected to receive the help of Yahweh (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',3,13);">2Ki 3:13</a> b). He had not learned that a dual nature is as impossible as a union of Baal and Yahweh.<P>2. The Moabite War:<P>Immediately upon his accession, Jehoram came into conflict with Mesha, king of Moab (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',3,4);">2Ki 3:4</a>). The account of the conflict is of special interest because of the supplementary information concerning Mesha furnished by the Moabite Stone. There we learn (ll. 1-8) that Moab became tributary to Israel in the days of Omri, and remained so for forty years, but that it rebelled in the days of Ahab. This probably brings us to the statement in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',3,4);">2Ki 3:4</a>ff that Mesha "rendered unto the king of Israel the wool of a hundred thousand lambs, and of a hundred thousand rams," and that "when Ahab was dead,...the king of Moab rebelled against the king of Israel." The victories of Mesha, glorified by the Moabite Stone, possibly took place before the events of <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',3,4);">2Ki 3:4</a>ff. Accordingly, Jehoram resolved to recover the allegiance of the Moabites. He called to his aid the ally of his father, Jehoshaphat, king of Judah, and the latter\'s vassal, the king of Edom. Jehoram was entertained at Jerusalem (Josephus, Ant, IX, ii i, 1). The allies marched against Moab by the longer route, around the southern end of the Dead Sea, indicating that Moab was fortified against attack from the west, and that Israel was weak in the east Jordan country. After the allies had been miraculousl y delivered from perishing for lack of water, they devastated the land and sacked the cities, and finally they succeeded in shutting up Mesha in Kir-hareseth. Driven to despair, Mesha offered his eldest son upon the wall as a burnt offering to Chemosh. This seems to have caused the tide to turn, for "there was great wrath against Israel," and the allies returned to their own land, apparently having failed to secure a lasting advantage.<P>3. The Conflicts with Syria:<P>Assuming that <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',4,\'1-\');">2Ki 4-8</a> belong to the reign of Jehoram, it appears that the Syrians made frequent incursions into the land of Israel, perhaps more in the nature of plundering robber bands than invasions by a regular army (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',6,\'1-\');">2Ki 6</a>). Finally, however, Ben-had in person invaded the country and besieged Samaria. The inhabitants were reduced to horrible straits by famine, when the oppressors took sudden flight and Israel was saved. In the years 849, 848,and 845, Shalmaneser II invaded Syria. It is probable that during this period Jehoram recovered Ramoth-gilead, which had fallen to Syria under Ahab. Hazael succeeded Ben-hadad as ruler of Syria, and his first act, after having murdered his predecessor, was to regain Ramoth-gilead. In the defense of the city, Jehoram, who was assisted by his nephew, Ahaziah, was wounded, and returned to Jezreel to be healed of his wounds.<P>4. The Conspiracy of Jehu:<P>Jehoram left the army at Ramoth-gilead under the command of Jehu, a popular captain of the host. While Jehoram was at Jezreel, Elisha sent a prophet to anoint Jehu as king of Israel. Jehu had been a witness of the dramatic scene when Elijah hurled the curse of Yahweh at Ahab for his crime against Naboth. Jehu at once found in himself the instrument to bring the curse to fulfillment. Accordingly, he conspired his crime against Jehoram With a company of horsemen he proceeded to Jezreel, where Ahaziah was visiting his sick uncle, Jehoram. Jehoram suspected treachery, and, in company with Ahaziah, he rode out to meet Jehu. On his question, "Is it peace, Jehu?" he received a brutal reply that no longer left him in doubt as to the intention of the conspirator. As Jehoram turned to flee, Jehu drew his bow and shot him in the back so that the arrow pierced his heart. His dead body was thrown into the plat of ground that had belonged to Naboth.<P>(2) King of Judah, son of Jehoshaphat (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',8,\'16-24\');">2Ki 8:16-24</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',21,\'1-20\');">2Ch 21:1-20</a>), he began to rule about 849 and reigned 8 years. With reference to the chronological difficulty introduced by <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',1,17);">2Ki 1:17</a>, see (1) above.<P>II. King of Judah<P>1. His Marriage:<P>In the beginning of the reigns of Ahab and Jehoshaphat, an attempt was made to end the old feud between Israel and Judah. At the suggestion of Ahab, the two kingdoms, for the first time, joined forces against the common foe from the north, the Syrians. To seal the alliance, Athaliah, daughter of Jezebel and Ahab, was married to Jehoram, son of Jehoshaphat. Thus Jehoram was brother-in-law to (1) above. No doubt this was considered as a master stroke of conciliatory policy by the parties interested. However, it proved disastrous for Judah. Beyond a doubt, the unholy zeal of Jezebel included the Baalizing of Judah as well as of Israel. This marriage was a step in that direction.<P>2. His Idolatry:<P>"A man shall leave his father and his mother, and shall cleave unto his wife." Jehoram did so. "He walked in the ways of the kings of Israel, as did the house of Ahab" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',8,18);">2Ki 8:18</a>). According to <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',21,11,13);">2Ch 21:11,13</a>, Jehoram not only accepted the religion of Athaliah, but he became a persecutor, compelling the inhabitants of Jerusalem and of the land to become apostates.<P>3. The Letter of Elijah:<P>Because of his gross idolatry and his wickedness, he is said (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',21,12);">2Ch 21:12</a>) to have received a denunciatory letter from the prophet Elijah, which, however, had no effect on him. But this leads to a chronological difficulty. Was Elijah still alive? The inference from <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',3,11);">2Ki 3:11</a> is that he was not. Then, too, the Chronicler otherwise never mentions Elijah. Oettli is of the opinion that one should either read "Elisha" for "Elijah," or else consider the letter to have been the conception of a later writer, who felt that Elijah must have taken note of the wickedness of Jehoram and his wife, Athaliah, daughter of Ahab. In the latter event, the letter might be called a haggadic Midrash.<P>4. His Character:<P>A man\'s religion cannot be divorced from his character. Baalism had in it the elements of tyranny and civic unrighteousness. In keeping with his religion, and in true oriental fashion, Jehoram began his reign by murdering his brothers, and other princes of the land, to whom Jehoshaphat had given valuable gifts and responsible positions. The only event belonging to his reign recorded in Kings is the revolt of Edom.<P>5. The Revolt of Edom:<P>Edom was subdued by David, and, probably with the exception of a temporary revolt under Solomon (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',11,14);">1Ki 11:14</a>), it had remained subject to the united kingdom or to Judah until the revolt under Jehoram The text is somewhat obscure, but both accounts indicate that the expedition of Jehoram against Edom ended in failure. In the account we are told that at the same time Libnah revolted.<P>6. The Raid into Judah:<P>Perhaps the revolt of Libnah should be taken in connection with the invasion of the Philistines and of the Arabians, mentioned in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',21,\'1-\');">2Ch 21</a>. Libnah was located on the south-western border of Judah. Since it was a border city, it is possible that the compiler of Kings considered it as belonging to Philistia. In the account in Chronicles, Jehoram is represented as having lost all his possessions and all his family, save Jehoahaz, the youngest of his sons, when the town was sacked and the palace plundered by the invading force of Philistines and Arabians. The account appears to be based upon reliable sources.<P>7. His Death:<P>In his last days, he was afflicted with a frightful disease in the bowels. His death was unregretted, and his burial without honor. Contrast, however, <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',8,24);">2Ki 8:24</a> with <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',21,20);">2Ch 21:20</a>. Ahaziah, also called Jehoahaz, his younger son, then became king in his stead.``125';
isbe[4930]='Jehoshabeath`je-ho-shab\'-e-ath (yehoshabh\'ath, "Yahweh is an oath"): In <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',22,11);">2Ch 22:11</a> = <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=JEHOSHEBA">JEHOSHEBA</a> (which see) Compare <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,2);">2Ki 11:2</a>.``1';
isbe[4931]='Jehoshaphat (1)`je-hosh\'-a-fat (yehoshaphat, "Yahweh has judged"):<P>(1) King of Judah. See separate article [<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=JEHOSHAPHAT+(2)">Jehoshaphat (2)</a>].<P>(2) Son of Ahilud. He was recorder under David (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',8,16);">2Sa 8:16</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',20,24);">20:24</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',18,15);">1Ch 18:15</a>) and Solomon (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',4,3);">1Ki 4:3</a>).<P>(3) Son of Paruah, and Solomon\'s overseer in Issachar to provide victuals for the royal household for one month of the year (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',4,17);">1Ki 4:17</a>).<P>(4) Son of Nimshi, and father of Jehu, king of Northern Israel (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',9,2,14);">2Ki 9:2,14</a>). His name is omitted in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',9,20);">9:20</a> and <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',19,16);">1Ki 19:16</a>, where Jehu is called "son of Nimshi."<P>(5) the King James Version (but not Hebrew) in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',15,24);">1Ch 15:24</a>; the Revised Version (British and American) correctly <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=JOSHAPHAT">JOSHAPHAT</A> (which see).``149';
isbe[4932]='Jehoshaphat (2)`je-hosh\'-a-fat (yehoshaphat, "Yahweh judges"): The 4th king of Judah, son of Asa. His mother was Azubah, the daughter of Shilhi, of whom nothing further is known. He was 35 years of age at his accession, and reigned 25 years, circa 873-849 BC. Th e history of his reign is contained in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',22,\'41-50\');">1Ki 22:41-50</a> and in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',17,\'1-\');">2Ch 17:1-21:1</a>. The narrative in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',22,\'1-35\');">1Ki 22:1-35a</a> and in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',3,4);">2Ki 3:4</a>ff belongs to the history of the Northern Kingdom. The absence from Kings of the details contained in 2 Chronicles affords no presumpt against their truth. Neither do high numbers, embellished statements, and the coloring of the writer\'s own age destroy the historical perspective.<P>1. His Religious Policy:<P>The reign of Jehoshaphat appears to have been one of unusual religious activity. It was, however, characterized not so much by striking religious measures as it was by the religious spirit that pervaded every act of the king, who sought the favor of Yahweh in every detail of his life (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',17,3,4);">2Ch 17:3-4</a>). He evidently felt that a nation\'s character is determined by its religion. Accordingly, he made it his duty to purify the national worship. The "sodomites," i.e. those who practiced immorality in the worsh ip of Yahweh in the temple precincts, were banished from the land (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',22,46);">1Ki 22:46</a>). The Asherim were taken out of Judah (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',17,6);">2Ch 17:6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',19,3);">19:3</a>), and "the people from Beer-sheba to the hill-country of Ephraim were brought back unto Yahweh, the God of their fathers" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',19,4);">2Ch 19:4</a>). Because of his zeal for Yahweh, Jehoshaphat is rewarded with power and "riches and honor in abundance" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',17,5);">2Ch 17:5</a>).<P>2. His System of Public Instruction:<P>Believing that religion and morals, the civilization, suffer from ignorance, Jehoshaphat introduced a system of public instruction for the whole land (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',17,7);">2Ch 17:7</a>). He appointed a commission, composed of princes, Levites and priests, to go from city to city to instruct the people. Their instruction was to be based on the one true foundation of sound morals and healthy religious life, "the book of the law of Yahweh" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',17,\'7-9\');">2Ch 17:7-9</a>).<P>3. His Judicial Institutions:<P>Next in importance to Jehoshaphat\'s system of public instruction, was his provision for the better administration of justice. He appointed judges to preside over courts of common pleas, which he established in all the fortified cities of Judah. In addition to these local courts, two courts of appeal, an ecclesiastical and a civil court, were established at Jerusalem to be presided over by priests, Levites, and leading nobles as judges. At the head of the ecclesiastical court of appeal was the high priest, and a layman, "the ruler of the house of Judah," headed the civil court of appeal (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',19,\'4-11\');">2Ch 19:4-11</a>). The insistence that a judge was to be in character like Yahweh, with whom there is "no iniquity...nor respect of persons, nor taking of bribes" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',19,7);">2Ch 19:7</a>), is worthy of note.<P>4. His Military Defenses:<P>According to <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',17,2);">2Ch 17:2</a>, Jehoshaphat began his reign with defensive measures against Israel. Furthermore, he built castles and cities of store in the land of Judah, "and he had many works," probably military supplies, "in the cities of Judah" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',17,3);">17:13</A>). He appears to have had a large standing army, including cavalry (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',22,4);">1Ki 22:4</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',17,14);">2Ch 17:14</a>). However, the numbers in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',17,14);">2Ch 17:14</a>ff seem to be impossibly high.<P>5. His Foreign Policy:<P>Godliness and security at home were followed by respect and peace abroad. The fact that the Philistines and the Arabians brought tribute (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',17,11);">2Ch 17:11</a>), and that Edom had no king (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',22,47);">1Ki 22:47</a>), but a deputy instead, who possibly was appointed by Jehoshaphat, would indicate that he held the suzerainty over the nations and tribes bordering Judah on the south and west Holding the suzerainty over the weaker nations, and being allied with the stronger, Jehoshaphat secured the peace for the greater part of his reign (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',17,10);">1Ch 17:10</a>) that fostered the internal development of the kingdom.<P>6. His Alliance with Ahab:<P>In contrast to the former kings of Judah, Jehoshaphat saw greater benefit in an alliance with Israel than in civil war. Accordingly, the old feud between the two kingdoms (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',14,30);">1Ki 14:30</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',15,6);">15:6</a>) was dropped, and Jehoshaphat made peace with Israel (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',22,44);">1Ki 22:44</a>). The political union was cemented by the marriage of Jehoram, son of Jehoshaphat, to Athaliah, daughter of Ahab and Jezebel. Shortly after the marriage, Jehoshaphat joined Ahab in a campaign against Syria (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',18,\'1-3\');">2Ch 18:1-3</a>). In view of the subordinate position that Jehoshaphat seems to take in the campaign (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',22,4,30);">1Ki 22:4,30</a>), and in view of the military service rendered to Jehoram (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',3,4);">2Ki 3:4</a>), Judah seems to have become a dependency of Israel. Nevertheless, the union may have contributed to the welfare and prospity of Judah, and it may have enabled Jehoshaphat to hold the suzerainty over the neighboring nations. However, the final outcome of the alliance with the house of Omri was disastrous for Judah. The introduction into Judah of Baalism more than counterbalanced any political and material advantage gained, and in the succeeding reigns it indirectly led to the almost total extinction of the royal family of Judah (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,1);">2Ki 11:1</a>).<P>7. His Alliance with Jehoram:<P>In spite of the denunciation of the prophet Jehu for his expedition with Ahab, thus "help(ing) the wicked" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',19,2);">2Ch 19:2</a>), Jehoshaphat entered into a similar alliance with Jehoram of Israel (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',3,4);">2Ki 3:4</a>). On the invitation of Jehoram to join him in an expedition against Moab, Jehoshaphat was ready with the same set speech of acceptance as in the case of Ahab (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',3,7);">2Ki 3:7</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',22,4);">1Ki 22:4</a>). For the details of the expedition see <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=JEHORAM">JEHORAM, (1)</A>.<P>8. Victory over the Moabites and Ammonites:<P>The Chronicler has given us a very remarkable account of a victory gained by Jehoshaphat over the Moabites and Ammonites. No doubt he made use of a current historical Midrash. Many find the historical basis of the Midrash in the events recorded in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',3,4);">2Ki 3:4</a>ff. However, the localities are different, and there a defeat is recorded, while in this case we have a victory. The story in outline bears the stamp of probability. <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',22,45);">1Ki 22:45</a> seems to suggest wars of Jehoshaphat that are not mentioned in Kings. The tribes mentioned in the account are represented as trying to make permanent settlement in Judah (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',20,11);">2Ch 20:11</a>). In their advance through the south of Judah, they were doubtless harassed by the shepherd population of the country. Jehoshaphat, according to his custom, sought the help of Yahweh. The invading forces fell to quarreling among themselves (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',20,23);">2Ch 20:23</a>), and destroyed one another. The spoil was great because the invaders had brought all their goods with them, expecting to remain in the land.<P>9. Destruction of Jehoshaphat\'s Fleet:<P>The destruction of Jehoshaphat\'s fleet is recorded in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',22,48,49);">1Ki 22:48-49</a> and in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',20,\'35-37\');">2Ch 20:35-37</a>. However, the two accounts are quite different. According to Kings, Jehoshaphat built ships of Tarshish to sail to Ophir for gold, but the vessels were wrecked at zion-geber. Thereupon Ahaziah offered to assist Jehoshaphat with seamen, but Jehoshaphat refused to enter into the alliance. According to Chronicles the alliance had been formed, and together they built ships at Ezion-geber, which were destroyed because Jehoshaphat had made an alliance with the wicked king of Israel. In view of Jehoshaphat\'s other alliances, the Chronicler may be in the right. Chronicles, however, misunderstood the term "ships of Tarshish."<P>10. His Death:<P>Jehoshaphat died at the age of 60. Josephus says (Ant., IX, iii, 2) that he was buried in a magnificent manner, for he had imitated the actions of David. The kingdom was left to Jehoram, who inaugurated the beginning of his reign by causing the massacre of his brethren.``125';
isbe[4933]='Jehoshaphat, Valley of`(\'emeq yehoshaphat); the latter word means "Yahweh judgeth," and \'emeq, "wide," "open valley"; Septuagint he koilas Iosaphat): The name is used in <a onClick="return mV(\'Joe\',3,2,12);">Joe 3:2,12</a> of the scene of Judgment: "Let the nations bestir themselves, and come up to the valley of Jehoshaphat; for there will I sit to judge all the nations round about" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Joe\',3,12);">Joe 3:12</a>). "The valley of decision" (or "sharp judgment") is another name the prophet gives to this spot (<a onClick="return mV(\'Joe\',3,14);">Joe 3:14</a>). Some have identified it with the valley (\'emeq) of <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=BERACAH">BERACAH</a> (which see) of <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',20,26);">2Ch 20:26</a>, where King Jehoshaphat obtained a great victory, but this is improbable.<P>Since the 4th century AD the <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=KIDRON">KIDRON</a> (which see) valley has been named the Valley of Jehoshaphat. The tradition is now strongest among the Moslems who point out the exact scene of the Judgment; the Bridge As Sirat, dividing heaven and hell, is to stretch across this valley from the Charam area to the Mount of Olives. It is, however, the ambition of every pious Jew to be buried on the slopes of this valley, to be at hand at the resurrection. This, too, was an ordinary place for Jewish graves in preexilic times (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',23,6);">2Ki 23:6</a>, etc.). The valley today, especially that part adjacent to the temple, is crowded with Moslem and Jewish graves. A worthless tradition indicates the tomb of Jehoshaphat himself close to the so-called "Pillar of Absalom." See <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=KING\'S+VALE">KING\'S VALE</A>. There is not the slightest reason for believing that this is the spot referred to by Joel<65>indeed he may have spoken of an ideal spot only. The valley of the Kidron is a nachal ("ravine"), not an \'emeq ("broad valley"). It is impos sible not to suspect that there is some connection between the name Jehoshaphat and the name of a village near the head of this valley<65>Shaphat; perhaps at one time it was Wady Shaphat, which name would readily suggest the traditional one.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=GEHENNA">GEHENNA</a>`117';
isbe[4934]='Jehosheba`je-hosh\'-e-ba, je-ho-she\'-ba (yehoshebha\', "Yahweh is an oath"): Called "Jehoshabeath" in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',22,11);">2Ch 22:11</a>; daughter of Jehoram king of Judah, possibly by a wife other than Athaliah (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,2);">2Ki 11:2</a>). According to <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',22,11);">2Ch 22:11</a>, she was the wife of Jehoiada, the priest. She hid Jehoash, the young son of King Ahaziah, and so saved his life from Queen Athaliah.``1';
isbe[4935]='Jehoshua`je-hosh\'-u-a (yehoshua\', "Yahweh is deliverance," or "is opulence"): The usual Hebrew form of the name "Joshua"; it occurs in the King James Version of <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',13,16);">Nu 13:16</a> (the American Standard Revised Version "Hoshea"); and in some editions of the King James Version in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',7,27);">1Ch 7:27</a>, where others have the form "Jehoshuah" (h being wrongly added at the end).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=JOSHUA+(1)">JOSHUA</a>`1';
isbe[4936]='Jehovah`je-ho\'-va, je-ho\'-va.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=GOD,+NAMES+OF">GOD, NAMES OF</a>`1';
isbe[4937]='Jehovah, Servant of``<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=SERVANT+OF+JEHOVAH">SERVANT OF JEHOVAH</a>`1';
isbe[4938]='Jehovah-Jireh`je-ho\'-va-ji\'-re (yahweh yir\'-eh, "Yahweh sees"): The name given by Abraham to the place where he had sacrificed a ram provided by God, instead of his son Isaac (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',22,14);">Ge 22:14</a>). The meaning plainly is that the Lord sees and provides for the necessities of His servants. There is an allusion to <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',22,8);">Ge 22:8</a> where Abraham says, "God will provide himself (the Revised Version, margin "will see for himself") the lamb for a burnt offering." The verse (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',22,14);">22:14</A> the King James Version) goes on to connect the incident with the popular proverb, "In the mount of the Lord it shall be seen" (the Revised Version (British and American) "provided"), the Revised Version margin suggests "he shall be seen." "The mount of Yahweh" in other places denotes the temple hill at Jerusalem (<a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',24,3);">Ps 24:3</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',2,3);">Isa 2:3</a>, etc.). With changes of the punctuation very different readings have been suggested. According to Swete\'s text: "And Abraham called the name of that place (the) \'Lord saw\' (aorist) in order that they may say today: \'In the mountain (the) Lord was seen\'"(aorist). Septuagint reads, "In the mountain Yahweh seeth," or "will see." If there is merely a verbal connection between the clauses we should most naturally read, "In the mount of Yahweh one is seen (appears)," i.e. men, people, appear<61>the reference being to the custom of visiting the temple at pilgrimages (Driver, HDB, under the word). But if the connection of the proverb with the name "Yahweh-jireh" depends on the double sense of the word "see," then the best explanation may be, Yahweh sees the needs of those who come to worship before Him on Zion, and there "is seen," i.e. reveals Himself to them by answering their prayers and supplying their wants. His "seeing," in other words, takes practical effect in a "being seen" (ibid.).``54';
isbe[4939]='Jehovah-Nissi`je-ho\'-va nis\'-i (yahweh nicci, "Yahweh is my banner"): So Moses named the altar which he reared to signalize the defeat of the Amalekites by Israel under Joshua, at Rephidim (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',17,15);">Ex 17:15</a>). Septuagint translates "the Lord my refuge," deriving nicci from nuc, "to flee." Targum Onkelos reads, "Moses built an altar and worshipped on it before Yahweh, who had wrought for him miracles" (niccin). The suggestion is that the people should rally round God as an army gathers round its standard. He it is who leads them to victory.``1';
isbe[4940]='Jehovah-Shalom`je-ho\'-va sha\'-lom (yahweb shalom, "Yahweh is peace"): This was the name given by Gideon to the altar he built at Ophra, in allusion to the word spoken to him by the Lord, "Peace be unto thee" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',6,24);">Jud 6:24</a>). It is equivalent to "Yahweh is well disposed."``1';
isbe[4941]='Jehovah-Shammah`je-ho\'-va sham\'-a (yahweh shammah, "Yahweh is there"): The name to be given to the new Jerusalem, restored and glorified, as seen in the vision of Ezekiel (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',48,35);">48:35</A> margin; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Rev\',21,3);">Re 21:3</a>). Yahweh returns to the temple which He had forsaken, and from that time forward the fact of supreme importance is that He is there, dwelling in the midst of His people.``1';
isbe[4942]='Jehovah-Tsidkenu (Tsidkenu)`je-ho\'-va tsid-ke\'-nu, tsid\'-ke-nu (yahweh tsidhqenu, "Yahweh (is) our righteousness"): The symbolic name given<P>(1) to the king who is to reign over the restored Israel (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',23,6);">Jer 23:6</a>);<P>(2) to the state or capital (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',33,16);">Jer 33:16</a>).``1';
isbe[4943]='Jehozabad`je-hoz\'-a-bad (yehozabhadh, "Yahweh has bestowed"):<P>(1) A servant of King Jehoash of Judah. According to <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',12,21);">2Ki 12:21 (Hebrew 22)</a>, he was a son of Shomer, but <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',24,26);">2Ch 24:26</a> makes him "son of Shimrith the Moabitess."<P>(2) A Korahite doorkeeper, son of Obed-edom (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',26,4);">1Ch 26:4</a>).<P>(3) A Benjamite, one of King Jehoshaphat\'s warriors (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',17,18);">2Ch 17:18</a>).``1';
isbe[4944]='Jehozadak`je-hoz\'-a-dak (yehotsadhaq, "Yahweh is righteous"): Priest at the time of the captivity under Nebuchadrezzar (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',6,14,15);">1Ch 6:14-15</a>. He was the father of Joshua (Jeshua) the priest (<a onClick="return mV(\'Hag\',1,1,12,14);">Hag 1:1,12,14</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Hag\',2,2,4);">2:2,4</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Zec\',6,11);">Zec 6:11</a>). the King James Version has Josedech in Hag and Zec. Same as "Jozadak" (yotsadhaq, same meaning) in <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',3,2,8);">Ezr 3:2, 8</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',5,2);">5:2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',10,18);">10:18</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',12,26);">Ne 12:26</a>; and = "Josedek" (King James Version "Josedec") of 1Esdras 5:5,48,56; 6:2; 9:19; Sirach 49:12.``1';
isbe[4945]='Jehu`je\'-hu (yehu; meaning uncertain, perhaps "Yahweh is he"; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',19,16,17);">1Ki 19:16-17</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',9,\'1-\');">2Ki 9</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',10,\'1-\');">10</a>; Eiou): Son of Jehoshaphat, and descendant of Nimshi, hence, commonly called "the son of Nimshi"; 10th king of Israel, and founder of its IVth Dynasty. Jehu reign for 28 years. His accession may be reckoned at circa 752 BC (some date a few years later).<P>1. Officer of Ahab:<P>A soldier of fortune, Jehu appears first as an officer in the body-guard of Ahab. To himself we owe the information that he was present at the judicial murder of Naboth, and that Naboth\'s sons were put to death with their father (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',9,26);">2Ki 9:26</a>). He was in attendance when Ahab drove from Samaria to inspect his new possession in Jezreel, and was witness of the dramatic encounter at the vineyard between the king and the prophet Elijah (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',21,16);">1Ki 21:16</a>ff). Years after, Jehu reminded Bidkar, his captain (literally, "thirdsman," in chariot), of the doom they had there heard pronounced upon Ahab and his house (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',9,25);">2Ki 9:25</a>). It was in fulfillment of this doom that Jehu at that time ordered the body of the slain Jehoram to be thrown into the enclosure which had once been Naboth\'s (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',9,26);">2Ki 9:26</a>). Ahab\'s temporary repentance averted the punishment from himself for a few years (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',21,\'27-29\');">1Ki 21:27-29</a>), but the blow fell at the battle of Ramoth-gilead, and Jehu would not be unmindful of the prophet\'s words as he beheld the dogs licking Ahab\'s blood as they washed his chariot "by the pool of Samaria" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',22,38);">1Ki 22:38</a>).<P>2. Jehoram at Ramoth-gilead and Jezreel:<P>A different fate awaited Ahab\'s two sons. The elder, Ahaziah, died, after a short reign, from the effects of an accident (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',1,\'1-\');">2Ki 1</a>). He was succeeded by his brother Jehoram, who toward the close of his reign of 12 years (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',3,1);">2Ki 3:1</a>) determined on an attempt to recover Ramoth-gilead, where his father had been fatally stricken, from Hazael, of Syria. Ramoth-gilead was taken (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',9,14);">2Ki 9:14</a>), but in the attack the Israelite king was severely wounded, and was taken to Jezreel to be healed of his wounds (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',9,15);">2Ki 9:15</a>). The city meanwhile was left in charge of Jehu and his fellow-captains. At Jezreel he was visited by Ahaziah, of Judah, who had taken part with him in the war (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',8,28,29);">2Ki 8:28-29</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',9,16);">9:16</a>).<P>3. The Anointing of Jehu:<P>The time was now ripe for the execution of the predicted vengeance on the house of Ahab, and to Elisha the prophet, the successor of Elijah, it fell to take the decisive step which precipitated the crisis. Hazael and Jehu had already been named to Elijah as the persons who were to execute the Divine judgment, the one as king of Syria, the other as king of Israel (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',19,\'15-17\');">1Ki 19:15-17</a>). Elijah was doubtless aware of this commission, which it was now his part, as respected Jehu, to fulfill. A messenger was hastily dispatched to Ramoth-gilead, with instructions to seek out Jehu, take him apart, anoint him king of Israel in Yahweh\'s name, and charge him with the task of utterly destroying the house of Ahab in punishment for the righteous blood shed by Ahab and Jezebel. The messenger was then to flee. This was done, and Jehu, the sacred oil poured on his head, found himself alone with this appalling trust committed to him (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',9,\'1-10\');">2Ki 9:1-10</a>).<P>4. The Revolution<6F>Death of Jehoram:<P>Events now moved rapidly. Jehu\'s companions were naturally eager to know what had happened, and on learning that Jehu had been anointed king, they at once improvised a throne by throwing their garments on the top of some steps, blew the trumpet, and proclaimed, "Jehu is king." Not a moment was lost. No one was permitted to leave the city to carry forth tidings, and Jehu himself, with characteristic impetuosity, set out, with a small body of horsemen, in his chariot to Jezreel. Bidkar was there as charioteer (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',9,25);">2Ki 9:25</a>). As they came within sight of the city, a watchman reported their advance, and messengers were sent to inquire as to their errand. These were ordered to fall into the rear. This conduct awakened suspicion, and Jehoram and Ahaziah<61>who was still with his invalided kinsman<61>ordered their chariots, and proceeded in person to meet Jehu. The companies met at the ill-omened field of Naboth, and there the first stroke of vengeance fell. The anxious query, "Is it peace?" was answered by a storm of denunciation from Jehu, and on Jehoram turning to flee, an arrow from Jehu\'s powerful bow shot him through the heart, and he sank dead in his chariot. Ahaziah likewise was pursued, and smitten "at the ascent of Gur, which is by Ibleam." He died at Megiddo, and was taken to Jerusalem for burial in the sepulcher of the kings (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',9,\'11-28\');">2Ki 9:11-28</a>). A somewhat variant account of Ahaziah\'s death is given in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',22,9);">2Ch 22:9</a>. It is possible that Jehu came to Megiddo or its neighborhood, and had to do with his end there.<P>5. Death of Jezebel:<P>The slaughter of Jehoram was at once followed by that of the chief instigator of all the crimes for which the house of Ahab suffered<65>the queen-mother Jezebel. Hot from the pursuit of Ahaziah, Jehu pressed on Jezreel. Jezebel, now an aged woman, but still defiant, had painted and attired herself, and, looking from her window, met him as he drove into the palace court, with the insulting question, "Is it peace, thou Zimri, thy master\'s murderer?" (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',16,\'9-12\');">1Ki 16:9-12</a>). Jehu\'s answer was an appeal for aid from those within. Two or three eunuchs of the palace gave signs of their concurrence. These, at Jehu\'s bidding, threw Jezebel down into the courtyard, where, lying in her blood, she was trodden under foot by the chariot horses. When, a little later, her remains were sought for burial, she was found to have been almost wholly devoured by the dogs<67>a lurid commentary on Elijah\'s earlier threatening, which was now recalled (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',9,\'30-37\');">2Ki 9:30-37</a>). Jehu was an intrepid minister of judgment, but the pitiless zeal, needless cruelty, and, afterward, deceit, with which he executed his mission, withdraw our sympathy from him, as it did that of a later prophet (<a onClick="return mV(\'Hsa\',1,4);">Ho 1:4</a>).<P>6. Slaughter of Ahab\'s Descendants:<P>The next acts of Jehu reveal yet more clearly his thoroughness of purpose and promptitude of action, while they afford fresh exhibitions of his ruthlessness and unscrupulousness of spirit. Samaria was the capital of the kingdom, and headquarters of the Baal-worship introduced by Jezebel, though it is recorded of Jehoram that he had removed, at least temporarily, an obelisk of Baal which his father had set up (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',3,2);">2Ki 3:2</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',10,26);">10:26</a>). The city was still held for the house of Ahab, and 70 of Ahab\'s "son"<22>to be taken here in the large sense of male descendants<74>resided in it (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',10,1,6);">2Ki 10:1,6</a>). Jehu here adopted a bold and astute policy. He sent letters to Samaria challenging those in authority to set up one of their master\'s sons as king, and fight for the city and the kingdom. The governors knew well that they could make no effective resistance to Jehu, and at once humbly tendered their submission. Jehu, in a second message, bade them prove their sincerity by delivering to him the heads of the 70 princes of Ahab\'s house in baskets. This they did, by their act irrevocably committing themselves to Jehu\'s cause (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',10,9);">2Ki 10:9</a>). The ghastly relics were piled up in two heaps at the gate of Jezreel<65>a horrible object lesson to any still inclined to hesitate in their allegiance. Friends and partisans of the royal house shared the fate of its members (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',10,11);">2Ki 10:11</a>).<P>7. Slaughter of Ahaziah\'s Brethren:<P>Apart from the faultiness in the agent\'s motive, the deeds now recounted fell within the letter of Jehu\'s commission. As much cannot be said of the deeds of blood that follow. Jehu had killed Ahaziah, king of Judah. Now, on his way to Samaria, he met a company of 42 persons, described as "brethren of Ahaziah"<22>evidently blood-relations of various degrees, as Ahaziah\'s own brethren had been earlier slain by the Arabians (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',21,17);">2Ch 21:17</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',22,1);">22:1</a>)<29>and, on learning who they were, and of their purpose to visit their kinsfolk at Jezreel, gave orders that they be slain on the spot, and their bodies ignominiously thrown into the pit (or "cistern") of the shearing-house where he had encountered them. It was a cruel excess for which no sufficient justification can be pleaded (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',10,\'12-14\');">2Ki 10:12-14</a>).<P>8. Massacre of the Worshippers of Baal:<P>Still less can the craft and violence be condoned by which, when he reached Samaria, Jehu evinced his "zeal for Yahweh" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',10,16);">2Ki 10:16</a>) in the extirpation of the worshippers of Baal. Jehu had secured on his side the support of a notable man<61>Jehonadab the son of Rechab (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',10,15,16);">2Ki 10:15-16</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',35,\'6-19\');">Jer 35:6-19</a>)<29>and his entrance into Samaria was signalized by further slaying of all adherents of Ahab. Then, doubtless to the amazement of many, Jehu proclaimed himself an enthusiastic follower of Baal. A great festival was organized, to which all prophets, worshippers, and priests of Baal were invited from every part of Israel. Jehu himself took the leading part in the sacrifice (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',10,25);">2Ki 10:25</a>). Vestments were distributed to distinguish the true worshippers of Baal from others. Then when all were safely gathered into "the house of Baal," the gates were closed, and 80 soldiers were sent in to massacre the whole deluded company in cold blood. None escaped. The temple of Baal was broken up. Thus, indeed, "Jehu destroyed Baal out of Israel" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',10,28);">2Ki 10:28</a>), but at what a frightful cost of falsehood and treacherous dealing! (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',10,\'18-28\');">2Ki 10:18-28</a>).<P>9. Wars with Hazael:<P>The history of Jehu in the Bible is chiefly the history of his revolution as now narrated. His reign itself is summed up in a few verses, chiefly occupied with the attacks made by Hazael, king of Syria, on the trans-Jordanic territories of Israel (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',10,32,33);">2Ki 10:32-33</a>). These districts were overrun, and remained lost to Israel till the reign of Jehu\'s great-grandson, Jeroboam II (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',14,28);">2Ki 14:28</a>).<P>10. Assyrian Notices:<P>It is in another direction, namely, to the annals of Assyria, we have to look for any further information we possess on the reign of Jehu In these annals, fortunately, some interesting notices are preserved. In 854 BC was fought the great battle of Qarqar (a place between Aleppo and Hamath), when Shalmaneser II, king of Assyria, defeated a powerful combination formed against him (Damascus, Hamath, Philistia Ammon, etc.). Among the allies on this occasion is mentioned "Ahabbu of Sir\'-ilaa," who took the third place with 2,000 chariots and 10,000 footmen. There is a difficulty in supposing Ahab to have been still reigning as late as 854, and Wellhausen, Kamphausen and others have suggested that Ahab\'s name has been confused with that of his successor Jehoram in the Assyrian annals. Kittel, in his History of the Hebrews (II,233,English translation) is disposed to accept this view. G. Smith, in his Assyrian Eponym Canon (179), is of the opinion that the tribute lists were often carelessly compiled and in error as to names. The point of interest is that from this time Israel was evidently a tributary of Assyria.<P>11. Tribute of Jehu:<P>With this accord the further notices of Israel in the inscriptions of Shalmaneser II, two in number. Both belong to the year 842 BC and relate to Jehu. On Shalmaneser\'s Black Obelisk is a pictorial representation of "the tribute of Jehu, son of Omri." An ambassador kneels before the conqueror, and presents his gifts. They include silver, gold, a gold cup, gold vessels, a golden ladle, lead, a staff for the king\'s hand, scepters. An allusion to the same event occurs in the annals of Shalmaneser\'s campaign against Hazael of Syria in this year. "At that time I received the tribute of the Tyrians, Sidonians, of Jehu, son of Omri."<P>There are some indications that in his latter years, which were clouded with misfortune, Jehu associated with himself his son Jehoahaz in the government (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',13,1,10);">2Ki 13:1,10</a>, where Jehoahaz comes to the throne in the 23rd, and dies in the 37th year of Jehoash of Judah<61>14 years<72>yet has a total reign of 17 years). Jehu is not mentioned in Chronicles, except incidentally in connection with the death of Ahaziah (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',22,9);">2Ch 22:9</a>), and as the grandfather of Jehoash (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',25,17);">2Ch 25:17</a>).<P>The character of Jehu is apparent from the acts recorded of him. His energy, determination, promptitude, and zeal fitted him for the work he had to do. It was rough work, and was executed with relentless thoroughness. Probably gentler measures would have failed to eradicate Baal-worship from Israel. His impetuosity was evinced in his furious driving (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',9,20);">2Ki 9:20</a>). He was bold, daring, unscrupulous, and masterful and astute in his policy. But one seeks in vain in his character for any touch of magnanimity, or of the finer qualities of the ruler. His "zeal for Yahweh" was too largely a cloak for merely worldly ambition. The bloodshed in which his rule was rounded early provoked a reaction, and his closing years were dark with trouble. He is specially condemned for tolerating the worship of the golden calves (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',10,\'29-31\');">2Ki 10:29-31</a>). Nevertheless the throne was secured to his dynasty for four generations (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',10,30);">2Ki 10:30</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',15,12);">15:12</A>).``17';
isbe[4946]='Jehubbah`je-hub\'-a (yechubbah, meaning unknown): A descendant of Asher, mentioned in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',7,34);">1Ch 7:34</a>, where Qere is wechubbah, "and Hubbah," but Kethibh is yachbah; the Septuagint\'s Codex Vaticanus follows the Qere.``1';
isbe[4947]='Jehucal`je-hu\'-kal (yechukhal, probably meaning "Yahweh is able"): A courtier sent by King Zedekiah to Jeremiah to ask the prophet to pray for the king and the people (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',37,3);">Jer 37:3</a>). Most versions except Septuagint, with <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',38,1);">Jer 38:1</a>, have "Jucal" (yukhal, same meaning).``1';
isbe[4948]='Jehud`je\'-hud (yehudh): A town in the lot of Dan named between Baalath and Bene-berak (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',19,45);">Jos 19:45</a>). The only possible identification seems to be with el-Yehudiyeh, which lies about 8 miles east of Jaffa.``1';
isbe[4949]='Jehudi`je-hu\'-di (yehudhi, properly "a Jew"): An officer of King Jehoiakim (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',36,14,21,23);">Jer 36:14, 21, 23</a>). He was sent by the princes to summon Baruch to read the roll containing Jeremiah\'s prophecies to them; he afterward read them to the king, who destroyed them. His name is noteworthy, as also is that of his grandfather Cushi (i.e. "Ethiopian"), and the two are said to point to a foreign origin.``1';
isbe[4950]='Jehudijah`je-hu-di\'-ja (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',4,18);">1Ch 4:18</a> the King James Version).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=HA-JEHUDIJAH">HA-JEHUDIJAH</a>`1';
isbe[4951]='Jehuel`je-hu\'-el (Kethibh yechu\'el; but Qere yechi\'-el, i.e. "Jehiel" the King James Version, in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',29,14);">2Ch 29:14</a>): A Levite.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=JEHIEL">JEHIEL</a>`1';
isbe[4952]='Jehush`je\'-hush (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',8,39);">1Ch 8:39</a>).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=JEUSH">JEUSH</a>`1';
isbe[4953]='Jeiel`je-i\'-el (ye\'i\'el, meaning unknown):<P>(1) A Reubenite (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',5,7);">1Ch 5:7</a>).<P>(2) In <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',8,29);">1Ch 8:29</a>, added in the Revised Version (British and American) from <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',9,35);">9:35</A>, where Kethibh is "Jeuel," an ancestor of King Saul; the King James Version "Jehiel."<P>(3) One of David\'s mighty men (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',11,44);">1Ch 11:44</a>). the King James Version is "Jehiel"; Kethibh is "Jeuel."<P>(4) A Levite, keeper of the ark with Obed-edom (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',15,18);">1Ch 15:18, 21</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',16,5);">16:5</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',20,14);">2Ch 20:14</a>), called "Jehiah" in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',15,24);">1Ch 15:24</a>.<P>(5) A Levite (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',16,5);">1Ch 16:5</a>) = "Jaaziel" of <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',15,18);">1Ch 15:18</a> (which see).<P>(6) A scribe under King Uzziah (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',26,11);">2Ch 26:11</a>).<P>(7) A chief of the Levites, present at King Josiah\'s great Passover feast (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',35,9);">2Ch 35:9</a>).<P>(8) One of those who had married foreign wives (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',10,43);">Ezr 10:43</a>) = "Juel" in 1Esdras 9:35.<P>(9) the King James Version in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',29,14);">2Ch 29:14</a>; see <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=JEHIEL">JEHIEL, (5)</a>.<P>(10) the King James Version in <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',8,13);">Ezr 8:13</a>; see <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=JEUEL">JEUEL, (3)</A>.``149';
isbe[4954]='Jekabzel`je-kab\'-ze-el (yeqabhtse\'el, "God gathers"; <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',11,25);">Ne 11:25</a>).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=KABZEEL">KABZEEL</a>`1';
isbe[4955]='Jekameam`jek-a-me\'-am, je-kam\'-e-am (yeqam\'-am probably "may kinsman establish"): Head of a Levitical house (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',23,19);">1Ch 23:19</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',24,23);">24:23</a>). The meaning of the name depends upon that of (\'am) in compound names; see H P N, 46, 51ff.``1';
isbe[4956]='Jekamiah`jek-am-mi\'-a (yeqamyah, "may Yahweh establish"):<P>(1) A Judahite, son of Shallum (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',2,41);">1Ch 2:41</a>).<P>(2) A son of King Jeconiah (Jehoiachin); in the King James Version "Jecamiah" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',3,18);">1Ch 3:18</a>).``1';
isbe[4957]='Jekuthiel`je-ku\'-thi-el (yeqthi\'el meaning doubtful): A Judahite (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',4,18);">1Ch 4:18</a>). The meaning may be "preservation of God" or perhaps the same as yoqthe\'el, "Joktheel," the name of a place in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',15,38);">Jos 15:38</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',14,7);">2Ki 14:7</a>.``1';
isbe[4958]='Jemimah`je-mi\'-ma (yemimah, perhaps a diminutive meaning "little dove"): The first daughter of Job (<a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',42,14);">42:14</a>), born after his restoration from affliction.``1';
isbe[4959]='Jemnaan`jem\'-na-an (Iemnaan): A city on the coast of Palestine; mentioned among those affected by the expedition of Holofernes (Judith 2:28; 3:1ff). The name is used for Jabniel, generally called "Jamnia" by the Greek writers.``1';
isbe[4960]='Jemuel`je-mu\'-el (yemu\'el, meaning unknown): A "son" of Simeon (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',46,10);">Ge 46:10</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',6,15);">Ex 6:15</a>) = "Nemuel" in <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',26,12);">Nu 26:12</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',4,24);">1Ch 4:24</a>.<P>The Syriac version has "Jemuel" in the 4 passages, but Gray (H P N, 307, note 6) thinks "Jemuel" is more probably a correction in Gen than "Nemuel" in Numbers.``1';
isbe[4961]='Jeopard; Jeopardy`jep\'-ard, jep\'-ar-di: The Eng, word referred originally to a game where the chances were even (from OFr. jeu parti); transferred thence to designate any great risk. In the New Testament, represented by the Greek verb kinduneuo (<a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',8,23);">Lu 8:23</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',15,30);">1Co 15:30</a>). In the Old Testament (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',5,18);">Jud 5:18</a>) for a Hebrew idiom, "despise the soul," i.e. they placed a small value upon their lives (Vulgate "offered their souls to death"); for elliptical expression, "went with their lives," in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',23,17);">2Sa 23:17</a> margin.``1';
isbe[4962]='Jephthah`jef\'-tha (yiphtach, "opened," or "opener," probably signifying "Yahweh will open"; Iephthae; used as the name of a place, as in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',15,43);">Jos 15:43</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',19,14);">19:14</a>; of a man, <a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',10,\'6-\');">Jud 10:6-12:7</a>): Ninth judge of the Israelites. His antecedents are obscure. Assuming Gilead to be the actual name of his father, his mother was a harlot. He was driven from home on account of his illegitimacy, and went to the land of Tobit in eastern Syria (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',11,2,3);">Jud 11:2-3</a>). Here he and his followers lived the life of freebooters.<P>The Israelites beyond the Jordan being in danger of an invasion by the Ammonites, Jephthah was invited by the elders of Gilead to be their leader (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',11,5,6);">Jud 11:5-6</a>). Remembering how they had expelled him from their territory and his heritage, Jephthah demanded of them that in the event of success in the struggle with the Ammonites, he was to be continued as leader. This condition being accepted he returned to Gilead (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',11,\'7-11\');">Jud 11:7-11</a>). The account of the diplomacy used by Jephthah to prevent the Ammonites from invading Gilead is possibly an interpolation, and is thought by many interpreters to be a compilation from <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',20,\'1-\');">Nu 20</A>-<a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',21,\'1-\');">21</a>. It is of great interest, however, not only because of the fairness of the argument used (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',11,\'12-28\');">Jud 11:12-28</a>), but also by virtue of the fact that it contains a history of the journey of the Israelites from Lower Egypt to the banks of the Jordan. This history is distinguished from that of the Pentateuch chiefly by the things omitted. If diplomacy was tried, it failed to dissuade the Ammonites from seeking to invade Israel. Jephthah prepared for battle, but before taking the field paused at Mizpeh of Gilead, and registered a vow that if he were successful in battle, he would offer as a burnt offering to Yahweh whatsoever should first come from his doors to greet him upon his return (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',11,\'29-31\');">Jud 11:29-31</a>). The battle is fought, Jephthah is the victor, and now his vow returns to him with anguish and sorrow. Returning to his home, the first to greet him is his daughter and only child. The father\'s sorrow and the courage of the daughter are the only bright lights on this sordid, cruel conception of God and of the nature of sacrifice. That the sacrifice was made seems certain from the narrative, although some critics choose to substitute for the actual death of the maiden the setting the girl apart for a life of perpetual virginity. The Israelite laws concerning sacrifices and the language used in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',11,39);">Jud 11:39</a> are the chief arguments for the latter interpretation. The entire narrative, however, will hardly bear this construction (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',11,\'34-40\');">11:34-40</A>).<P>Jephthah was judge in Israel for 6 years, but appears only once more in the Scripture narrative. The men of Ephraim, offended because they had had no share in the victory over the Ammonites, made war upon Gilead, but were put to rout by the forces under Jephthah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',12,\'1-6\');">Jud 12:1-6</a>).``158';
isbe[4963]='Jephunneh`je-fun\'-e (yephunneh, meaning uncertain):<P>(1) Father of Caleb (<a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',13,6);">Nu 13:6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',14,6,30);">14:6,30</a>, etc.).<P>According to <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',13,6);">Nu 13:6</a>, he was of the tribe of Judah; according to <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',32,12);">32:12</A>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',14,6);">Jos 14:6</a>, a Kenizzite; the Kenizzites were incorporated in Judah (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',4,\'13-15\');">1Ch 4:13-15</a>).<P>(2) A son of Jether, an Asherite (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',7,38);">1Ch 7:38</a>).``1';
isbe[4964]='Jerah`je\'-ra (yerach): A son of Joktan (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',10,26);">Ge 10:26</a> parallel <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',1,20);">1Ch 1:20</a>). No district Jerah has been discovered. However, Yurakh in Yemen and Yarach in Hijaz are places named by the Arabic geographers. The fact that the word in Hebrew means "moon" has led to the following suggestions: the Banu Hilal ("sons of the new moon") in the north of Yemen; Ghubb el-Qamar ("the bay of the moon"), Jebel el-Qamar ("the mountains of the moon") in eastern Chadramant. But in Southern Arabia worship of the moon has caused the word to bulk largely in place-names.``1';
isbe[4965]='Jerahmeel; Jerahmeelites`je-ra\'-me-el, je-ra\'-me-el-its (yerachme\'el, "may God have compassion!"):<P>(1) In <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',2,9,\'25-27\',33,42);">1Ch 2:9,25-27,33,42</a>, he is described as the son of Hezron, the son of Perez, the son of Judah by Tamar his daughter-in-law (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',38,\'1-\');">Ge 38</a>). In <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',27,10);">1Sa 27:10</a> is mentioned the neghebh of the (ha-yerach-me\'eli, a collective noun), the Revised Version (British and American) "the south of the Jerahmeelites." The latter is a tribal name in use probably before the proper name, above; their cities are mentioned in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',30,29);">1Sa 30:29</a>. Cheyne has radical views on Jerahmeel. See EB, under the word; also T. Witton Davies in Review of Theology and Philosophy, III, 689-708 (May, 1908); and Cheyne\'s replies in Hibbert Journal, VII, 132-51 (October, 1908), and Decline and Fall of the Kingdom of Judah.<P>(2) A Merarite Levite, son of Kish (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',24,29);">1Ch 24:29</a>).<P>(3) "The king\'s son," the Revised Version (British and American) and the King James Version margin (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',36,26);">Jer 36:26</a>). the Revised Version margin, the King James Version have "son of Hammelech," taking the word ha-melek as a proper name. He was "probably a royal prince, one who had a king among his ancestors but not necessarily son of the ruling king; so <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',38,6);">38:6</A>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',22,26);">1Ki 22:26b</a>; especially <a onClick="return mV(\'Zep\',1,8);">Ze 1:8</a> written at a time when the reigning king, Josiah, could not have had a grown-up \'son\' "(Driver, Jeremiah, 224, note e). Jerahmeel was with two others commanded by Jehoiakim to arrest Jeremiah and Baruch.``149';
isbe[4966]='Jerechu; Jerechus`jer\'-e-ku, jer\'-e-kus the King James Version (1Esdras 5:22).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=JERICHO">JERICHO</a>`1';
isbe[4967]='Jered`je\'-red (yeredh, "descent"): A Judahite, father of Gedor (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',4,18);">1Ch 4:18</a>).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=JARED">JARED</a>`1';
isbe[4968]='Jeremai`jer\'-e-mi, jer-e-ma\'-i (yeremay, meaning unknown): One of those who had married foreign wives (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',10,33);">Ezr 10:33</a>).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=JEREMIAS">JEREMIAS</a>`1';
isbe[4969]='Jeremiah (1)`jer-e-mi\'-a<P>(a) yirmeyahu, or<P>(b) shorter form, yirmeyah, both differently explained as "Yah establishes (so Giesebrecht), whom Yahweh casts," i.e. possibly, as Gesenius suggests, "appoints" (A. B. Davidson in HDB, II, 569a), and "Yahweh looseneth" (the womb); see BDB:<P>The form (b) is used of Jeremiah the prophet only in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',27,1);">Jer 27:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',28,5,6,10,11,12,15);">28:5-6,10-12b,15</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',29,1);">29:1; <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',1,1);">Ezr 1:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Dan\',9,2);">Da 9:2</a>, while the other is found 116 times in Jeremiah alone. In 1Esdras 1:28,32,47,57; 2Esdras 2:18, English Versions of the Bible has "Jeremy," so the King James Version in 2Macc 2:1,5,7; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',2,17);">Mt 2:17</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',27,9);">27:9</a>; in <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',16,14);">Mt 16:14</a>, the King James Version has "Jeremias," but the Revised Version (British and American) in 2Maccabees and Matthew has "Jeremiah."<P>(1) The prophet. See special article <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=JEREMIAH+(2)">Jeremiah (2)</a>. Of the following, (2), (3) and (4) have form (a) above; the others the form (b).<P>(2) Father of Hamutal (Hamital), the mother of King Jehoahaz and King Jehoiakim (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',23,31);">2Ki 23:31</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',24,18);">24:18</a> parallel <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',52,1);">Jer 52:1</a>).<P>(3) A Rechabite (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',35,3);">Jer 35:3</a>).<P>(4) In <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',12,13);">1Ch 12:13 (Hebrew 14)</a>, a Gadite.<P>(5) In <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',12,10);">1Ch 12:10</a> (<span class="noTag">Hebrew 11</span>), a Gadite.<P>(6) In <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',12,4);">1Ch 12:4 (Hebrew 5)</a>, a Benjamite(?) or Judean. (4), (5) and (6) all joined David at Ziklag.<P>(7) Head of a Manassite family (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',5,24);">1Ch 5:24</a>).<P>(8) A priest who sealed the covenant with Nehemiah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',10,2);">Ne 10:2</a>), probably the same as he of <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',12,34);">12:34</A> who took part in the procession at the dedication of the walls of Jerusalem.<P>(9) A priest who went to Jerusalem with Zerubbabel from exile and became head of a priestly family of that name (<a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',12,1);">Ne 12:1</a>).``149';
isbe[4970]='Jeremiah (2)`jer-e-mi\'-a:<P>1. Name and Person<P>2. Life of Jeremiah<P>3. The Personal Character of Jeremiah<P>4. The Prophecies of Jeremiah<P>5. The Book of Jeremiah<P>6. Authenticity and Integrity of the Book<P>7. Relation to the Septuagint (Septuagint)<P>LITERATURE<hr /><P>1. Name and Person:<P>The name of one of the greatest prophets of Israel. The Hebrew yirmeyahu, abbreviated to yirmeyah, signifies either "Yahweh hurls" or "Yahweh founds." Septuagint reads Iermias, and the Vulgate (Jerome\'s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) Jeremias. As this name also occurs not infrequently, the prophet is called "the son of Hilkiah" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',1,1);">Jer 1:1</a>), who is, however, not the high priest mentioned in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',22,\'1-\');">2Ki 22</a> and <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',23,\'1-\');">23</A>, as it is merely stated that he was "of the priests that were in Anathoth" in the land of Benjamin In Anathoth, now Anata, a small village 3 miles northeast of Jerusalem, lived a class of priests who belonged to a side line, not to the line of Zadok (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',2,26);">1Ki 2:26</a>).<P>2. Life of Jeremiah:<P>Jeremiah was called by the Lord to the office of a prophet while still a youth (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',1,6);">1:6</a>) about 20 years of age, in the 13th year of King Josiah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',1,2);">1:2</a>;<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',25,3);"> 25:3</A>), in the year 627 BC, and was active in this capacity from this time on to the destruction of Jerusalem, 586 BC, under kings Josiah, Jehoahaz, Jehoiakim, Jehoiachin, and Zedekiah. Even after the fall of the capital city he prophesied in Egypt at least for several years, so that his work extended over a period of about 50 years in all. At first he probably lived in Anathoth, and put in his appearance publicly in Jerusalem only on the occasion of the great festivals; later he lived in Jerusalem, and was there during the terrible times of the siege and the destruction of the city.<P>Although King Josiah was God-fearing and willing to serve Yahweh, and soon inaugurated his reformation according to the law of Yahweh (in the 18th year of his reign), yet Jeremiah, at the time when he was called to the prophetic office, was not left in doubt of the fact that the catastrophe of the judgment of God over the city would soon come (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',1,\'11-\');">1:11</A>ff); and when, after a few years, the Book of the Law was found in the temple (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',22,\'1-\');">2Ki 22</a> and <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',23,\'1-\');">23</A>), Jeremiah preached "the words of this covenant" to the people in the town and throughout the land (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',11,\'1-8\');">11:1-8</A>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',17,\'19-27\');">17:19-27</a>), and exhorted to obedience to the Divine command; but in doing this then and afterward he became the object of much hostility, especially in his native city, Anathoth. Even his own brethren or near relatives entered into a conspiracy against him by declaring that he was a dangerous fanatic (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',12,6);">12:6</A>). However, the condition of Jeremiah under this pious king was the most happy in his career, and he lamented the latter\'s untimely death in sad lyrics, which the author of Chronicles was able to use (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',35,25);">2Ch 35:25</a>), but which have not come down to our times.<P>Much more unfavorable was the prophet\'s condition after the death of Josiah. Jehoahaz-Shallum, who ruled only 3 months, received the announcement of his sentence from Jeremiah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',22,10);">22:10</A>ff). Jehoiakim (609-598 BC) in turn favored the heathen worship, and oppressed the people through his love of luxury and by the erection of grand structures (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',22,13);">Jer 22:13</a>). In addition, his politics were treacherous. He conspired with Egypt against his superior, Nebuchadnezzar. Epoch-making was the 4th year of Jehoiakim, in which, in the battle of Carchemish, the Chaldeans gained the upper hand in Hither Asia, as Jeremiah had predicted (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',46,\'1-12\');">46:1-12</A>). Under Jehoiakim Jeremiah delivered his great temple discourse (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',7,\'1-\');">Jer 7-9</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',10,\'17-25\');">10:17-25</a>). The priests for this reason determined to have the prophet put to death (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',26,\'1-\');">Jer 26</a>). However, influential elders interceded for him, and the princes yet showed some justice. He was, however, abused by the authorities at the appeal of the priests (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',20,\'1-\');">Jer 20</a>). According to <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',36,1);">36:1</A>ff, he was no longer permitted to enter the place of the temple. For this reason the Lord commanded him to collect his prophecies in a bookroll, and to have them read to the people by his faithful pupil Baruch (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',36,\'1-\');">Jer 36</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',45,\'1-\');">Jer 45</a>). The book fell into the hands of the king, who burned it. However, Jeremiah dictated the book a second time to Baruch, together with new additions.<P>Jehoiachin or Coniah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',22,24);">Jer 22:24</a>), the son of Jehoiakim, after a reign of 3 months, was taken into captivity to Babylon by Nebuchadnezzar, together with a large number of his nobles and the best part of the people (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',24,1);">Jer 24:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',29,2);">29:2</a>), as the prophet had predicted (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',22,\'20-30\');">Jer 22:20-30</a>). But conditions did not improve under Zedekiah (597-586 BC). This king was indeed not as hostile to Jeremiah as Jehoiakim had been; but all the more hostile were the princes and the generals, who were now in command after the better class of these had been deported to Babylon. They continually planned rebellion against Babylon, while Jeremiah was compelled to oppose and put to naught every patriotic agitation of this kind. Finally, the Babylonian army came in order to punish the faithles s vassal who had again entered into an alliance with Egypt. Jeremiah earnestly advised submission, but the king was too weak and too cowardly as against his nobles. A long siege resulted, which caused the direst sufferings in the life of Jeremiah. The commanders threw him into a vile prison, charging him with being a traitor (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',37,11);">37:11</a>ff). The king, who consulted him secretly, released him from prison, and put him into the "court of the guard" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',37,17);">37:17</A>ff), where he could move around freely, and could again prophesy. Now that the judgment had come, he could again speak of the hopeful future (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',32,\'1-\');">Jer 32</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',33,\'1-\');">33</a>). Also <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',30,\'1-\');">Jer 30</a> and <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',31,\'1-\');">31</A>, probably, were spoken about this time. But as he continued to preach submission to the people, those in authority cast him into a slimy cistern, from which the pity of a courtier, Ebed-melech, delivered him (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',39,\'15-18\');">39:15-18</A>). He again returned to the court of the guard, where he remained until Jerusalem was taken.<P>After the capture of the city, Jeremiah was treated with great consideration by the Babylonians, who knew that he had spoken in favor of their government (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',39,11);">39:11</a>ff; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',40,1);">40:1</a>ff). They gave him the choice of going to Babylon or of remaining in his native land. He decided for the latter, and went to the governor Gedaliah, at Mizpah, a man worthy of all confidence. But when this man, after a short time, was murdered by conscienceless opponents, the Jews who had been left in Palestine, becoming alarmed and fearing the vengeance of the Chaldeans, determined to emigrate to Egypt. Jeremiah advised against this most earnestly, and threatened the vengeance of Yahweh, if the people should insist upon their undertaking (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',42,1);">42:1</A>ff). But they insisted and even compelled the aged prophet to go with them (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',43,1);">43:1</A>ff). Their first goal was Tahpanhes (Daphne), a town in Lower Egypt. At this place he still continued to preach the word of God to his fellow-Israelites; compare the latest of his preserved discourses in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',43,\'8-13\');">43:8-13</a>, as also the sermon in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',44,\'1-\');">Jer 44</a>, delivered at a somewhat later time but yet before 570 BC. At that time Jeremiah must have been from 70 to 80 years old. He probably died soon after this in Egypt. The church Fathers report that he was stoned to death at Daphne by the Jews (Jerome, Adv. Jovin, ii, 37; Tertullian, Contra Gnost., viii; Pseudepiphan. De Proph., chapter viii; Dorotheus, 146; Isidorus, Ort. et Obit. Patr., chapter xxxviii). However, this report is not well founded. The same is the case with the rabbinical tradition, according to which he, in company with Baruch, was taken from Egypt to Babylon by Nebuchadnezzar, and died there (Cedher \'Olam Rabba\' 26).<P>3. The Personal Character of Jeremiah:<P>The Book of Jeremiah gives us not only a fuller account of the life and career of its author than do the books of the other prophets, but we also learn more about his own inner and personal life and feelings than we do of Isaiah or any other prophet. From this source we learn that he was, by nature, gentle and tender in his feelings, and sympathetic. A decided contrast to this is found in the hard and unmerciful judgment which it was his mission to announce. God made him strong and firm and immovable like iron for his mission (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',1,18);">1:18</A>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',15,20);">15:20</A>). This contrast between his naturally warm personal feelings and his strict Divine mission not rarely appears in the heart-utterances found in his prophecies. At first he rejoiced when God spoke to him (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',15,16);">15:16</A>); but soon these words of God were to his heart a source of pain and of suffering (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',15,17);">15:17</a>ff). He would have preferred not to utter them; and then they burned in his breast as a fire (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',20,7);">20:7</a>ff; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',23,9);">23:9</a>). He personally stood in need of love, and yet was not permitted to marry (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',16,1);">16:1</A>f). He was compelled to forego the pleasures of youth (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',15,17);">15:17</A>). He loved his people as nobody else, and yet was always compelled to prophesy evil for it, and seemed to be the enemy of his nation. This often caused him to despair. The enmity to which he fell a victim, on account of his declaration of nothing but the truth, he deeply felt; see his complaints (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',9,1);">9:1</a>ff; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',12,5);">12:5</a>f; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',15,10);">15:10</A>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',17,\'14-18\');">17:14-18</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',18,23);">18:23</a>, and often). In this sad antagonism between his heart and the commands of the Lord, he would perhaps wish that God had not spoken to him; he even cursed the day of his birth (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',15,10);">15:10</A>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',20,\'14-18\');">20:14-18</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',3,1);">Job 3:1</a>ff). Such complaints are to be carefully distinguished from that which the Lord through His Spirit communicated to the prophet. God rebukes him for these complaints, and demands of him to repent and to trust and obey Him (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',15,19);">Jer 15:19</a>). This discipline makes him all the more unconquerable. Even his bitter denunciations of his enemies (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',11,20);">Jer 11:20</a>ff; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',15,15);">15:15</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',17,18);">17:18</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',16,\'21-23\');">18:21-23</A>) originated in part in his passionate and deep nature, and show how great is the difference between him and that perfect Sufferer, who prayed even for His deadly enemies. But Jeremiah was nevertheless a type of that Suffering Saviour, more than any of the Old Testament saints. He, as a priest, prayed for his people, until God forbade him to do so (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',7,16);">7:16</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',11,14);">11:14</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',14,11);">14:11</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',18,20);">18:20</a>). He was compelled more than all the others to suffer through the anger of God, which was to afflict his people. The people themselves also felt that he meant well to them. A proof of this is seen in the fact that the rebellious people, who always did the contrary of what he had commanded them, forced him, the unwelcome prophet of God, to go along with them, to Egypt, because they felt that he was their good genius.<P>4. The Prophecies of Jeremiah:<P>What Jeremiah was to preach was the judgment upon Judah. As the reason for this judgment Jeremiah everywhere mentioned the apostasy from Yahweh, the idolatry, which was practiced on bamoth, or the "high places" by Judah, as this had been done by Israel. Many heathenish abuses had found their way into the life of the people. Outspoken heathenism had been introduced by such men as King Manasseh, even the sacrifice of children to the honor of Baal-Molech in the valley of Hinnom (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',7,31);">7:31</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',19,15);">19:5</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',32,35);">32:35</a>), and the worship of "the queen of heaven" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',7,18);">7:18</A>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',44,19);">44:19</A>). It is true that the reformation of Josiah swept away the worst of these abominations. But an inner return to Yahweh did not result from this reformation. For the reason that the improvement had been more on the surface and outward, and was done to please the king, Jeremiah charges up to his people all their previous sins, and the guilt of the present generation was yet added to this (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',16,11);">16:11</a>f). Together with religious insincerity went the moral corruption of the people, such as dishonesty, injustice, oppression of the helpless, slander, and the like. Compare the accusations found in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',5,1);">5:1</a>ff, <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',5,7);">7</a>f; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',5,26);">26</a>ff; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',6,7,13);">6:7,13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',7,5,9);">7:5f; 9</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',9,2,6,8);">9:2,6,8</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',17,9);">17:9</a>ff; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',21,12);">21:12</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',22,13);">22:13</a>ff; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',23,10);">23:10</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',29,23);">29:23</a>, etc. Especially to the spiritual leaders, the priests and prophets, are these things charged up.<P>The judgment which is to come in the near future, as a punishment for the sins of the people, is from the outset declared to be the conquest of the country through an enemy from abroad. In this way the heated caldron with the face from the north, in the vision containing the call of the prophet (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',1,13);">Jer 1:13</a>), is to be understood. This power in the north is not named until the 4th year of Jehoiakim (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',25,\'1-\');">Jer 25</a>), where Nebuchadnezzar is definitely designated as the conqueror. It is often thought, that, in the earlier years of his career, Jeremiah had in mind the Scythians when he spoke of the enemies from the north, especially in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',4,\'1-\');">Jer 4-6</a>. The Scythians (according to Herodotus i.103ff) had, probably a few years before Jeremiah\'s call to the prophetic office, taken possession of Media, then marched through Asia Minor, and even forced their way as far as Egypt. They crossed through Canaan, passing by on their march from east to west, near Beth-shean (Scythopolis). The ravages of this fierce people probably influenced the language used by Jeremiah in his prophecies (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',4,11);">4:11</a>ff; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',5,15);">5:15</a>ff; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',6,3);">6:3</a>ff, <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',6,22);">22</a>ff). But it is unthinkable that Jeremiah expected nothing more than a plundering and a booty-seeking expedition of the Scythian nomad hordes. Chariots, such as are described in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',4,13);">4:13</a>, the Scythians did not possess. Moreover, it must not be forgotten that Jeremiah from the outset speaks of a deportation of his people to this foreign land (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',3,18);">3:18</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',5,19);">5:19</a>), while an exile of Israel in the country of the Scythians was out of the question. At all events from the 4th year of Jehoiakim, Jeremiah regards the Chaldeans as the enemy who, according to his former announcement, would come from the north. It is possible that it was only in the course of time that he reached a clear conviction as to what nation was meant by the revelation from God. But, upon further reflection, he must have felt almost certain on this subject, especially as Isaiah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',39,6);">39:6</a>), Micah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mic\',4,10);">4:10</a>), and, soon after these, Habakkuk had named Babylon as the power that was to carry out the judgment upon Israel. Other prophets, too, regard the Babylonians as belonging to the northern group of nations (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Zec\',6,8);">Zec 6:8</a>), because they always came from the north, and because they were the legal successors of the Assyrians.<P>In contrast to optimistic prophets, who had hoped to remedy matters in Israel (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',6,14);">Jer 6:14</a>), Jeremiah from the beginning predicted the destruction of the city and of the sanctuary, as also the end of the Jewish nation and the exile of the people through these enemies from abroad. According to <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',25,11);">25:11</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',29,10);">29:10</a>, the Babylonian supremacy (not exactly the exile) was to continue for 70 years; and after this, deliverance should come. Promises to this effect are found only now and then in the earlier years of the prophet (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',3,14);">3:14</a>ff; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',12,14);">12:14</A>ff; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',16,14);">16:14</a>f). However, during the time of the siege and afterward, such predictions are more frequent (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',23,\'1-6\');">23:1</a>ff; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',24,6,7);">24:6</a>f; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',47,\'2-7\');">47:2-7</a>; and in the "Book of Comfort," chapters <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',30,\'1-\');">30-33</a>).<P>What characterizes this prophet is the spiritual inwardness of his religion; the external theocracy he delivers up to destruction, because its forms were not animated by God-fearing sentiments. External circumcision is of no value without inner purity of heart. The external temple will be destroyed, because it has become the hiding-place of sinners. External sacrifices have no value, because those who offer them are lacking in spirituality, and this is displeasing to God. The law is abused and misinterpreted (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',8,8);">Jer 8:8</a>); the words of the prophets as a rule do not come from God. Even the Ark of the Covenant is eventually to make way for a glorious presence of the Lord. The law is to be written in the hearts of men (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',31,31);">Jer 31:31</a>). The glories of the Messianic times the prophet does not describe in detail but their spiritual character he repeatedly describes in the words "Yahweh our righteousness" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',23,6);">Jer 23:6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',33,16);">33:16</a>). However, we must not over-estimate the idealism of Jeremiah. He believed in a realistic restoration of theocracy to a form, just as the other prophets (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',31,\'1-\');">Jer 31</a>-<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',32,\'1-\');">32</a>, <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',38,\'1-\');">38</a>, <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',39,\'1-\');">39</a>, <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',40,\'1-\');">40</a>).<P>As far as the form of his prophetic utterances is concerned, Jeremiah is of a poetical nature; but he was not only a poet. He often speaks in the meter of an elegy; but he is not bound by this, and readily passes over into other forms of rhythms and also at times into prosaic speech, when the contents of his discourses require it. The somewhat monotonous and elegiac tone, which is in harmony with his sad message to the people, gives way to more lively and varied forms of expression, when the prophet speaks of other and foreign nations. In doing this he often makes use of the utterances of earlier prophets.<P>5. The Book of Jeremiah:<P>The first composition of the book is reported in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',36,1);">Jer 36:1</a>ff. In the 4th year of Jehoiakim, at the command of Yahweh, he dictated all of the prophecies he had spoken down to this time to his pupil Baruch, who wrote them on a roll. After the destruction of this book-roll by the king, he would not be stopped from reproducing the contents again and making additions to it (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',36,32);">Jer 36:32</a>). In this we have the origin of the present Book of Jeremiah. This book, however, not only received further additions, but has also been modified. While the discourses may originally have been arranged chronologically, and these reached only down to the 4th year of King Jehoiakim, we find in the book, as it is now, as early as <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',21,1);">Jer 21:1</a>ff; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',23,1);">23:1</a>ff; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',26,1);">26:1</A>ff, discourses from the times of Zedekiah. However, the 2nd edition (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',36,28);">Jer 36:28</a>) contained, no doubt, <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',25,\'1-\');">Jer 25</a>, with those addresses directed against the heathen nations extant at that time. The lack of order, from a chronological point of view, in the present book, is attributable also to the fact that historical accounts or appendices concerning the career of Jeremiah were added to the book in later times, e.g. <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',26,\'1-\');">Jer 26</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',35,\'1-\');">35</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',36,\'1-\');">36</a> and others; and in these additions are also found older discourses of the prophet. Beginning with <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',37,\'1-\');">Jer 37</a>, the story of the prophet during the siege of Jerusalem and after the destruction of the city is reported, and in connection with this are his words and discourses belonging to this period.<P>It is a question whether these pieces, which are more narrative in character, and which are the product of a contemporary, probably Baruch, at one time constituted a book by themselves, out of which they were later taken and incorporated in the book of the prophet, or whether they were inserted by Baruch. In favor of the first view, it may be urged that they are not always found at their proper places chronologically; e.g. <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',26,\'1-\');">Jer 26</a> is a part of the temple discourse in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',7,\'1-\');">Jer 7<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',8,\'1-\');">; 8</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',9,\'1-\');">9</a>. However, this "Book of Baruch," which is claimed by some critics to have existed as a separate book beside that of Jeremiah, would not furnish a connected biography, and does not seem to have been written for biographical purposes. It contains introductions to certain words and speeches of the prophet and statements of what the consequences of these had been. Thus it is more probable that Baruch, at a later time, made supplementary additions to the original book, which the prophet had dictated without any personal data. But in this work the prophet himself may have cooperated. At places, perhaps, the dictation of the prophet ends in a narrative of Baruch (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',19,\'14-\');">Jer 19:14</a>-<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',20,\'1-6\');">20:6</a>), or vice versa. Baruch seems to have written a historical introduction, and then Jeremiah dictated the prophecy (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',27,1);">27:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',18,1);">18:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',32,1);">32:1</a>ff, and others). Of course, the portions of the book which came from the pen of Baruch are to be regarded as an authentic account.<P>6. Authenticity and Integrity of the Book:<P>However, critics have denied to Jeremiah and his pupil certain sections of the present book, and they claim that these belong to a later date. Among these <span class="noTag">is</a> <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',10,\'1-16\');">10:1-16</a>, containing a warning to those in the exile against idolatry (and related to <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',40,\'1-\');">Isa 40</a>ff) which, it is claimed, could not possibly in this form and fullness be the work of Jeremiah. Also <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',17,\'19-27\');">17:19-27</a> is without reason denied to Jeremiah, upon the ground that he could not have thought of emphasizing the Sabbath law. He was, however, no modern idealist, but respected also the Divine ordinances (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',11,\'1-8\');">11:1-8</a>). Then <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',25,\'1-\');">Jer 25</a> is rejected by some, while others attack especially <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',25,\'12-14\');">25:12-14</a> and <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',25,\'27-38\');">25:27-38</a>; but in both cases without reason. On the other hand, we admit that <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',25,25);">25:25</a> and also <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',25,13);">25:13</a>f are later additions. The words, "all that is written in this book, which Jeremiah hath prophesied against all the nations," are probably a superscription, which has found its way into the text. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',25,26);">25:26</a> the words, "and the king of Sheshach shall drink after them," are likewise considered spurious. Sheshach is rightly regarded here, as in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',51,41);">51:41</a>, as a cipher for "Babel," but the use of \'At-bash (a cipher in which the order of the letters of the Hebrew alphabet is reversed, taw (t) for \'aleph (\'), shin (sh) for beth (b), etc., hence, SHeSHaKH = BaBHeL, see the commentaries) does not prove spuriousness. The sentence is not found in the Septuagint. The attacks made on <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',30,\'1-\');">Jer 30</a> and <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',30,\'1-\');">31</A> are of little moment. <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',33,\'14-26\');">Jer 33:14-26</a> is not found in the Septuagint, and its contents, too, belong to the passages in Jeremiah that are most vigorously attacked. Critics regard Jeremiah as too spiritual to have perpetuated the Levitical priesthood. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',39,1,2,\'4-10\');">Jer 39:1-2, 4-10</a> are evidently additions that do not belong to this place. The remaining portion can stand. Among the discourses against the nations, <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',46,\'1-\');">Jer 46-51</a>, those in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',46,\'1-12\');">46:1-12</A>, spoken immediately preceding the battle of Carchemish, cannot be shown to be unauthentic; even <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',46,\'13-28\');">46:13-28</a> are also genuine. The fact, however, is that the text has suffered very much. Nor are there any satisfactory reasons against the prophecy in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',47,\'1-\');">Jer 47</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',48,\'1-\');">48</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',49,\'1-\');">49</a>, if we assume that Jeremiah reasserted some of his utterances against the heathen nations that did not seem to have been entirely fulfilled. <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',50,\'1-\');">Jer 50</a> and <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',51,\'1-\');">51</A>, the discourses against Babylon, have the distinct impress of Jeremiah. This impression is stronger than the doubts, which, however, are not without weight. The events in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',51,59);">51:59</A>ff, which are not to be called into question, presuppose longer addresses of Jeremiah against Babylon. The possibility, however, remains that the editing of these utterances as found in the present book dates from the time after 586 BC. That any influence of Deutero-Isaiah or later authors can be traced in Jeremiah cannot be shown with any certainty. <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',52,\'1-\');">Jer 52</a> was written neither by Jeremiah nor for his book, but is taken from the Books of Kings, and is found there almost verbatim (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',24,\'1-\');">2Ki 24</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',25,\'1-\');">25</a>).<P>7. Relation to the Septuagint (Septuagint):<P>A special problem is furnished by the relation of the text of Jeremiah to the Alexandrian version of the Seventy (Septuagint). Not only does the Hebrew form of the book differ from the Greek materially, much more than this is the case in other books of the Old Testament, but the arrangement, too, is a different one. The oracle concerning the heathen nations (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',46,\'1-\');">Jer 46-51</a>) is in the Septuagint found in the middle of <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',25,\'1-\');">Jer 25</a>, and that, too, in an altogether different order (namely, <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',49,35,46);">49:35ff, 46</A>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',50,\'1-\');">50</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',51,\'1-\');">51</A>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',47,\'1-7\');">47:1-7</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',49,\'7-22\');">49:7-22</A>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',49,\'1-5\',\'28-33\');">49:1-5, 28-33</A>, <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',49,\'23-27\');">23-27</A>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',48,\'1-\');">48</a>). In addition, the readings throughout the book in many cases are divergent, the text in the Septuagint being in general shorter and more compact. The Greek text has about 2,700 Hebrew words less than the authentic Hebrew text, and is thus about one-eighth shorter.<P>As far as the insertion of the addresses against the heathen nations in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',29,\'1-\');">Jer 29</a> is concerned, the Greek order is certainly not more original than is the Hebrew. It rather tears apart, awkwardly, what is united in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',25,\'1-\');">Jer 25</a>, and has probably been caused by a misunderstanding. The words of <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',25,13);">25:13</A> were regarded as a hint that here the discourses against the heathen were to follow. Then, too, the order of these discourses in the Greek text is less natural than the one in Hebrew. In regard to the readings of the text, it has been thought that the text of the Septuagint deserves the preference on account of its brevity, and that the Hebrew text had been increased by additions. However, in general, the Greek version is very free, and often is done without an understanding of the subject; and there are reasons to believe that the translator shortened the text, when he thought the style of Jeremiah too heavy. Then, too, where he met with repetitions, he probably would omit; or did so when he found trouble with the matter or the language. This does not deny that his translation in many places may be correct, and that additions may have been made to the Hebrew text.<P>LITERATURE.<P>Calvin, Praelectiones in Librum Prophetiae Jeremiah et Thren, Geneva, 1653; Sebastian Schmidt, Commentarii in libr. prophet. Jeremiah, Argent, 1685. Modern commentary by Hitzig, Ewald, Graf, Nagelsbach, Keil; also Cheyne (Pulpit Comm.), Peake, Duhm, and von Orelli.``131';
isbe[4971]='Jeremiah, Epistle of``<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=JEREMY,+THE+EPISTLE+OF">JEREMY, THE EPISTLE OF</a>`1';
isbe[4972]='Jeremiah, the Lamentations of``<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=LAMENTATIONS">LAMENTATIONS</a>`1';
isbe[4973]='Jeremias`jer-e-mi\'-as (Ieremias):<P>(1) Named among the sons of Baani as one of those who had married foreign wives (1Esdras 9:34). In <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',10,33);">Ezr 10:33</a> we find, "Jeremai" among the sons of Hashum. In 1Esdras it should come in <span class="noTag">9:33</span> before Manasses.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=JEREMIAH">JEREMIAH</a>`1';
isbe[4974]='Jeremiel`jer-e-mi\'-el (Latin Hieremihel, al. Jeremiel, "El hurls" or "El appoints"): the King James Version margin and the Revised Version (British and American) in 2Esdras 4:36 for the King James Version "Uriel." He is here called the "archangel" who answers the questions raised by the souls of the righteous dead. He is perhaps identical with Ramiel of Apocrypha Baruch or Remiel of Eth Enoch.``1';
isbe[4975]='Jeremoth`jer\'-e-moth<P>(a) yeremoth and<P>(b) yeremowth,<P>(c) yerimowth, meaning unknown:<hr /><P>Of the following (1) has form (b), (5) the form (c), the rest (a).<P>(1) In <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',7,8);">1Ch 7:8</a> (the King James Version "Jerimoth"), and<P>(2) In <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',8,14);">1Ch 8:14</a>, Benjamites. Compare <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=JEROHAM">JEROHAM, (2)</A>.<P>(3) In <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',23,23);">1Ch 23:23</a>, and (4) in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',25,22);">1Ch 25:22</a> = "Jerimoth," <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',24,30);">24:30</A>; heads of Levitical houses.<P>(5) A Naphtalite, one of David\'s tribal princes (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',27,19);">1Ch 27:19</a>); the King James Version "Jerimoth."<P>(6) (7) (8) Men who had married foreign wives. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',10,26);">Ezr 10:26</a> (= "Hieremoth," 1Esdras 9:27); <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',10,27);">Ezr 10:27</a> (= "Jarimoth," 1Esdras 9:28); <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',10,29);">Ezr 10:29</a> (= "Hieremoth," 1Esdras 9:30); the Qere of the last is weramoth, "and Ramoth"; so the Revised Version margin, the King James Version.``149';
isbe[4976]='Jeremy`jer\'-e-mi.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=JEREMIAH">JEREMIAH</a>`1';
isbe[4977]='Jeremy, the Epistle of`jer\'-e-mi, (Epistole Ieremiou):<P>1. Name<P>2. Canonicity and Position<P>3. Contents<P>4. Original Language<P>5. Authorship, Date and Aim<P>6. Text and Versions<P>LITERATURE<hr /><P>1. Name:<P>In manuscripts Vaticanus and Alexandrinus the title is simply "An Epistle of Jeremiah." But in Codex Vaticanus, etc., there is a superscription introducing the letter: "Copy of a letter which Jeremiah sent to the captives about to be led to Babylon by (Peshitta adds Nebuchadnezzar) the king of the Babylonians, to make known to them what had been commanded him by God." What follows is a satirical exposure of the folly of idolatry, and not a letter. The idea of introducing this as a letter from Jeremiah was probably suggested by <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',29,1);">Jer 29:1</a>ff.<P>2. Canonicity and Position:<P>The early Greek Fathers were on the whole favorably disposed toward this tract, reckoning it to be a part of the Canon. It is therefore included in the lists of Canonical writings of Origen, Epiphanius, Cyril of Jerusalem and Athanasius, and it was so authoritatively recognized by the Council of Laodicea (360 AD).<P>In most Greek manuscripts of the Septuagint (Codices Alexandrinus and Vaticanus. March, Chisl, in the Syriac Hexateuch), it follows Lamentations as an independent piece, closing the supposed writings of Jeremiah. In the bestknown printed of the Septuagint (Tischendorf, Swete, etc.), the order is Jeremiah, Baruch, Lain, Epistle of Jeremy. In Fritzsche, Lib. Apocrypha VT Graece, Epistle Jeremiah stands between Baruch and Tobit. But in Latin manuscripts, including those of the Vulgate, it is appended to Baruch, of which it forms chapter 6, though it really has nothing to do with that book. This last is the case with Protestant editions (English versions of the Bible, etc.) of the Apocrypha, a more intelligible arrangement, since Jeremiah and Lamentations do not occur in the Apocrypha, and the Biblical Baruch was Jeremiah\'s amanuensis.<P>3. Contents:<P>In the so-called letter (see 1, above) the author shows the absurdity and wickedness of heathen worship. The Jews, for their sins, will be removed to Babylon, where they will remain 7 generations. In that land they will be tempted to worship the gods of the people. The writer\'s aim is ostensibly to warn them beforehand by showing how helpless and useless the idols worshipped are, and how immoral as well as silly the rites of the Bah religion are. For similar polemics against idolatry, see <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',44,\'9-19\');">Isa 44:9-19</a> (which in its earnestness resembles the Epistle Jeremiah closely); <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',10,\'3-9\');">Jer 10:3-9</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',115,\'4-8\');">Ps 115:4-8</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',135,\'15-18\');">135:15-18</a>; <span class="noTag">The Wisdom of Solomon 13:10-19; 15:13-17</span>.<P>4. Original Language:<P>That the Epistle Jeremiah was composed in Greek is the opinion of practically all scholars. There are no marks of translation; the Greek is on the whole good, and abounds in such rhetorical terms as characterized the Greek of Northern Egypt about the beginning of our era. There is no trace of a Hebrew original, though Origen has been mistakenly understood to say there was one in his day (see Schurer, GJV4, III, 467f). Romanist writers defend a Hebrew original, and point to some Hebraisms (verse 44 and the use of the fut. for the past), but these can be matched in admittedly Hellenistic Greek writings.<P>5. Authorship, Date and Aim:<P>The writer was almost certainly a resident in Alexandria toward the close of the last century BC. The Greek of the book, the references to Egyptian religion (verse 19, where the Feast of Lights at Sais<69>Herod. ii. 62<36>is referred to), and the allusion to the Epistle Jeremiah in 2Macc 2:2, denied by Schurer, etc., make the above conclusion very probable. The author had in mind the dangers to the religion of his fellow-countrymen presented by the fascinating forms of idolatry existing at Alexandria. Certainly Jeremiah is not the author, for the book was written in Greek and never formed part of the Hebrew Canon. Besides, the treatment is far below the level of the genuine writings of that prophet.<P>6. Text and Versions:<P>(1) The Greek.<P>This epistle occurs in the principal manuscripts of the Septuagint uncials (Codices Vaticanus, Alexandrinus, Q, Gamma, contain 7b-24a, etc.) and cursives (except 70, 96, 229).<P>(2) The Syriac.<P>P follows the Greek, but very freely. The Syriac H follows the text of Codex Vaticanus closely, often at the expense of Syriac idioms.<P>(3) The Latin.<P>The Vulgate (Jerome\'s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) is made direct from the Greek. There is a different Latin version published by Sabatier in his Biblical Sacr. Latin Versiones Antiquas, II, 734ff. It is freer than the Vulgate (Jerome\'s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.)<P>(4) The Arabic.<P>There are also Arabic (following A), Coptic (ed Quatremere, 1810), and Ethiopic (ed Dillmann, 1894)versions.<P>LITERATURE.<P>See under <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=APOCRYPHA">APOCRYPHA</A> for commentary and various editions. But note in addition to the literature mentioned the article the following: Reusch, Erklar. des B. Baruch, 1853; Daubanton, "Het Apok boek Epistole Ieremiou," Theol. Studien,1888,126-38.``33';
isbe[4978]='Jeriah`je-ri\'-a (yeriyahu, "founded of Yahweh"): In <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',23,19);">1Ch 23:19</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',24,23);">24:23</a> = "Jerijah" (yeriyah), <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',26,31);">26:31</a>, head of a Levitical house: called chief of the Hebronites in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',24,23);">24:23</A> (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',24,30);">24:30</a>).``1';
isbe[4979]='Jeribai`jer\'-i-bi, jer-i-ba\'-i (yeribhay, meaning uncertain): One of David\'s mighty men of the armies (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',11,46);">1Ch 11:46</a>); one of the names not found in the list in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',23,\'24-29\');">2Sa 23:24-29a</a>.``1';
isbe[4980]='Jericho`jer\'-i-ko (the word occurs in two forms. In the Pentateuch, in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',25,5);">2Ki 25:5</a> and in Ezra, Nehemiah, Chronicles it is written yerecho; yericho, elsewhere): In <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',16,34);">1Ki 16:34</a> the final Hebrew letter is he (h), instead of waw (w). The termination waw (w) thought to preserve the peculiarities of the old Canaanite. dialect. In the Septuagint we have the indeclinable form, Iericho (Swete has the form Iereicho as well), both with and without the feminine article; in the New Testament Iereicho, once with the feminine article The Arabic is er-Riha. According to <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',32,49);">De 32:49</a> it stood opposite Nebo, while in <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',34,3);">34:3</A> it is called a city grove of palm trees. It was surrounded with a wall (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',2,15);">Jos 2:15</a>), and provided with a gate which was closed at night (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',2,5);">Jos 2:5</a>), and was ruled over by a king. When captured, vessels of brass and iron, large quantities of silver and gold, and "a goodly Babylonish garment" were found in it (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',7,21);">Jos 7:21</a>). It was on the western side of the Jordan, not far from the camp of Israel at Shittim, before crossing the river (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',2,1);">Jos 2:1</a>). The city was on the "plains" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',4,13);">Jos 4:13</a>), but so close to "the mountain" on the west (probably the cliffs of Quarantania, the traditional scene of Christ\'s temptation) that it was within easy reach of the spies, protected by Rahab. It was in the lot of Benjamin (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',18,21);">Jos 18:21</a>), the border of which ascended to the "slope (English versions of the Bible "side") of Jeremiah on the north" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',18,12);">Jos 18:12</a>). Authorities are generally agreed in locating the ancient city at Tel es-Sultan, a mile and a half northwest of modern Jericho. Here there is a mound 1,200 ft. long and 50 ft. in height supporting 4 smaller mounds, the highest of which is 90 ft. above the base of the main mound.<P>The geological situation (see <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=JORDAN+VALLEY">JORDAN VALLEY</A>) sheds great light upon the capture of the city by Joshua (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',6,\'1-\');">Jos 6</a>). If the city was built as we suppose it to have been, upon the unconsolidated sedimentary deposits which accumulated to a great depth in the Jordan valley during the enlargement of the Dead Sea, which took place in Pleistocene (or glacial) times, the sudden falling of the walls becomes easily credible to anyone who believes in the personality of God and in His power either to foreknow the future or to direct at His will the secondary causes with which man has to deal in Nature. The narrative does not state that the blowing of the rams\' horns of themselves effected the falling of the walls. It was simply said that at a specified juncture on the 7th day the walls would fall, and that they actually fell at that juncture. The miracle may, therefore, be regarded as either that of prophecy, in which the Creator by foretelling the course of things to Joshua, secured the junction of Divine and human activities which constitutes a true miracle, or we may regard the movements which brought down the walls to be the result of direct Divine action, such as is exerted by man when be produces an explosion of dynamite at a particular time and place. The phenomena are just such as occurred in the earthquake of San Francisco in 1906, where, according to the report of the scientific commission appointed by the state, "the most violent destruction of buildings was on the made ground. This ground seems to have behaved during the earthquake very much in the same way as jelly in a bowl, or as a semi-liquid in a tank." Santa Rosa, situated on the valley floor, "underlain to a considerable depth by loose or slightly coherent geological formations,...20 miles from the rift, was the most severely shaken town in the state and suffered the greatest disaster relatively to its population and extent" (Report, 13 and 15). Thus an earthquake, such as is easily provided for along the margin of this great Jordan crevasse, would produce exactly the phenomena here described, and its occurrence at the time and place foretold to Joshua constitutes it a miracle of the first magnitude.<P>Notwithstanding the curse pronounced in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',6,26);">Jos 6:26</a> the King James Version, prophesying that whosoever should rebuild the city "he shall lay the foundations thereof in his firstborn," it was rebuilt (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',16,34);">1Ki 16:34</a>) by Hiel the Bethelite in the days of Ahab. The curse was literally fulfilled. Still David\'s messengers are said to have "tarried at Jericho" in his day (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',10,5);">2Sa 10:5</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',19,5);">1Ch 19:5</a>). In Elisha\'s time (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',2,5);">2Ki 2:5</a>) there was a school of prophets there, while several other references to the city occur in the Old Testament and the Apocrypha (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',28,15);">2Ch 28:15</a>, where it is called "the city of palmtrees"; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',25,5);">2Ki 25:5</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',39,5);">Jer 39:5</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',2,34);">Ezr 2:34</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',3,2);">Ne 3:2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',7,36);">7:36</a>; 1Macc 9:50). Josephus describes it and the fertile plain surrounding it, in glowing terms. In the time of Christ, it was an important place yielding a large revenue to the royal family. But the city which Herod rebuilt was on a higher elevation, at the base of the western mountain, probably at Beit Jubr, where there are the ruins of a small fort. Jericho was the place of rendezvous for Galilean pilgrims desiring to avoid Samaria, both in going to and in departing from Jerusalem, and it has been visited at all times by thousands of pilgrims, who go down from Jerusalem to bathe in the Jordan. The road leading from Jerusalem to Jericho is still infested by robbers who hide in the rocky caverns adjoining it, and appear without warning from the tributary gorges of the wadies which dissect the mountain wall. At the present time Jericho and the region about is occupied only by a few hundred miserable inhabitants, deteriorated by the torrid climate which prevails at the low level about the head of the Dead Sea. But the present barrenness of the region is largely due to the destruction of the aqueducts which formerly distributed over the plain the waters brought down through the wadies which descend from the mountains of Judea. The ruins of many of these are silent witnesses of the cause of its decay. Twelve aqueducts at various levels formerly branched from the Wady Kelt, irrigating the plain both north and south. Remains of Roman masonry are found in these. In the Middle Ages they were so repaired that an abundance and variety of crops were raised, including wheat, barley, millet, figs, grapes and sugar cane.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=PALESTINE+EXPLORATION,+1">PALESTINE EXPLORATION</a>`198';
isbe[4981]='Jeriel`je\'-ri-el, jer\'-i-el (yeri\'el, "founded of God"; compare <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=JERIAH">JERIAH</a>): A chief of Issachar (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',7,2);">1Ch 7:2</a>).``1';
isbe[4982]='Jerijah`je-ri\'-ja (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',26,31);">1Ch 26:31</a>).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=JERIAH">JERIAH</a>`1';
isbe[4983]='Jerimoth`jer\'-i-moth (see <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=JEREMOTH">JEREMOTH, (c)</a>):<P>(1) A Benjamite (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',7,7);">1Ch 7:7</a>).<P>(2) A Benjamite who joined David at Ziklag, or perhaps a Judean (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',12,5);">1Ch 12:5 (Hebrew 6)</span>).<P>(3) In <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',24,30);">1Ch 24:30</a> = <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=JEREMOTH">JEREMOTH, (4)</a> (which see).<P>(4) A Levite musician in David\'s time (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',25,4);">1Ch 25:4</a>).<P>(5) Son of David and father of Mahalath, Rehoboam\'s wife (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',11,18);">2Ch 11:18</a>). He is not mentioned (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',3,\'2-5\');">2Sa 3:2-5</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',5,\'14-16\');">5:14-16</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',3,\'1-9\');">1Ch 3:1-9</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',14,\'4-7\');">14:4-7</a>) among the sons of David\'s wives, so Curtis (Ch, 369) thinks that he was either the son of a concubine, or possibly the name is a corruption of "Ithream" (yithre\'am, <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',3,3);">1Ch 3:3</a>).<P>(6) A Levite overseer in Hezekiah\'s time (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',31,13);">2Ch 31:13</a>).``149';
isbe[4984]='Jerioth`jer\'-i-oth, jer\'-i-oth (yeri\'oth, "(tent-) curtains"): In <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',2,18);">1Ch 2:18</a>, where Massoretic Text is corrupt, Kittel in his commentary and in Biblical Hebrew reads "Caleb begat (children) of Azubah his wife, Jerioth." Wellhausen (De Gent. et Fam. Jud., 33) reads, "Caleb begat (children) of Azubah his wife, the daughter of Jerioth." According to English Versions of the Bible, Caleb had two wives, but the context does not bear this out. J. H. Michaelis regarded Jerioth as another name for Azubah. See Curtis, Commentary on Chronicles, 92.``1';
isbe[4985]='Jeroboam`jer-o-bo\'-am (yarobh\'am; Septuagint Hieroboam, usually assumed to have been derived from riyb and \'am, and signifying "the people contend," or, "he pleads the people\'s cause"): The name was borne by two kings of Israel.<P>(1) Jeroboam I, son of Nebat, an Ephraimite, and of Zeruah, a widow (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',11,\'26-40\');">1Ki 11:26-40</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',12,14);">12-14:20</a>). He was the first king of Israel after the disruption of the kingdom, and he reigned 22 years (937-915 BC).<P>I. Jeroboam I<P>1. Sources:<P>The history of Jeroboam is contained in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',11,\'26-40\');">1Ki 11:26-40</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',12,\'1-\');">12:1-14:20</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',10,\'1-\');">2Ch 10:1</a>-<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',10,\'1-4\');">11:4</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',11,\'14-16\');">11:14-16</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',12,15);">12:15</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',13,\'3-20\');">13:3-20</a>, and in an insertion in the Septuagint after <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',12,24);">1Ki 12:24</a> (a-z). This insertion covers about the same ground as the Massoretic Text, and the Septuagint elsewhere, with some additions and variations. The fact that it calls Jeroboam\'s mother a porne (harlot), and his wife the Egyptian princess Ano (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',11,\'1-\');">1Ki 11</a>); that Jeroboam is punished by the death of his son before he has done any wrong; that the episode with the prophet\'s mantle does not occur until the meeting at Shechem; that Jeroboam is not proclaimed king at all<6C>all this proves the passage inferior to the Massoretic Text. No doubt it is a fragment of some historical work, which, after the manner of the later Midrash, has combined history and tradition, making rather free use of the historical kernel.<P>2. His Rise and Revolt:<P>Jeroboam, as a highly gifted and valorous young Ephraimite, comes to the notice of Solomon early in his reign (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',11,28);">1Ki 11:28</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',9,15,24);">9:15,24</a>). Having noticed his ability, the king made him overseer of the fortifications and public work at Jerusalem, and placed him over the levy from the house of Joseph. The fact that the latter term may stand for the whole of the ten tribes (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',5,6);">Am 5:6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',6,6);">6:6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Oba\',1,18);">Ob 1:18</a>) indicates the importance of the position, which, however, he used to plot against the king. No doubt he had the support of the people in his designs. Prejudices of long standing (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',19,40);">2Sa 19:40</a>f; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',20,\'1-\');">20</a>f) were augmented when Israelite interests were made subservient to Judah and to the king, while enforced labor and burdensome taxation filled the people\'s hearts with bitterness and jealousy. Jeroboam, the son of a widow, would be the first to feel the gall of oppression and to give voice to the suffering of the people. In addition, he had the approval of the prophet Ahijah of the old sanctuary of Shiloh, who, by tearing his new mantle into twelve pieces and giving ten of them to Jeroboam, informed him that he was to become king of the ten tribes. Josephus says (Ant., VIII, vii, 8) that Jeroboam was elevated by the words of the prophet, "and being a young man of warm temper, and ambitious of greatness, he could not be quiet," but tried to get the government into his hands at once. For the time, the plot failed, and Jeroboam fled to Egypt where he was received and kindly treated by Shishak, the successor to the father-in-law of Solomon.<P>3. The Revolt of the Ten Tribes:<P>The genial and imposing personality of Solomon had been able to stem the tide of discontent excited by his oppressive regime, which at his death burst all restraints. Nevertheless, the northern tribes, at a popular assembly held at Shechem, solemnly promised to serve Rehoboam, the son of Solomon, who had already been proclaimed king at Jerusalem, on condition that he would lighten the burdens that so unjustly rested upon them. Instead of receiving the magna charta which they expected, the king, in a spirit of despotism, gave them a rough answer, and Josephus says "the people were struck by his words, as it were, by an iron hammer" (Ant., VIII, viii, 3). But despotism lost the day. The rough answer of the king was met by the Marseillaise of the people:<P>"What portion have we in David?<br>Neither have we inheritance in the son of Jesse:<br>To your tents. O Israel:<br>Now see to thine own house, David" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',12,16);">1Ki 12:16</a>).<P>Seeing the turn affairs had taken, but still unwilling to make any concessions, Rehoboam sent Adoram, who had been over the levy for many years (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',5,14);">1Ki 5:14</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',12,18);">12:18</a>), and who no doubt had quelled dissatisfaction before, to force the people to submission, possibly by the very methods he had threatened to employ (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',12,14);">1Ki 12:14</a>). However, the attempt failed. The aged Adoram was stoned to death, while Rehoboam was obliged to flee ignominiously back to Jerusalem, king only of Judah (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',12,20);">1Ki 12:20</a>). Thus, the great work of David for a united kingdom was shattered by inferiors, who put personal ambitions above great ideals.<P>4. The Election:<P>As soon as Jeroboam heard that Solomon was dead, he returned from his forced exile in Egypt and took up his residence in his native town, Zeredah, in the hill country of Ephraim Septuagint <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',12,20);">1Ki 12:20</a>ff). The northern tribes, having rejected the house of David, now turned to the leader, and perhaps instigator of the revolution. Jeroboam was sent for and raised to the throne by the choice and approval of the popular assembly. Divinely set apart for his task, and having the approval of the people, Jeroboam nevertheless failed to rise to the greatness of his opportunities, and his kingdom degenerated into a mere military monarchy, never stronger than the ruler who chanced to occupy the throne. In trying to avoid the Scylla that threatened its freedom and faith (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',11,33);">1Ki 11:33</a>), the nation steered into the Charybdis of revolution and anarchy in which it finally perished.<P>5. Political Events:<P>Immediately upon his accession, Jeroboam fortified Shechem, the largest city in Central Israel, and made it his capital. Later he fortified Penuel in the east Jordan country. According to <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',14,17);">1Ki 14:17</a>, Tirzah was the capital during the latter part of his reign. About Jeroboam\'s external relations very little is known beyond the fact that there was war between him and Rehoboam constantly (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',14,30);">1Ki 14:30</a>). In <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',13,\'2-20\');">2Ch 13:2-20</a> we read of an inglorious war with Abijah of Judah. When Shishak invaded Judah (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',14,25);">1Ki 14:25</a>f), he did not spare Israel, as appears from his inscription on the temple at Karnak, where a list of the towns captured by him is given. These belong to Northern Israel as well as to Judah, showing that Shishak exacted tribute there, even if he used violence only in Judah. The fact that Jeroboam successfully managed a revolution but failed to establish a dynasty shows that his strength lay in the power of his personality more than in the soundness of his principles.<P>6. His Religious Policy:<P>Despite the success of the revolution politically, Jeroboam descried in the halo surrounding the temple and its ritual a danger which threatened the permanency of his kingdom. He justifiably dreaded a reaction in favor of the house of David, should the people make repeated religious pilgrimages to Jerusalem after the first passion of the rebellion had spent itself. He therefore resolved to establish national sanctuaries in Israel. Accordingly, he fixed on Bethel, which from time immemorial was one of the chief sanctuaries of the land (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',28,19);">Ge 28:19</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',35,1);">35:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Hsa\',12,4);">Ho 12:4</a>), and Dan, also a holy place since the conquest, as the chief centers of worship for Israel. Jeroboam now made "two calves of gold" as symbols of the strength and creative power of Yahweh, and set them up in the sanctuaries at Bethel and Dan, where altars and other sacred objects already existed. It appears that many of the priests still in the land were opposed to his image-worship (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',11,13);">2Ch 11:13</a>). Accordingly, he found it necessary to institute a new, non-Levitical priesthood (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',13,33);">1Ki 13:33</a>). A new and popular festival on the model of the feasts at Jerusalem was also established. Jeroboam\'s policy might have been considered as a clever political move, had it not contained the dangerous ppeal to the lower instincts of the masses, that led them into the immoralities of heathenism and hastened the destruction of the nation. Jeroboam sacrificed the higher interests of religion to politics. This was the "sin of Jeroboam the son of Nebat, wherewith he made Israel to sin" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',12,30);">1Ki 12:30</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',16,26);">16:26</a>).<P>7. Hostility of the Prophets:<P>It may be that many of the prophets sanctioned Jeroboam\'s religious policy. Whatever the attitude of the majority may have been, there was no doubt a party who strenuously opposed the image-worship.<P>(1) The Anonymous Prophet.<P>On the very day on which Jeroboam inaugurated the worship at the sanctuary at Bethel "a man of God out of Judah" appeared at Bethel and publicly denounced the service. The import of his message was that the royal altar should some day be desecrated by a ruler from the house of David. The prophet was saved from the wrath of the king only by a miracle. "The altar also was rent, and the ashes poured out from the altar." This narrative of <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',13,\'1-\');">1Ki 13</a> is usually assumed to belong to a later time, but whatever the date of compilation, the general historicity of the account is little affected by it.<P>(2) The Prophet Ahijah.<P>At a later date, when Jeroboam had realized his ambition, but not the ideal which the prophet had set before him, Ahijah predicted the consequences of his evil policy. Jeroboam\'s eldest son had fallen sick. He thought of Ahijah, now old and blind, and sent the queen in disguise to learn the issue of the sickness. The prophet bade her to announce to Jeroboam that the house of Jeroboam should be extirpated root and branch; that the people whom he had seduced to idolatry should be uprooted from the land and transported beyond the river; and, severest of all, that her son should die.<P>8. His Death:<P>Jeroboam died, in the 22nd year of his reign, having "bequeathed to posterity the reputation of an apostate and a succession of endless revolutions."<P>(2) Jeroboam II (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',14,\'23-29\');">2Ki 14:23-29</a>), son of Joash and 13th king of Israel; 4th sovereign of the dynasty of Jehu. He reigned 41 years. His accession may be placed circa 798 BC (some date lower).<P>II. Jeroboam II<P>1. His Warlike Policy:<P>Jeroboam came into power on the crest of the wave of prosperity that followed the crushing of the supremacy of Damascus by his father. By his great victory at Aphek, followed by others, Joash had regained the territory lost to Israel in the reigns of Jehu and Jehoahaz (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',13,17,25);">2Ki 13:17, 25</a>). This satisfied Joash, or his death prevented further hostilities. Jeroboam, however, then a young man, resolved on a war of retaliation against Damascus, and on further conquests. The condition of the eastern world favored his projects, for Assyria was at the time engaged, under Shalmaneser III and Assurdan III, in a life-and-death struggle with Armenia. Syria being weakened, Jeroboam determined on a bold attempt to conquer and annex the whole kingdom of which Damascus was the capital. The steps of the campaign by which this was accomplished are unknown to us. The result only is recorded, that not only the intermediate territory fell into Jeroboam\'s hands, but that Damascus itself was captured (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',14,28);">2Ki 14:28</a>). Hamath was taken, and thus were restored the eastern boundaries of the kingdom, as they were in the time of David (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',13,5);">1Ch 13:5</a>). From the time of Joshua "the entrance of Hamath" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',13,5);">Jos 13:5</a>), a narrow pass leading into the valley of the Lebanons, had been the accepted northern boundary of the promised land. This involved the subjection of Moab and Ammon, probably already tributaries of Damascus.<P>2. New Social Conditions:<P>Jeroboam\'s long reign of over 40 years gave time for the collected tribute of this greatly increased territory to flow into the coffers of Samaria, and the exactions would be ruthlessly enforced. The prophet Amos, a contemporary of Jeroboam in his later years, dwells on the cruelties inflicted on the trans-Jordanic tribes by Hazael, who "threshed Gilead with threshing instruments of iron" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',1,3);">Am 1:3</a>). All this would be remembered now, and wealth to which the Northern Kingdom had been unaccustomed flowed in to its treasuries. The hovels of unburned brick in which the citizens had lived were replaced by "houses of hewn stone" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',5,11);">Am 5:11</a>). The ivory house which Ahab built in Samaria (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',22,39);">1Ki 22:39</a>; decorations only are meant) was imitated, and there were many "great houses" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',3,15);">Am 3:15</a>). The sovereign had both a winter and a summer palace. The description of a banqueting scene within one of these palatial abodes is lifelike in its portraiture. The guests stretched themselves upon the silken cushions of the couches, eating the flesh of lambs and stall-fed calves, drinking wine from huge bowls, singing idle songs to the sound of viols, themselves perfumed and anointed with oil (<a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',6,\'4-6\');">Am 6:4-6</a>). Meanwhile, they were not grieved for the affliction of Joseph, and cared nothing for the wrongdoing of which the country was full. Side by side with this luxury, the poor of the land were in the utmost distress. A case in which a man was sold into slavery for the price of a pair of shoes seems to have come to the prophet\'s knowledge, and is twice referred to by him (<a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',2,6);">Am 2:6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',8,6);">8:6</a>).<P>3. Growth of Ceremonial Worship:<P>With all this, and as part of the social organization, religion of a kind flourished. Ritual took the place of righteousness; and in a memorable passage, Amos denounces the substitution of the one for the other (<a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',5,21);">Am 5:21</a>). The worship took place in the sanctuaries of the golden calves, where the votaries prostrated themselves before the altar clothed in garments taken in cruel pledge, and drank sacrificial wine bought with the money of those who were fined for non-attendance there (<a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',2,8);">Am 2:8</a>). There we are subsidiary temples and altars at Gilgal and Beersheba (<a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',4,4);">Am 4:4</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',5,5);">5:5</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',8,14);">8:14</a>). Both of these places had associations with the early history of the nation, and would be attended by worshippers from Judah as well as from Israel.<P>4. Mission to Amos:<P>Toward the close of his reign, it would appear that Jeroboam had determined upon adding greater splendor and dignity to the central shrine, in correspondence with the increased wealth of the nation. Amos, about the same time, received a commission to go to Bethel and testify against the whole proceedings there. He was to pronounce that these sanctuaries should be laid waste, and that Yahweh would raise the sword against the house of Jeroboam. (<a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',7,9);">Am 7:9</a>). On hearing his denunciation, made probably as he stood beside the altar, Amaziah, the priest of Bethel, sent a messenger to the king at Samaria, to tell him of the "conspiracy" of Amos, and that the land was not able to bear all his words. The messenger bore the report that Amos had declared "Jeroboam shall die by the sword," which Amos had not done. When the messenger had gone, priest and prophet had a heated controversy, and new threatenings were uttered (<a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',7,\'10-17\');">Am 7:10-17</a>).<P>5. Prophecy of Jonah:<P>The large extension of territory acquired for Israel by Jeroboam is declared to have been the realization of a prophecy uttered earlier by Jonah, the son of Amittai (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',14,25);">2Ki 14:25</a>)<29>the same whose mission to Nineveh forms the subject of the Book of Jonah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jon\',1,1);">1:1</a>). It is also indicated that the relief which had now come was the only alternative to the utter extinction of Israel. But Yahweh sent Israel a "saviour" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',13,5);">2Ki 13:5</a>), associated by some with the Assyrian king Ramman-nirari III, who crushed Damascus, and left Syria an easy prey, first to Jehoash, then to Jeroboam. (see <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=JEHOASH">JEHOASH</a>), but whom the historian seems to connect with Jeroboam himself (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',14,26,27);">2Ki 14:26-27</a>).<P>Jeroboam was succeeded on his death by his weak son Zechariah (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',14,29);">2Ki 14:29</a>).``126';
isbe[4986]='Jeroham`je-ro\'-ham (yerocham, "may he be compassionate!"):<P>(1) An Ephraimite, the father of Elkanah, and grandfather of Samuel (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',1,1);">1Sa 1:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',6,27,34);">1Ch 6:27, 34 (Hebrew 12,19)</a>): Jerahmeel is the name in Septuagint, Codex Vaticanus, in 1 Samuel and in Septuagint, L and manuscripts, in 1 Chronicles.<P>(2) A Benjamite (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',8,27);">1Ch 8:27</a>), apparently = <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=JEREMOTH">JEREMOTH, (2)</a> (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',8,14);">8:14</a>), and probably the same as he of <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',9,8);">1Ch 9:8</a>.<P>(3) Ancestor of a priest in Jerusalem (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',9,12);">1Ch 9:12</a> = <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',11,12);">Ne 11:12</a>).<P>(4) A man of Gedor, father of two of David\'s Benjamite recruits at Ziklag, though Gedor might be a town in Southern Judah (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',12,7);">1Ch 12:7 (Hebrew 8)</a>).<P>(5) Father of Azarel, David\'s tribal chief over Dan (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',27,22);">1Ch 27:22</a>).<P>(6) Father of Azariah, one of the captains who supported Jehoiada in overthrowing Queen Athaliah (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',23,1);">2Ch 23:1</a>).``149';
isbe[4987]='Jerubbaal`jer-u-ba\'-al, je-rub\'-a-al (yerubba\'al, "let Baal contend"): The name given to Gideon by his father, Joash, and the people in recognition of his destruction of the altar of Baal at Ophrah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',6,32);">Jud 6:32</a>). For this name the form "Jerubbesheth" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',1,21);">2Sa 1:21</a>) was substituted after the analogy of "Ishbosheth" and "Mephibosheth," in which bosheth, the Hebrew word for "shame," displaced the word ba\'al, no doubt because the name resembled one given in honor of Baal.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=GIDEON">GIDEON</a>`1';
isbe[4988]='Jerubbesheth`jer-ub-be\'-sheth, je-rub\'-e-sheth (yerubbesheth, see <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=JERUBBAAL">JERUBBAAL</A>, for meaning): It is found once (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',11,21);">2Sa 11:21</a>) for <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=JERUBBAAL">JERUBBAAL</A>.<P>The word bosheth, "shameful thing," was substituted by later editors of the text for ba\'al, "lord," in the text of <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',3,24);">Jer 3:24</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Hsa\',9,10);">Ho 9:10</a>; in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',2,8);">2Sa 2:8</a>, etc., we find Ish-bosheth = Eshbaal (Ishbaal) in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',8,33);">1Ch 8:33</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',9,39);">9:39</a>. The reason for this was reluctant to pronounce the word Ba\'al, which had by their time been associated with Canaanitic forms of worship. In <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',11,21);">2Sa 11:21</a> Septuagint, Lucian, has "Jeroboal," which Septuagint, Codex Vaticanus, has corrupted to "Jeroboam." Compare <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=MERIB-BAAL">MERIB-BAAL</a>; <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=MEPHIBOSHETH">MEPHIBOSHETH</a>; and see Ginsburg, New Massoretico-Critical Text of the Hebrew Bible, Intro, 400ff. For a New Testament case compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Rom\',11,4);">Ro 11:4</a> and see Sanday and Headlam at the place.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=JERUBBAAL">JERUBBAAL</a>`149';
isbe[4989]='Jeruel`je-roo\'-el, jer\'-oo-el (yeru\'el, "founded by El"): Jahaziel prophesied that King Jehoshaphat should meet the hordes of Moabites and Ammonites, after they had come up by the "ascent of Ziz," "at the end of the valley (i.e. wady), before the wilderness of Jeruel" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',20,16);">2Ch 20:16</a>). The particular part of the wilderness intended, is unknown. Cheyne (Encyclopedia Biblica) thinks this may be an error for the Jezreel of Judah, mentioned in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',15,56);">Jos 15:56</a>, etc.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=JEZREEL">JEZREEL</a>`1';
isbe[4990]='Jerusalem, 1`je-roo\'-sa-lem:<P><b>I. THE NAME</b><P class="in15">1. In Cuneiform<P class="in15">2. In Hebrew<P class="in15">3. In Greek and Latin<P class="in15">4. The Meaning of Jerusalem<P class="in15">5. Other Names<P><b>II. GEOLOGY, CLIMATE AND SPRINGS</b><P class="in15">1. Geology<P class="in15">2. Climate and Rainfall<P class="in15">3. The Natural Springs<P><b>III. THE NATURAL SITE</b><P class="in15">1. The Mountains Around<P class="in15">2. The Valleys<P class="in15">3. The Hills<P><b>IV. GENERAL TOPOGRAPHY OF JERUSALEM</b><P class="in15">1. Description of Josephus<P class="in15">2. Summary of the Names of the Five Hills<P class="in15">3. The Akra<P class="in15">4. The Lower City<P class="in15">5. City of David and Zion<P><b>V. EXCAVATIONS AND ANTIQUITIES</b><P class="in15">1. Robinson<P class="in15">2. Wilson, and the Palestine Exploration Fund (1865)<P class="in15">3. Warren and Conder<P class="in15">4. Maudslay<P class="in15">5. Schick<P class="in15">6. Clermont-Ganneau<P class="in15">7. Bliss and Dickie<P class="in15">8. Jerusalem Archaeological Societies<P><b>VI. THE CITY\'S WALLS AND GATES</b><P class="in15">1. The Existing Walls<P class="in15">2. Wilson\'s Theory<P class="in15">3. The Existing Gates<P class="in15">4. Buried Remains of Earlier Walls<P class="in15">5. The Great Dam of the Tyropoeon<P class="in15">6. Ruins of Ancient Gates<P class="in15">7. Josephus\' Description of the Walls<P class="in15">8. First Wall<P class="in15">9. Second Wall<P class="in15">10. Third Wall<P class="in15">11. Date of Second Wall<P class="in15">12. Nehemiah\'s Account of the Walls<P class="in15">13. Valley Gate<P class="in15">14. Dung Gate<P class="in15">15. Fountain Gate<P class="in15">16. Water Gate<P class="in15">17. Horse Gate<P class="in15">18. Sheep Gate<P class="in15">19. Fish Gate<P class="in15">20. The "Old Gate"<P class="in15">21. Gate of Ephraim<P class="in15">22. Tower of the Furnaces<P class="in15">23. The Gate of Benjamin<P class="in15">24. Upper Gate of the Temple<P class="in15">25. The Earlier Walls<P><b>VII. ANTIQUARIAN REMAINS CONNECTED WITH THE WATER SUPPLY</b><P class="in15">1. Gihon: The Natural Spring<P class="in15">2. The Aqueduct of the Canaanites<P class="in15">3. Warren\'s Shaft<P class="in15">4. Hezekiah\'s "Siloam" Aqueduct<P class="in15">5. Other Aqueducts at Gihon<P class="in15">6. Bir Eyyub<P class="in15">7. Varieties of Cisterns<P class="in15">8. Birket Israel<P class="in15">9. Pool of Bethesda<P class="in15">10. The Twin Pools<P class="in15">11. Birket Chammam el Batrak<P class="in15">12. Birket Mamilla<P class="in15">13. Birket es Sultan<P class="in15">14. "Solomon\'s Pools"<P class="in15">15. Low-Level Aqueduct<P class="in15">16. High-Level Aqueduct<P class="in15">17. Dates of Construction of these Aqueducts<P><b>VIII. TOMBS, ANTIQUARIAN REMAINS AND ECCLESIASTICAL SITES</b><P class="in15">1. "The Tombs of the Kings"<P class="in15">2. "Herod\'s Tomb"<P class="in15">3. "Absalom\'s Tomb"<P class="in15">4. The "Egyptian Tomb"<P class="in15">5. The "Garden Tomb"<P class="in15">6. Tomb of "Simon the Just"<P class="in15">7. Other Antiquities<P class="in15">8. Ecclesiastical Sites<P><b>IX. HISTORY</b><P class="in15">1. Tell el-Amarna Correspondence<P class="in15">2. Joshua\'s Conquest<P class="in15">3. Site of the Jebusite City<P class="in15">4. David<P class="in15">5. Expansion of the City<P class="in15">6. Solomon<P class="in15">7. Solomon\'s City Wall<P class="in15">8. The Disruption (933 BC)<P class="in15">9. Invasion of Shishak (928 BC)<P class="in15">10. City Plundered by Arabs<P class="in15">11. Hazael King of Syria Bought Off (797 BC)<P class="in15">12. Capture of the City by Jehoash of Israel<P class="in15">13. Uzziah\'s Refortification (779-740 BC)<P class="in15">14. Ahaz Allies with Assyria (736-728 BC)<P class="in15">15. Hezekiah\'s Great Works<P class="in15">16. Hezekiah\'s Religious Reforms<P class="in15">17. Manasseh\'s Alliance with Assyria<P class="in15">18. His Repair of the Walls<P class="in15">19. Josiah and Religious Reforms (640-609 BC)<P class="in15">20. Jeremiah Prophesies the Approaching Doom<P class="in15">21. Nebuchadnezzar Twice Takes Jerusalem (586 BC)<P class="in15">22. Cyrus and the First Return (538 BC)<P class="in15">23. Nehemiah Rebuilds the Walls<P class="in15">24. Bagohi Governor<P class="in15">25. Alexander the Great<P class="in15">26. The Ptolemaic Rule<P class="in15">27. Antiochus the Great<P class="in15">28. Hellenization of the City under Antiochus Epiphanes<P class="in15">29. Capture of the City (170 BC)<P class="in15">30. Capture of 168 BC<P class="in15">31. Attempted Suppression of Judaism<P class="in15">32. The Maccabean Rebellion<P class="in15">33. The Dedication of the Temple (165 BC)<P class="in15">34. Defeat of Judas and Capture of the City<P class="in15">35. Judas\' Death (161 BC)<P class="in15">36. Jonathan\'s Restorations<P class="in15">37. Surrender of City to Antiochus Sidetes (134 BC)<P class="in15">38. Hasmonean Buildings<P class="in15">39. Rome\'s Intervention<P class="in15">40. Pompey Takes the City by Storm<P class="in15">41. Julius Caesar Appoints Antipater Procurator (47 BC)<P class="in15">42. Parthian Invasion<P class="in15">43. Reign of Herod the Great (37-4 BC)<P class="in15">44. Herod\'s Great Buildings<P class="in15">45. Herod Archelaus (4 BC-6 AD)<P class="in15">46. Pontius Pilate<P class="in15">47. King Agrippa<P class="in15">48. Rising against Florus and Defeat of Gallus<P class="in15">49. The City Besieged by Titus (70 AD)<P class="in15">50. Party Divisions within the Besieged Walls<P class="in15">51. Capture and Utter Destruction of the City<P class="in15">52. Rebellion of Bar-Cochba<P class="in15">53. Hadrian Builds Ella Capitolina<P class="in15">54. Constantine Builds the Church of the Anastasis<P class="in15">55. The Empress Eudoxia Rebuilds the Walls<P class="in15">56. Justinian<P class="in15">57. Chosroes II Captures the City<P class="in15">58. Heracleus Enters It in Triumph<P class="in15">59. Clemency of Omar<P class="in15">60. The Seljuk Turks and Their Cruelties<P class="in15">61. Crusaders Capture the City in 1099<P class="in15">62. The Kharizimians<P class="in15">63. Ottoman Turks Obtain the City (1517 AD)<P><b>X. MODERN JERUSALEM</b><P class="in15">1. Jews and "Zionism"<P class="in15">2. Christian Buildings and Institutions<P><b>LITERATURE</b><hr /> I. The Name.<P>1. In Cuneiform:<P>The earliest mention of Jerusalem is in the Tell el-Amarna Letters (1450 BC), where it appears in the form Uru-sa-lim; allied with this we have Ur-sa-li-immu on the Assyrian monuments of the 8th century BC.<P>The most ancient Biblical form is yerushalem, shortened in <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',76,2);">Ps 76:2</a> (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',14,18);">Ge 14:18</a>) to Salem, but in Massoretic Text we have it vocalized yerushalaim. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',26,18);">Jer 26:18</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Est\',2,6);">Es 2:6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',25,1);">2Ch 25:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',32,9);">32:9</a> we have yerushalayim, a form which occurs on the Jewish coins of the Revolt and also in Jewish literature; it is commonly used by modern Talmudic Jews.<P>2. In Hebrew:<P>The form Hebrew with the ending -aim or -ayim is interpreted by some as being a dual, referring to the upper and lower Jerusalem, but such forms occur in other names as implying special solemnity; such a pronunciation is both local and late.<P>3. In Greek and Latin:<P>In the Septuagint we get (Ierousalem), constantly reflecting the earliest and the common Hebrew pronunciation, the initial letter being probably unaspirated; soon, however, we meet with (Hierousalem)<29>with the aspirate<74>the common form in Josephus, and (Hierosoluma) in Maccabees (Books II through IV), and in Strabo. This last form has been carried over into the Latin writers, Cicero, Pliny, Tacitus and Suetonius. It was replaced in official use for some centuries by Hadrian\'s Aelia Capitolina, which occurs as late as Jerome, but it again comes into common use in the documents of the Crusades, while Solyma occurs at various periods as a poetic abbreviation.<P>In the New Testament we have (Hierousalem), particularly in the writings of Luke and Paul, and (ta Hierosoluma) elsewhere. The King James Version of 1611 has Ierosalem in the Old Testament and Hierusalem in the New Testament. The form Jerusalem first occurs in French writings of the 12th century.<P>4. The Meaning of Jerusalem:<P>With regard to the meaning of the original name there is no concurrence of opinion. The oldest known form, Uru-sa-lim, has been considered by many to mean either the "City of Peace" or the "City of (the god) Salem," but other interpreters, considering the name as of Hebrew origin, interpret it as the "possession of peace" or "foundation of peace." It is one of the ironies of history that a city which in all its long history has seen so little peace and for whose possession such rivers of blood have been shed should have such a possible meaning for its name.<P>5. Other Names:<P>Other names for the city occur. For the name Jebus see <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=JESUS">JESUS</a>. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',29,1);">Isa 29:1</a>, occurs the name \'ari\'el probably "the hearth of God," and in <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',1,26);">1:26</A> the "city of righteousness." In <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',72,16);">Ps 72:16</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',32,24);">Jer 32:24</a>f; <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',7,23);">Eze 7:23</a>, we have the term ha\'ir, "the city" in contrast to "the land." A whole group of names is connected with the idea of the sanctity of the site; \'ir ha-qodhesh, the "holy city" occurs in <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',48,2);">Isa 48:2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',52,1);">52:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',11,1);">Ne 11:1</a>, and yerushalayim ha-qedhoshah, "Jerusalem the holy" is inscribed on Simon\'s coins. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',4,5);">Mt 4:5</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',27,53);">27:53</a> we have he hagia polis, "the holy city," and in Philo, Hieropolis, with the same meaning.<P>In Arabic the common name is Beit el Maqdis, "the holy house," or el Muqaddas, "the holy," or the common name, used by the Moslems everywhere today, el Quds, a shortened form of el Quds esh Sheref, "the noble sanctuary."<P>Non-Moslems usually use the Arabic form Yerusalem.<P>II. Geology, Climate, and Springs.<P>1. Geology:<P>The geology of the site and environs of Jerusalem is comparatively simple, when studied in connection with that of the land of Palestine as a whole (see <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=GEOLOGY+OF+PALESTINE">GEOLOGY OF PALESTINE</a>). The outstanding feature is that the rocks consist entirely of various forms of limestone, with strata containing flints; there are no primary rocks, no sandstone (such as comes to the surface on the east of the Jordan) and no volcanic rocks. The lime stone formations are in regular strata dipping toward the southeast, with an angle of about 10 degrees.<P>On the high hills overlooking Jerusalem on the east, southeast and southwest there still remain strata of considerable thickness of those chalky limestones of the post-Tertiary period which crown so many hilltops of Palestine, and once covered the whole land. On the "Mount of Olives," for example, occurs a layer of conglomerate limestone known as Nari, or "firestone," and another thicker deposit, known as Ka\'kuli, of which two distinct strata can be distinguished. In these layers, especially the latter, occur pockets containing marl or haur, and in both there are bands of flint.<P>Over the actual city\'s site all this has been denuded long ages ago. Here we have three layers of limestone of varying density very clearly distinguished by all the native builders and masons:<P>(1) Mizzeh helu, literally, "sweet mizzeh," a hard, reddish-grey layer capable of polish, and reaching in places to a depth of 70 ft. or more. The "holy rock" in the temple-area belongs to this layer, and much of the ancient building stone was of this nature.<P>(2) Below this is the Melekeh or "royal" layer, which, though not very thick<63>35 ft. or so<73>has been of great importance in the history of the city. This rock is peculiar in that when first exposed to the air it is often so soft that it can be cut with a knife, but under the influence of the atmosphere it hardens to make a stone of considerable durability, useful for ordinary buildings. The great importance of this layer, however, lies in the fact that in it have been excavated the hundreds of caverns, cisterns, tombs and aqueducts which honeycomb the city\'s site.<P>(3) Under the Melekeh is a Cenomanian limestone of great durability, known as Mizzeh Yehudeh, or "Jewish mizzeh." It is a highly valued building stone, though hard to work. Geologically it is distinguished from Mizzeh helu by its containing ammonites. Characteristically, it is a yellowish-grey stone, sometimes slightly reddish. A variety of a distinctly reddish appearance, known as Mizzeh ahmar, or "red mizzeh," makes a very ornamental stone for columns, tombstones, etc.; it takes a high polish and is sometimes locally known as "marble."<P>This deep layer, which underlies the whole city, comes to the surface in the Kidron valley, and its impermeability is probably the explanation of the appearance there of the one true spring, the "Virgin\'s Fount." The water over the site and environs of Jerusalem percolates with ease the upper layer, but is conducted to the surface by this hard layer; the comparatively superficial source of the water of this spring accounts for the poorness of its quality.<P>2. Climate and Rainfall:<P>The broad features of the climate of Jerusalem have probably remained the same throughout history, although there is plenty of evidence that there have been cycles of greater and lesser abundance of rain. The almost countless cisterns belonging to all ages upon the site and the long and complicated conduits for bringing water from a distance, testify that over the greater part of history the rainfall must have been, as at present, only seasonal.<P>As a whole, the climate of Jerusalem may be considered healthy. The common diseases should be largely preventable<6C>under an enlightened government; even the malaria which is so prevalent is to a large extent an importation from the low-lying country, and could be stopped at once, were efficient means taken for destroying the carriers of infection, the abundant Anopheles mosquitoes. On account of its altitude and its exposed position, almost upon the watershed, wind, rain and cold are all more excessive than in the maritime plains or the Jordan valley. Although the winter\'s cold is severely felt, on account of its coinciding with the days of heaviest rainfall (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',10,9);">Ezr 10:9</a>), and also because of the dwellings and clothes of the inhabitants being suited for enduring heat more than cold, the actual lowest cold recorded is only 25 degrees F., and frost occurs only on perhaps a dozen nights in an average year. During the rainless summer months the mean temperature rises steadily until August, when it reaches 73,1 degrees F., but the days of greatest heat, with temperature over 100 degrees F. in the shade at times, occur commonly in September. In midsummer the cool northwest breezes, which generally blow during the afternoons and early night, do much to make life healthy. The most unpleasant days occur in May and from the middle of September until the end of October, when the dry southeast winds<64>the sirocco<63>blow hot and stifling from over the deserts, carrying with them at times fine dust sufficient in quantity to produce a marked haze in the atmosphere. At such times all vegetation droops, and most human beings, especially residents not brought up under such conditions, suffer more or less from depression and physical discomfort; malarial, "sandfly," and other fevers are apt to be peculiarly prevalent. "At that time shall it be said...to Jerusalem, A hot wind from the bare heights in the wilderness toward the daughter of my people, not to winnow, nor to cleanse" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',4,11);">Jer 4:11</a>).<P>During the late summer<65>except at spells of sirocco<63>heavy "dews" occur at night, and at the end of September or beginning of October the "former" rains fall<6C>not uncommonly in tropical downpours accompanied by thunder. After this there is frequently a dry spell of several weeks, and then the winter\'s rain falls in December, January and February. In some seasons an abundant rainfall in March gives peculiar satisfaction to the inhabitants by filling up the cisterns late in the season and by producing an abundant harvest. The average rainfall is about 26 inches, the maximum recorded in the city being 42,95 inches in the season 1877-78, and the minimum being 12,5 inches in 1869-70. An abundant rainfall is not only important for storage, for replenishment of the springs and for the crops, but as the city\'s sewage largely accumulates in the very primitive drains all through the dry season, it requires a considerable force of water to remove it. Snow falls heavily in some seasons, causing considerable destruction to the badly built roofs and to the trees; in the winter of 1910-11 a fall of 9 inches occurred.<P>3. The Natural Springs:<P>There is only one actual spring in the Jerusalem area, and even to this some authorities would deny the name of true spring on account of the comparatively shallow source of its origin; this is the intermittent spring known today as \'Ain Umm edition deraj (literally, "spring of the mother of the steps"), called by the native Christians \'Ain Sitti Miriam (the "spring of the Lady Mary"), and by Europeans commonly called "The Virgin\'s Fount." All the archaeological evidence points to this as the original source of attraction of earliest occupants of the site; in the Old Testament this spring is known as <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=GIHON+(2)">GIHON</a> (which see). The water arises in the actual bottom, though apparent west side, of the Kidron valley some 300 yards due south of the south wall of the Charam. The approach to the spring is down two flights of steps, an upper of 16 leading to a small level platform, covered by a modern arch, and a lower, narrower flight of 14 steps, which ends at the mouth of a small cave. The water has its actual source in a long cleft (perhaps 16 ft. long) running east and west in the rocky bottom of the Kidron valley, now many feet below the present surface. The western or higher end of the cleft is at the very entrance of the cave, but most of the water gushes forth from the lower and wider part which lies underneath the steps. When the water is scanty, the women of Siloam creep down into the cavity under the steps and fill their water-skins there; at such times no water at all finds its way into the cave. At the far end of the cave is the opening of that system of ancient tunnel-aqueducts which is described in VI, below. This spring is "intermittent," the water rising rapidly and gushing forth with considerable force, several times in the 24 hours after the rainy season, and only once or twice in the dry. This "intermittent" condition of springs is not uncommon in Palestine, and is explained by the accumulation of the underground water in certain cavities or cracks in the rock, which together make up a reservoir which empties itself by siphon action. Where the accumulated water reaches the bend of the siphon, the overflow commences and continues to run until the reservoir is emptied. Such a phenomenon is naturally attributed to supernatural agency by the ignorant<6E>in this case, among the modern fellahin, to a dragon<6F>and natives, specially Jews, visit the source, even today, at times of its overflow, for healing. Whether this intermittent condition of the fountain is very ancient it is impossible to say, but, as Jerome (Comm. in Esa, 86) speaks of it, it was probably present in New Testament times, and if so we have a strong argument for finding here the "Pool of Bethesda."<P>See <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=BETHESDA">BETHESDA</a>.<P>In ancient times all the water flowed down the open, rocky valley, but at an early period a wall was constructed to bank up the water and convert the source into a pool. Without such an arrangement no water could find its way into the cave and the tunnels. The tunnels, described below (VI), were constructed for the purpose<P>(1) of reaching the water supply from within the city walls, and<P>(2) of preventing the enemies of the Jews from getting at the water (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',32,4);">2Ch 32:4</a>).<P>The water of this source, though used for all purposes by the people of Siloam, is brackish to the taste, and contains a considerable percentage of sewage; it is quite unfit for drinking. This condition is doubtless due to the wide distribution of sewage, both intentionally (for irrigation of the gardens) and unintentionally (through leaking sewers, etc.), over the soil overlying the rocks from which the water flows. In earlier times the water was certainly purer, and it is probable, too, that the fountain was more copious, as now hundreds of cisterns imprison the waters which once found their way through the soil to the deep sources of the spring.<P>The waters of the Virgin\'s Fount find their way through the Siloam tunnel and out at \'Ain Silwan (the "spring" of Siloam), into the Pool of Siloam, and from this source descend into the Kidron valley to water the numerous vegetable gardens belonging to the village of Siloam (see <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=Siloam;+Siloah;+Shelah;+Shiloah">SILOAM</a>).<P>The second source of water in Jerusalem is the deep well known as Bir Eyyub, "Job\'s well," which is situated a little below the point where the Kidron valley and Hinnom meet. In all probability it derives its modern name from a legend in the Koran (Sura 38 5,40-41) which narrates that God commanded Job to stamp with his foot, whereupon a spring miraculously burst up. The well, which had been quite lost sight of, was rediscovered by the Crusaders in 1184 AD, and was by them cleaned out. It is 125 ft. deep. The supply of water in this well is practically inexhaustible, although the quality is no better than that of the "Virgin\'s Fount"; after several days of heavy rain the water overflows underground and bursts out a few yards lower down the valley as a little stream. It continues to run for a few days after a heavy fall of rain is over, and this "flowing Kidron" is a great source of attraction to the native residents of Jerusalem, who pour forth from the city to enjoy the rare sight of running water. Somewhere in the neighborhood of Bir Eyyub must have lain \'En-Rogel, but if that were once an actual spring, its source is now buried under the great mass of rubbish accumulated here (see <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=EN-ROGEL">EN-ROGEL</A>).<P>Nearly 600 yards south of Bir Eyyub is a small gravelly basin where, when the Bir Eyyub overflows, a small spring called \'Ain el Lozeh (the "spring of the almond") bursts forth. It is not a true spring, but is due to some of the water of Job\'s well which finds its way along an ancient rock-cut aqueduct on the west side of the Wady en Nar, bursting up here.<P>The only other possible site of a spring in the Jerusalem area is the Chammam esh Shefa, "the bath of healing." This is an underground rock-basin in the Tyropeon valley, within the city walls, in which water collects by percolation through the debris of the city. Though once a reservoir with probably rock-cut channels conducting water to it, it is now a deep well with arches erected over it at various periods, as the rubbish of the city gradually accumulated through the centuries. There is no evidence whatever of there being any natural fountain, and the water is, in the dry season, practically pure sewage, though used in a neighboring Turkish bath.<P>G.A. Smith thinks that the <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=JACKAL\'S+WELL">JACKAL\'S WELL</a> (which see) mentioned by Nehemiah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',2,13);">2:13</A>), which must have been situated in the Valley of Hinnom, may possibly have been a temporary spring arising there for a few years in consequence of an earthquake, but it is extremely likely that any well sunk then would tap water flowing along the bed of the valley. There is no such "spring" or "well" there today.<P>III. The Natural Site.<P>Modern Jerusalem occupies a situation defined geographically as 31 degrees 46 minutes 45 seconds North latitude., by 35 degrees 13 minutes 25 seconds East longitude. It lies in the midst of a bare and rocky plateau, the environs being one of the most stony and least fruitful districts in the habitable parts of Palestine, with shallow, gray or reddish soil and many outcrops of bare limestone. Like all the hill slopes with a southeasterly aspect, it is so thoroughly exposed to the full blaze of the summer sun that in its natural condition the site would be more or less barren. Today, however, as a result of diligent cultivation and frequent watering, a considerable growth of trees and shrubs has been produced in the rapidly extending suburbs. The only fruit tree which reaches perfection around Jerusalem is the olive.<P>1. The Mountains Around:<P>The site of Jerusalem is shut in by a rough triangle of higher mountain ridges: to the west runs the main ridge, or water parting, of Judea, which here makes a sweep to the westward. From this ridge a spur runs southeast and east, culminating due east of the city in the <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=OLIVES,+MOUNT+OF">MOUNT OF OLIVES</a> (which see), nearly 2,700 ft. above sea-level and about 300 ft. above the mean level of the ancient city. Another spur, known as Jebel Deir abu Tor, 2,550 ft. high, runs east from the plateau of el Buqei\'a and lies southwest of the city; it is the traditional "Hill of Evil Counsel." The city site is thus dominated on all sides by these higher ranges<65>"the mountains (that) are round about Jerus" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',125,2);">Ps 125:2</a>)<29>so that while on the one hand the ancient city was hidden, at any considerable distance, from any direction except the southeast, it is only through this open gap toward the desert and the mountains of Moab that any wide outlook is obtainable. This strange vision of wilderness and distant mountain wall<6C>often of exquisite loveliness in the light of the setting sun<75>must all through the ages have been the most familiar and the most potent of scenic influences to the inhabitants of Jerusalem.<P>2. The Valleys:<P>Within the enfolding hills the city\'s proper site is demarked by two main valleys. That on the west and southwest commences in a hollow occupied by the Moslem cemetery around the pool Birket Mamilla. The valley runs due east toward the modern Jaffa Gate, and there bends south, being known in this upper part of its course as the Wady el Mes. In this southern course it is traversed by a great dam, along which the modern Bethlehem road runs, which converts a large area of the valley bed into a great pool, the Birket es Sultan. Below this the valley<65>under the name of Wady er Rabadi<64>bends southeast, then east, and finally southeast again, until near Bir Eyyub it joins the western valley to form the Wady en Nar, 670 ft. below its origin. This valley has been very generally identified as the Valley of Hinnom (see <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=HINNOM,+VALLEY+OF">HINNOM, VALLEY OF</a>.)<P>The eastern valley takes a wider sweep. Commencing high up in the plateau to the north of the city, near the great water-parting, it descends as a wide and open valley in a southeasterly direction until, where it is crossed by the Great North Road, being here known as Wady el Joz (the "Valley of the Walnuts"), it turns more directly east. It gradually curves to the south, and as it runs east of the city walls, it receives the name of Wady Sitti Miriam (the "Valley of the Lady Mary"). Below the southeast corner of the temple-area, near the traditional "Tomb of Absalom," the valley rapidly deepens and takes a direction slightly to the west of south. It passes the "Virgin\'s Fount," and a quarter of a mile lower it is joined by el Wad from the north, and a little farther on by the Wady er Rababi from the west. South of Bir Eyyub, the valley formed by their union is continued under the name of Wady en Nar to the Dead Sea. This western valley is that commonly known as the Brook Kidron, or, more shortly, the "Brook" (hachal), or ravine (see <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=KIDRON">KIDRON</A>), but named from the 5th century onward by Christians the Valley of Jehoshaphat (see <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=JEHOSHAPHAT,+VALLEY+OF">JEHOSHAPHAT, VALLEY OF</a>). The rocky tongue of land enclosed between these deep ravines, an area, roughly speaking, a little over one mile long by half a mile wide, is further subdivided into a number of distinct hills by some shallower valleys. The most prominent of these<73>indeed the only one noticeable to the superficial observer today<61>is the great central valley known to modern times by the single name el Wad, "the valley." It commences in a slight depression of the ground a little north of the modern "Damascus Gate," and after entering the city at this gate it rapidly deepens<6E>a fact largely disguised today by the great accumulation of rubbish in its course. It traverses the city with the Charam to its east, and the Christian and Moslem quarters on rapidly rising ground to its west. Its course is observed near the Babylonian es Silseleh, where it is crossed by an ancient causeway, but farther south the valley reappears, having the walls of the Charam (near the "wailing place" and "Robinson\'s arch") on the east, and steep cliffs crossed by houses of the Jewish quarter on the west. It leaves the city at the "Dung Gate," and passes with an open curve to the east, until it reaches the Pool of Siloam, below\' which it merges in the Wady Sitti Miriam. This is the course of the main valley, but a branch of great importance in the ancient topography of the city starts some 50 yards to the west of the modern Jaffa Gate and runs down the Suwaikat Allun generally known to travelers as "David\'s Street," and thus easterly, along the Tarik bab es Silseleh, until it merges in the main valley. The main valley is usually considered to be the Tyropeon, or "Cheesemongers\' Valley" of Josephus, but some writers have attempted to confine the name especially to this western arm of it.<P>Another interior valley, which is known rather by the rock contours, than by surface observations, being largely filled up today, cuts diagonally across the northeast corner of the modern city. It has no modern name, though it is sometimes called "St. Anne\'s Valley." It arises in the plateau near "Herod\'s Gate," known as es Sahra, and entering the city about 100 yards to the east of that gate, runs south-southeast., and leaves the city between the northeast angle of the Charam and the Golden Gate, joining the Kidron valley farther southeast. The Birket Israel runs across the width of this valley, which had far more influence in determining the ancient topography of the city than has been popularly recognized. There is an artificially made valley between the Charam and the buildings to its north, and there is thought by many to be a valley between the southeast hill, commonly called "Ophel" and the temple-area. Such, then, are the valleys, great and small, by which the historic hills on which the city stood are defined. All of them, particularly in their southern parts, were considerably deeper in ancient times, and in places the accumulated debris is 80 ft. or more. All of them were originally torrent beds, dry except immediately after heavy rain. The only perennial outflow of water is the scanty and intermittent stream which overflows from the Pool of Siloam, and is used to irrigate the gardens in the Wady Sitti Miriam.<P>3. The Hills:<P>The east and west valleys isolate a roughly quadrilateral tongue of land running from northwest-west to south-southeast, and tilted so as to face southeast. This tongue is further subdivided by el Wad into two long ridges, which merge into each other in the plateau to the north. The western ridge has its actual origin considerably north of the modern wall, being part of the high ground lying between the modern Jaffa road to the west, and the commencement of the Kidron valley to the east. Within the city walls it rises as high as 2,581 ft. near the northwestern corner. It is divided by the west branch of the Tyropeon valley into two parts: a northern part<72>the northwestern hill<6C>on which is situated today the Church of the Holy Sepulchre and the greater part of the "Christian quarter" of the city, and a southern hill<6C>the southwestern<72>which is connected with the northwestern hill by but a narrow saddle<6C>50 yards wide<64>near the Jaffa Gate. This hill sustains the citadel (the so-called "Tower of David"), the barracks and the Armenian quarter within the walls, and the Coenaculum and adjacent buildings outside the walls. This hill is from 2,500 to 2,350 ft. high along its summit, but drops rapidly on its southwestern, southern and southeastern sides. In its central part it falls much more gently toward the eastern hill across the now largely filled valley el Wad.<P>The eastern ridge may be reckoned as beginning at the rocky hill el-Edhemiyeh<65>popularly known as Gordon\'s Calvary<72>but the wide trench made here by quarrying somewhat obscures this fact. The ridge may for convenience be regarded as presenting three parts, the northeastern, central or central-eastern, and southeastern summits. The northeastern hill within the modern wall supports the Moslem quarter, and rises in places to a height of over 2,500 ft.; it narrows to a mere neck near the "Ecce Homo" arch, where it is joined to the barracks, on the site of the ancient Antonia. Under the present surface it is here separated from the temple summit by a deep rocky trench.<P>The central, or central-eastern, summit is that appearing as es Sakhra, the sacred temple rock, which <span class="noTag">is</span> 2,404 ft. high. This is the highest point from which the ground rapidly falls east, west, and south, but the natural contours of the adjacent ground are much obscured by the great substructures which have been made to sustain the temple platform.<P>The sloping, southeastern, hill, south of the temple area appears today, at any rate, to have a steady fall of from 2,350 ft. just south of the Charam southern wall to a little over 2,100 ft. near the Pool of Siloam. It is a narrow ridge running in a somewhat curved direction, with a summit near 200 ft. above the Kidron and 100 ft. above the bed of the Tyropeon. In length it is not more than 600 yards, in width, at its widest, only 150 yards, but its chief feature, its natural strength, is today greatly obscured on account of the rubbish which slopes down its sides and largely fills up its surrounding valleys. In earlier times, at least three of its sides were protected by deep valleys, and probably on quite two-thirds of its circumference its summit was surrounded by natural rocky scarps. According to Professor Guthe, this hill is divided from the higher ground to the north by a depression 12 ft. deep and 30-50 yards wide, but this has not been confirmed by other observers. The city covering so hilly a site as this must ever have consisted, as it does today, of houses terraced on steep slopes\' with stairways for streets.``117';
isbe[4991]='Jerusalem, 2`IV. General Topography of Jerusalem.<P>From the foregoing description of the "natural site," it will be seen that we have to deal with 5 natural subdivisions or hills, two on the western and three on the eastern ridges.<P>1. Description of Josephus:<P>In discussing the topography it is useful to commence with the description of Josephus, wherein he gives to these 5 areas the names common in his day (BJ, V, iv, 1,2). He says: "The city was built upon two hills which are opposite to one another and have a valley to divide them asunder...Now the Valley of the Cheesemongers, as it was called, and was that which distinguished the hill of the upper city from that of the lower, extended as far as Siloam" (ibid., V, iv, 1). Here we get the first prominent physical feature, the bisection of the city-site into two main hills. Farther on, however, in the same passage<67>one, it must be admitted, of some obscurity<74>Josephus distinguishes 5 distinct regions:<P>(1) The Upper City or Upper Market Place:<P>(The hill) "which sustains the upper city is much higher and in length more direct. Accordingly, it was called the citadel (phrourion) of King David...but it is by us called the Upper Market Place." This is without dispute the southwestern hill.<P>(2) Akra and Lower City:<P>"The other hill, which was called Akra, and sustains the lower city, was double-curved" (amphikurtos). The description can apply only to the semicircular shape of the southeastern hill, as viewed from the "upper city." These names, "Akra" and "Lower City," are, with reservations, therefore, to be applied to the southeastern hill.<P>(3) The Temple Hill:<P>Josephus\' description here is curious, on account of its indefiniteness, but there can be no question as to which hill he intends. He writes: "Over against this is a third hill, but naturally lower than the Akra and parted formerly from the other by a fiat valley. However, in those times when the Hasmoneans reigned, they did away with this valley, wishing to connect the city with the temple; and cutting down the summit of the Akra, they made it lower, so that the temple might be visible over it." Comparison with other passages shows that this "third hill" is the central-eastern<72>the "Temple Hill."<P>(4) Bezetha:<P>"It was Agrippa who encompassed the parts added to the old city with this wall (i.e. the third wall) which had been all naked before; for as the city grew more populous, it gradually crept beyond its old limits, and those parts of it that stood northward of the Temple, and joined that hill to the city, made it considerably larger, and occasioned that hill which is in number the fourth, and is called \'Bezetha,\' to be inhabited also. It lies over against the tower Antonia, but is divided from it by a deep valley, which was dug on purpose....This new-built part of the city was called \'Bezetha\' in our language, which, if interpreted in the Greek language, may be called the \'New City.\' " This is clearly the northeastern hill.<P>(5) The Northern Quarter of the City:<P>From the account of the walls given by Josephus, it is evident that the northern part of his "first wall" ran along the northern edge of the southwestern hill; the second wall enclosed the inhabited part of the northwestern hill. Thus Josephus writes: "The second wall took its beginning from the gate which they called Gennath in the first wall, and enclosing, the northern quarter only reached to the Antonia." This area is not described as a separate hill, as the inhabited area, except on the south, was defined by no natural valleys, and besides covering the northwestern hill, must have extended into the Tyropeon valley.<P>2. Summary of the Names of the Five Hills:<P>Here then we have Josephus\' names for these five districts:<P>(1) Southwestern Hill:<P>Southwestern Hill, "Upper City" and "Upper Market Place"; also the Summary Phrourion, or "fortress of David." From the 4th century AD, this hill has also been known as "Zion," and on it today is the so-called "Tower of David," built on the foundations of two of Herod\'s great towers.<P>(2) Northwestern Hill:<P>"The northern quarter of the city." This district does not appear to have had any other name in Old Testament or New Testament, though some of the older authorities would place the "Akra" here (see infra). Today it is the "Christian quarter" of Jerusalem, which centers round the Church of the Holy Sepulchre.<P>(3) Northeastern Hill:<P>"Bezetha" or "New City," even now a somewhat sparsely inhabited area, has no name in Biblical literature.<P>(4) Central-eastern Hill:<P>The "third hill" of Josephus, clearly the site of the Temple which, as Josephus says (BJ, V, v), "was built upon a strong hill." In earlier times it was the "threshing-floor of Araunah the Jebusite." On the question whether it has any claims to be the Moriah of <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',22,2);">Ge 22:2</a>, as it is called in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',3,1);">2Ch 3:1</a>, see <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=MORIAH">MORIAH</A>. The temple hill is also in many of the Hebrew writings called Zion, on which point see <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=ZION">ZION</a>.<P>(5) Southeastern Hill:<P>This Josephus calls "Akra" and "Lower City," but while on the one hand these names require some elucidation, there are other names which have at one period or another come to be applied to this hill, namely, "City of David," "Zion" and "Ophel." These names for this hill we shall now deal with in order.<P>3. The Akra:<P>In spite of the very definite description of Josephus, there has been considerable difference of opinion regarding the situation of the "Akra." Various parts of the northwestern, the northeastern, the southeastern hills, and even the central-eastern itself, have been suggested by earlier authorities, but instead of considering the various arguments, now largely out of date, for other proposed sites, it will be better to deal with the positive arguments for the southeastern hill. Josephus states that in his day the term "Akra" was applied to the southeastern hill, but in references to the earlier history it is clear that the Akra was not a whole hill, but a definite fortress (akra = "fortress").<P>(1) It was situated on the site, or on part of the site, which was considered in the days of the Maccabees to have been the "City of David." Antiochus Epiphanes (168 BC), after destroying Jerusalem, "fortitled the city of David with a great and strong wall, with strong towers and it became unto them an Akra" (1Macc 1:33-36). The formidable fortress<73>known henceforth as "the Akra"<22>became a constant menace to the Jews, until at length, in 142 BC, it was captured by Simon, who not only razed the whole fortress, but, according to Josephus (Ant., XIII, vi, 7; B J, V, iv, 1), actually cut down the hill on which it stood. He says that "they all, labouring zealously, demolished the hill, and ceasing not from the work night and day for three whole years, brought it to a level and even slope, so that the Temple became the highest of all after the Akra and the hill upon which it was built had been removed" (Ant., XIII, vi, 7). The fact that at the time of Josephus this hill was evidently lower than the temple hill is in itself sufficient argument against any theory which would place the Akra on the northwestern or southwestern hills.<P>(2) The Akra was close to the temple (1Macc 13:52), and from its walls the garrison could actually overlook it (1Macc 14:36). Before the hill was cut down it obscured the temple site (same place) .<P>(3) It is identified by Josephus as forming part, at least, of the lower city, which (see below) bordered upon the temple (compare BJ, I, i, 4; V, iv, 1; vi, 1).<P>(4) The Septuagint identifies the Akra with Millo (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',5,9);">2Sa 5:9</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',9,\'15-24\');">1Ki 9:15-24</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',32,5);">2Ch 32:5</a>).<P>Allowing that the original Akra of the Syrians was on the southeastern hill, it is still a matter of some difficulty to determine whereabouts it stood, especially as, if the statements of Josephus are correct, the natural configuration of the ground has been greatly altered. The most prominent point upon the southeastern hill, in the neighborhood of Gihon, appears to have been occupied by the Jebusite fortress of <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=ZION">ZION</A> (which see), but the site of the Akra can hardly be identical with this, for this became the "City of David," and here were the venerated tombs of David and the Judean kings, which must have been destroyed if this hill was, as Josephus states, cut down. On this and other grounds we must look for a site farther north. Sir Charles Watson (PEFS, 1906, 1907) has produced strong topographical and literary arguments for placing it where the al Aqsa mosque is today; other writers are more inclined to put it farther south, somewhere in the neighborhood of the massive tower discovered by Warren on the "Ophel" wall (see <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=MILLO">MILLO</A>). If the account of Josephus, written two centuries after the events, is to be taken as literal, then Watson\'s view is the more probable.<P>4. The Lower City:<P>Josephus, as we have seen, identified the Akra of his day with the Lower City. This latter is not a name occurring in the Bible because, as will be shown, the Old Testament name for this part was "City of David." That by Lower City Josephus means the southeastern hill is shown by many facts. It is actually the lowest part of the city, as compared with the "Upper City," Temple Hill and the Bezetha; it is, as Josephus describes, separated from the Upper City by a deep valley<65>the Tyropeon; this southeastern hill is "double-curved," as Josephus describes, and lastly several passages in his writings show that the Lower City was associated with the Temple on the one end and the Pool of Siloam at the other (compare Ant, XIV, xvi, 2; BJ, II, xvii, 5; IV, ix, 12; VI, vi, 3; vii, 2).<P>In the wider sense the "Lower City" must have included, not only the section of the city covering the southeastern hill up to the temple precincts, where were the palaces (BJ, V, vi, 1; VI, vi, 3), and the homes of the well-to-do, but also that in the valley of the Tyropeon from Siloam up to the "Council House," which was near the northern "first wall" (compare BJ, V, iv, 2), a part doubtless inhabited by the poorest.<P>5. City of David and Zion:<P>It is clear (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',5,7);">2Sa 5:7</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',11,5);">1Ch 11:5</a>) that the citadel "Zion" of the Jebusites became the "City of David," or as G. A. Smith calls it, "David\'s Burg," after its capture by the Hebrews. The arguments for placing "Zion" on the southeastern hill are given elsewhere (see <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=ZION">ZION</A>), but a few acts relevant especially to the "City of David" may be mentioned here: the capture of the Jebusite city by means of the gutter (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',5,8);">2Sa 5:8</a>), which is most reasonably explained as "Warren\'s Shaft" (see VII); the references to David\'s halt on his flight (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',15,23);">2Sa 15:23</a>), and his sending Solomon to Gihon to be crowned (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',1,33);">1Ki 1:33</a>), and the common expression "up," used in describing the transference of the Ark from the City of David to the Temple Hill (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',8,1);">1Ki 8:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',5,2);">2Ch 5:2</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',9,24);">1Ki 9:24</a>), are all consistent with this view. More convincing are the references to Hezekiah\'s aqueduct which brought the waters of Gihon "down on the west side of the city of David" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',32,30);">2Ch 32:30</a>); the mention of the City of David as adjacent to the Pool of Shelah (or Shiloah; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',8,6);">Isa 8:6</a>), and the "king\'s garden" in <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',3,15);">Ne 3:15</a>, and the position of the Fountain Gate in this passage and <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',12,37);">Ne 12:37</a>; and the statement that Manasseh built "an outer wall to the City of David, on the west side of Gihon" in the nachal, i.e. the Kidron valley (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',33,14);">2Ch 33:14</a>).<P>The name appears to have had a wider significance as the city grew. Originally "City of David" was only the name of the Jebusite fort, but later it became equivalent to the whole southeastern hill. In the same way, Akra was originally the name of the Syrian fort, but the name became extended to the whole southeastern hill. Josephus looks upon "City of David" and "Akra" as synonymous, and applies to both the name "Lower City." For the names Ophel and Ophlas see <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=OPHEL">OPHEL</A>.<P>V. Excavations and Antiquities.<P>During the last hundred years explorations and excavations of a succession of engineers and archaeologists have furnished an enormous mass of observations for the understanding of the condition of ancient Jerusalem. Some of the more important are as follows: In 1833 Messrs. Bonorni, Catherwood and Arundale made a first thorough survey of the Charam (temple-area), a work which was the foundation of all subsequent maps for over a quarter of a century.<P>1. Robinson:<P>In 1838, and again in 1852, the famous American traveler and divine, E. Robinson, D.D., visited the land as the representative of an American society, and made a series of brilliant topographical investigations of profound importance to all students of the Holy Land, even today.<P>In 1849 Jerusalem was surveyed by Lieuts. Aldrich and Symonds of the Royal Engineers, and the data acquired were used for a map constructed by Van de Vilde and published by T. Tobler.<P>In 1857 an American, J.T. Barclay, published another map of Jerusalem and its environs "from actual and minute survey made on the spot."<P>In 1860-1863 De Vogue in the course of some elaborate researches in Syria explored the site of the sanctuary.<P>2. Wilson and the Palestine Exploration Fund (1865):<P>In 1864-65 a committee was formed in London to consider the sanitary condition of Jerusalem, especially with a view to furnishing the city with a satisfactory water-supply, and Lady Burdett-Coutts gave 500 pounds toward a proper survey of Jerusalem and its environs as a preliminary step. Captain (later Lieutenant-General Sir Charles) Wilson, R.E., was lent by the Ordnance Survey Department of Great Britain for the purpose. The results of this survey, and of certain tentative excavations and observations made at the same time, were so encouraging that in 1865 "The Palestine Exploration Fund" was constituted, "for the purpose of investigating the archaeology, geography, geology, and natural history of the Holy Land."<P>3. Warren and Conder:<P>During 1867-70 Captain (later Lieutenant-General Sir Charles) Warren, R.E., carried out a series of most exciting and original excavations all over the site of Jerusalem, especially around the Charam. During 1872-75 Lieutenant (later Lieutenant-Colonel) Conder, R.E., in the course of the great survey of Western Palestine, made further contributions to our knowledge of the Holy City.<P>4. Maudslay:<P>In 1875 Mr. Henry Maudslay, taking advantage of the occasion of the rebuilding of "Bishop Gobat\'s Boys\' School," made a careful examination of the remarkable rock cuttings which are now more or less incorporated into the school buildings, and made considerable excavations, the results being described in PEFS (April, 1875).<P>In 1881 Professor Guthe made a series of important excavations on the southeastern hill, commonly called "Ophel," and also near the Pool of Siloam; his reports were published in ZDPV, 1882.<P>5. Schick:<P>The same year (1881), the famous Siloam inscription was discovered and was first reported by Herr Baurath Schick, a resident in Jerusalem who from 1866 until his death in 1901 made a long series of observations of the highest importance on the topography of Jerusalem. He had unique opportunities for scientifically examining the buildings in the Charam, and the results of his study of the details of that locality are incorporated in his wonderful Temple model. He also made a detailed report of the ancient aqueducts of the city. Most important of all were the records he so patiently and faithfully kept of the rock levels in all parts of the city\'s site whenever the digging of foundations for buildings or other excavations gave access to the rock. His contributions to the PEF and ZDPV run into hundreds of articles.<P>6. Clermont-Ganneau:<P>M. Clermont-Ganneau, who was resident in Jerusalem in the French consular service, made for many years, from 1880 onward, a large number of acute observations on the archaeology of Jerusalem and its environs, many of which were published by the PEF. Another name honored in connection with the careful study of the topography of Jerusalem over somewhat the same period is that of Selah Merrill, D.D., for many years U.S. consul in Jerusalem.<P>7. Bliss and Dickie:<P>In 1894-97 the Palestine Exploration Fund conducted an elaborate series of excavations with a view to determining in particular the course of the ancient southern walls under the direction of Mr. T.J. Bliss (son of Daniel Bliss, D.D., then president of the Syrian Protestant College, Beirut), assisted by Mr. A.C. Dickie as architect. After picking up the buried foundations of walls at the southeastern corner where "Maudslay\'s scarp" was exposed in the Protestant cemetery, Bliss and Dickie followed them all the way to the Pool of Siloam, across the Tyropeon and on to "Ophel"<22>and also in other directions. Discoveries of great interest were also made in the neighborhood of the Pool of Siloam (see <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=SILOAM;+SILOAH;+SHELAH;+SHILOAH">SILOAM</a>).<P>Following upon these excavations a number of private investigations have been made by the Augustinians in a large estate they have acquired on the east side of the traditional hill of Zion.<P>In 1909-1911 a party of Englishmen, under Captain the Honorable M. Parker, made a number of explorations with very elaborate tunnels upon the hill of Ophel, immediately above the Virgin\'s Fount. In the course of their work, they cleaned out the whole Siloam aqueduct, finding some new passages; they reconstructed the Siloam Pool, and they completed Warren\'s previous investigation in the neighborhood of what has been known as "Warren\'s Shaft."<P>8. Jerusalem Archaeological Societies:<P>There are several societies constantly engaged in observing new facts connected with the topography of ancient Jerusalem, notably the School of Archaeology connected with the University of Stephens, under the Dominicans; the American School of Archaeology; the German School of Biblical Archaeology under Professor Dalman, and the Palestine Exploration Fund.<P>VI. The City\'s Walls and Gates.<P>1. The Existing Walls:<P>Although the existing walls of Jerusalem go back in their present form to but the days of Suleiman the Magnificent, circa 1542 AD, their study is an essential preliminary to the understanding of the ancient walls. The total circuit of the modern walls <span class="noTag">is</span> 4,326 yards, or nearly 2 1/8 miles, their average height <span class="noTag">is</span> 35 ft., and they have altogether 35 towers and 8 gates<65>one of which is walled up. They make a rough square, with the four sides facing the cardinal points of the compass. The masonry is of various kinds, and on every side there are evidences that the present walls are a patchwork of many periods. The northern wall, from near the northwestern angle to some distance east of the "Damascus Gate," lies parallel with, though somewhat inside of, an ancient fosse, and it and the gate itself evidently follow ancient lines. The eastern and western walls, following as they do a general direction along the edges of deep valleys, must be more or less along the course of earlier walls. The eastern wall, from a little south of Stephen\'s Gate to the southeastern angle, contains many ancient courses, and the general line is at least as old as the time of Herod the Great; the stretch of western wall from the so-called "Tower of David" to the southwestern corner is certainly along an ancient line and has persisted through very many centuries. This line of wall was allowed to remain undestroyed when Titus leveled the remainder. At the northwestern angle are some remains known as Kala\'at Jalud ("Goliath\'s castle"), which, though largely medieval, contain a rocky core and some masonry of Herodian times, which are commonly accepted as the relics of the lofty tower Psephinus.<P>2. Wilson\'s Theory:<P>The course of the southern wall has long been a difficulty; it is certainly not the line of wall before Titus; it has none of the natural advantages of the western and eastern walls, and there are no traces of any great rock fosse, such as is to be found on the north. The eastern end is largely built upon the lower courses of Herod\'s southern wall for his enlarged temple-platform, and in it are still to be found walled up the triple, single and double gates which lead up to the Temple. The irregular line followed by the remainder of this wall has not until recent times received any explanation. Sir Charles Wilson (Golgotha and the Holy Sepulchre) suggests the probable explanation that the line of wall from the southwestern to the "Zion Gate" was determined by the legionary camp which stood on the part of the city now covered by the barracks and the Armenian quarter. Allowing that the remains of the first wall on the north and west were utilized for this fortified camp (from 70-132 AD), and supposing the camp to have occupied the area of 50 acres, as was the case with various European Roman camps, whose remains are known, the southern camp wall would have run along the line of the existing southern walls. This line of fortification having been thus selected appears to have been followed through the greater part of the succeeding centuries down to modern times. The line connecting the two extremities of the southern wall, thus determined by the temple-platform and legionary camp, respectively, was probably that first followed by the southern wall of Hadrian\'s city AElia.<P>3. The Existing Gate:<P>Of the 8 existing city gates, on the west side there is but one, Babylonian el Khulil (the "Gate of Hebron"), commonly known to travelers as the Jaffa Gate. It is probably the site of several earlier gates. On the north there are 3 gates, Babylonian Abd\'ul Kamid (named after the sultan who made it) or the "New Gate"; Babylonian el \'amud ("Gate of the Columns"), now commonly called the "Damascus Gate," but more in ancient times known as "St. Stephen\'s Gate," and clearly, from the existing remains, the site of an earlier gateway; and, still farther east, the Babylonian es Sahirah ("Gate of the Plain"), or "Herod\'s Gate." On the east side the only open gate is the Babylonian el \'Asbat ("Gate of the Tribes"), commonly called by native Christians, Babylonian Sitti Miriam ("Gate of the Lady Mary"), but in European guide-books called "St. Stephen\'s Gate." A little farther south, near the northeastern corner of the Charam, is the great walled-up Byzantine Gate, known as Babylonian edition Dahariyeh ("Gate of the Conqueror"), but to Europeans as the "Golden Gate." This structure has been variously ascribed to Justinian and Heraclius, but there are massive blocks which belong to a more ancient structure, and early Christian tradition places the "Beautiful Gate" of the Temple here. In the southern wall are two city gates; one, insignificant and mean, occupies the center of el Wad and is known as Babylonian el Mugharibeh ("Gate of the Moors"), and to Europeans as the "Dung Gate"; the other, which is on the crown of the western hill, traditional Zion, is the important Babylonian Nebi Daoud ("Gate of the Prophet David"), or the "Zion Gate."<P>All these gates assumed their present form at the time of the reconstruction of the walls by Suleiman the Magnificent, but the more important ones occupy the sites of earlier gates. Their names have varied very much even since the times of the Crusaders. The multiplicity of names for these various gates<65>they all have two or three today<61>and their frequent changes are worth noticing in connection with the fact that in the Old Testament history some of the gates appear to have had two or more names.<P>As has been mentioned, the course of the present southern wall is the result of Roman reconstruction of the city since the time of Titus. To Warren, Guthe, Maudslay and Bliss we owe a great deal of certain knowledge of its more ancient course. These explorers have shown that in all the pre-Roman period (and at least one period since) the continuation southward of the western and eastern ridges, as well as the wide valley between<65>an area now but sparsely inhabited<65>was the site of at once the most crowded life, and the most stirring scenes in the Hebrew history of the city. The sanctity of the Holy Sepulchre has caused the city life to center itself more and more around that sanctuary, thereby greatly confusing the ancient topography for many centuries.<P>4. Buried Remains of Earlier Walls:<P>(1) Warren\'s excavations revealed: (a) a massive masonry wall 46 ft. east of the Golden Gate, which curved toward the west at its northern end, following the ancient rock contours at this spot. It is probable that this was the eastern wall of the city in pre-Herodian times. Unfortunately the existence of a large Moslem cemetery outside the eastern wall of the Charam precludes the possibility of any more excavations in this neighborhood. (b) More important remains in the southeastern hill, commonly known as "Ophel." Here commencing at the southeastern angle of the Charam, Warren uncovered a wall 14 1/2 ft. thick running south for 90 ft. and then southwest along the edge of the hill for 700 ft. This wall, which shows at least two periods of construction, abuts on the sanctuary wall with a straight joint. Along its course were found 4 small towers with a projection of 6 ft. and a face from 22 to 28 ft. broad, and a great corner tower projecting 41 1/2 ft. from the wall and with a face 80 ft. broad. The face of this great tower consists of stones one to two ft. high and 2 or 3 ft. long; it is founded upon rock and stands to the height of 66 ft. Warren considers that this may be ha-mighdal ha-yotse\' or "tower that standeth out" of <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',3,25);">Ne 3:25</a>.<P>(2) In 1881 Professor Guthe picked up fragmentary traces of this city-wall farther south, and in the excavations of Captain Parker (1910-1911) further fragments of massive walls and a very ancient gate have been found.<P>(3) Maudslay\'s excavations were on the southwestern hill, on the site occupied by "Bishop Gobat\'s School" for boys, and in the adjoining Anglo-German cemetery. The school is built over a great mass of scarped rock 45 ft. square, which rises to a height of 20 ft. from a platform which surrounds it and with which it is connected by a rock-cut stairway; upon this massive foundation must have stood a great tower at what was in ancient times the southwestern corner of the city. From this point a scarp facing westward was traced for 100 ft. northward toward the modern southwestern angle of the walls, while a rock scarp, in places 40 ft. high on the outer or southern side and at least 14 ft. on the inner face, was followed for 250 ft. eastward until it reached another great rock projection with a face of 43 ft. Although no stones were found in situ, it is evident that such great rock cuttings must have supported a wall and tower of extraordinary strength, and hundreds of massive squared stones belonging to this wall are now incorporated in neighboring buildings.<P>(4) Bliss and Dickie\'s work commenced at the southeastern extremity of Maudslay\'s scarp, where was the above-mentioned massive projection for a tower, and here were found several courses of masonry still in situ. This tower appears to have been the point of divergence of two distinct lines of wall, one of which ran in a direction northeast, skirting the edge of the southeastern hill, and probably joined the line of the modern walls at the ruined masonry tower known as Burj el Kebrit, and another running southeast down toward the Pool of Siloam, along the edge of the Wady er Rababi (Hinnom). The former of these walls cannot be very ancient, because of the occurrence of late Byzantine moldings in its foundations. The coenaculum was included in the city somewhere about 435-450 AD (see IX, 55), and also in the 14th century. Bliss considers it probable that this is the wall built in 1239 By Frederick II, and it is certainly that depicted in the map of Marino Sanuto (1321 AD). Although these masonry remains are thus comparatively late, there were some reasons for thinking that at a much earlier date a wall took a similar direction along the edge of the southwestern hill; and it is an attractive theory, though unsupported by any very definite archaeological evidence, that the wall of Solomon took also this general line. The wall running southeast from the tower, along the edge of the gorge of Hinnom, is historically of much greater importance. Bliss\'s investigations showed that here were remains belonging to several periods, covering altogether considerably over a millennium. The upper line of wall was of fine masonry, with stones 1 ft. by 3 ft. in size, beautifully jointed and finely dressed; in some places this wall was founded upon the remains of the lower wall, in others a layer of debris intervened. It is impossible that this upper wall can be pre-Roman, and Bliss ascribes it to the Empress Eudoxia (see IX, 55). The lower wall rested upon the rock and showed at least 3 periods of construction. In the earliest the stones had broad margins and were carefully jointed, without mortar. This may have been the work of Solomon or one of the early kings of Judah. The later remains are evidently of the nature of repairs, and include the work of the later Judean kings, and of Nehemiah and of all the wall-repairers, down to the destruction in 70 AD. At somewhat irregular intervals along the wall were towers of very similar projection and breadth to those found on Warren\'s wall on the southeastern hill. The wall foundations were traced<65>except for an interval where they passed under a Jewish cemetery<72>all the way to the mouth of the Tyropeon valley. The upper wall disappeared (the stones having been all removed for later buildings) before the Jewish cemetery was reached.<P>5. The Great Dam of the Tyropeon:<P>During most periods, if not indeed in all, the wall was carried across the mouth of the Tyropeon valley upon a great dam of which the massive foundations still exist under the ground, some 50 ft. to the east of the slighter dam which today supports the Birket el Kamra (see <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=SILOAM;+SILOAH;+SHELAH;+SHILOAH">SILOAM</A>). This ancient dam evidently once supported a pool in the mouth of the Tyropeon, and it showed evidences of having undergone buttressing and other changes and repairs. Although it is clear that during the greater part of Jewish history, before and after the captivity, the southern wall of Jerusalem crossed upon this dam, there were remains of walls found which tended to show that at one period, at any rate, the wall circled round the two Siloam pools, leaving them outside the fortifications.<P>6. Ruins of Ancient Gates:<P>In the stretch of wall from "Maudslay\'s Scarp" to the Tyropeon valley remains of 2 city gates were found, and doubtful indications of 2 others. The ruins of the first of these gates are now included in the new extension of the Anglo-German cemetery. The gate had door sills, with sockets, of 4 periods superimposed upon each other; the width of the entrance was 8 ft. 10 inches during the earliest, and 8 ft. at the latest period. The character of the masonry tended to show that the gate belonged to the upper wall, which is apparently entirely of the Christian era. If this is so, this cannot be the "Gate of the Gai" of <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',3,13);">Ne 3:13</a>, although the earlier gate may have occupied this site. Bliss suggests as a probable position for this gate an interval between the two contiguous towers IV and V, a little farther to the east.<P>Another gate was a small one, 4 ft. 10 inches wide, marked only by the cuttings in the rock for the door sockets. It lay a little to the west of the city gate next to be described, and both from its position and its insignificance, it does not appear to have been an entrance to the city; it may, as Bliss suggests, have given access to a tower, now destroyed.<P>The second great city gateway was found some 200 ft. south of the Birket el Kamra, close to the southeastern angle of the ancient wall. The existing remains are bonded into walls of the earlier period, but the three superimposed door sills, with their sockets<74>to be seen uncovered today in situ<74>mark three distinct periods of long duration. The gate gave access to the great main street running down the Tyropeon, underneath which ran a great rock-cut drain, which probably traversed the whole central valley of the city. During the last two periods of the gate\'s use, a tower was erected<65>at the exact southeastern angle<6C>to protect the entrance. The earliest remains here probably belong to the Jewish kings, and it is very probable that we have here the gate called by Nehemiah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',3,13);">3:13</a>) the "Dung Gate." Bliss considered that it might be the "Fountain Gate" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',3,15);">Ne 3:15</a>), which, however, was probably more to the east, although Bliss could find no remains of it surviving. The repairs and alterations here have been so extensive that its disappearance is in no way surprising. The Fountain Gate is almost certainly identical with the "Gate between the Two Walls," through which Zedekiah and his men of war fled (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',25,4);">2Ki 25:4</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',39,4);">Jer 39:4</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',52,7);">52:7</a>).<P>7. Josephus\' Description of the Walls:<P>The most definite account of the old walls is that of Josephus (Jewish Wars, V, iv,1,2), and though it referred primarily to the existing walls of his day, it is a convenient one for commencing the historical survey. He describes three walls. The first wall "began on the north, at the tower called Hippicus, and extended as far as the Xistus, and then Joining at the Council House, ended at the western cloister of the temple." On the course of this section of the wall there is no dispute. The tower Hippicus was close to the present Jaffa Gate, and the wall ran from here almost due west to the temple-area along the southern edge of the western arm of the Tyropeon (see III,2,above). It is probable that the Karet edition Dawayeh, a street running nearly parallel with the neighboring "David Street," but high up above it, lies above the foundations of this wall.<P>8. First Wall:<P>It must have crossed the main Tyropeon near the Tarik bab es Silsilel, and joined the western cloisters close to where the Mechkemeh, the present "Council House," is situated.<P>Josephus traces the southern course of the first wall thus: "It began at the same place (i.e. Hippicus), and extended through a place called Bethso to the gate of the Essenes; and after that it went southward, having its bending above the fountain Siloam, when it also bends again toward the east at Solomon\'s Pool, and reaches as far as a certain place which they called \'Ophlas,\' where it was joined to the eastern cloister of the temple." Although the main course of this wall has now been followed with pick and shovel, several points are still uncertain. Bethso is not known, but must have been close to the southwestern angle, which, as we have seen, was situated where "Bishop Gobat\'s School" is today. It is very probably identical with the "Tower of the Furnaces" of <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',3,11);">Ne 3:11</a>, while the "Gate of the Essenes" must have been near, if not identical with, the "Gate of the Gai" of <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',3,13);">3:13</a>. The description of Josephus certainly seems to imply that the mouth of the Siloam aqueduct ("fountain of Siloam") and the pools were both outside the fortification. We have seen from these indications in the underground remains that this was the case at one period. Solomon\'s Pool is very probably represented by the modern Birket el Khamra. It is clear that the wall from here to the southeastern angle of the temple-platform followed the edge of the southeastern hill, and coincided farther north with the old wall excavated by Warren. As will be shown below, this first wall was the main fortification of the city from the time of the kings of Judah onward. In the time of Josephus, this first wall had 60 towers.<P>9. Second Wall:<P>The Second Wall of Josephus "took its beginning from that gate which they called \'Gennath,\' which belonged to the first wall: it only encompassed the northern quarter of the city and reached as far as the tower Antonia" (same place). In no part of Jerusalem topography has there been more disagreement than upon this wall, both as regards its curve and as regards its date of origin. Unfortunately, we have no idea at all where the "Gate Gennath" was. The Tower Antonia we know. The line must have passed in a curved or zigzag direction from some unknown point on the first wall, i.e. between the Jaffa Gate and the Charam to the Antonia. A considerable number of authorities in the past and a few careful students today would identify the general course of this wall with that of the modern northern wall. The greatest objections to this view are that no really satisfactory alternative course has been laid down for the third wall (see below), and that it must have run far north of the Antonia, a course which does not seem to agree with the description of Josephus, which states that the wall "went up" to the Antonia. On the other hand, no certain remains of any city wall within the present north wall have ever been found; fragments have been reported by various observers (e.g. the piece referred to as forming the eastern wall of the so-called "Pool of Hezekiah"; see VII, ii, below), but in an area so frequently desolated and rebuilt upon<6F>where the demand for squared stones must always have been great<61>it is probable that the traces, if surviving at all, are very scanty. This is the case with the south wall excavated by Bliss (see VI), and that neighborhood has for many centuries been unbuilt upon. It is quite probable that the area included within the second wall may have been quite small, merely the buildings which clustered along the sides of the Tyropeon. Its 40 towers may have been small and built close together, because the position was, from the military aspect, weak. It must be remembered that it was the unsatisfactory state of the second wall which necessitated a third wall. There is no absolute reason why it may not have excluded the greater part of the northwestern hill<6C>and with it the site of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre<72>but there is no proof that it did. The date of the second wall is unknown (see below).<P>10. Third Wall:<P>This third wall, which was commenced after the time of Christ by Herod Agrippa I, is described in more detail by Josephus. It was begun upon an elaborate plan, but was not finished in its original design because Agrippa feared Claudius Caesar, "lest he should suspect that so strong a wall was built in order to make some innovation in public affairs" (Jewish Wars, V, iv, 2). It, however, at the time of the siege, was of a breadth of over 18 ft., and a height of 40 ft., and had 90 massive towers. Josephus describes it as beginning at the tower Hippicus (near the Jaffa Gate), "where it reached as far as the north quarter of the city, and the tower Psephinus." This mighty tower, 135 ft. high, was at the northwestern corner and overlooked the whole city. From it, according to Josephus (Jewish Wars, V, vi, 3), there was a view of Arabia (Moab) at sunrising, and also of "the utmost limits of the Hebrew possessions at the Sea westward." From this corner the wall turned eastward until it came over against the monuments of Helene of Adiabene, a statement, however, which must be read in connection with another passage (Ant., XX, iv, 3), where it says that this tomb "was distant no more than 3 furlongs from the city of Jerusalem." The wall then "extended to a very great length" and passed by the sepulchral caverns of the kings<67>which may well be the so-called "Solomon\'s Quarries," and it then bent at the "Tower of the Corner," at a monument which is called the Monument of the Fuller (not identified), and joined to the old wall at the Kidron valley.<P>The commonly accepted theory is that a great part of this line of wall is that pursued by the modern north wall, and Kal\'at el Jalud, or rather the foundation of it, that marks the site of Psephinus. The Damascus Gate is certainly on the line of some earlier gate. The "Tower of the Corner" was probably about where the modern Herod\'s Gate is, or a little more to the east, and the course of the wall was from here very probably along the southern edge of the "St. Anne\'s Valley," joining on to the northeast corner of the Charam a little south of the present Stephen\'s Gate. This course of the wall fits in well with the description of Josephus. If the so-called "Tombs of the Kings" are really those of Queen Helena of Adiabene and her family, then the distance given as 3 furlongs is not as far out as the distance to the modern wall; the distance is actually 3 1/2 furlongs.<P>Others, following the learned Dr. Robinson, find it impossible to believe that the total circuit of the walls was so small, and would carry the third wall considerably farther north, making the general line of the modern north wall coincide with the second wall of Josephus. The supporters of this view point to the description of the extensive view from Psephinus, and contend that this presupposed a site on still higher ground, e.g. where the present Russian buildings now are. They also claim that the statement that the wall came "over against" the monument of Queen Helena certainly should mean very much nearer that monument than the present walls. Dr. Robinson and others who have followed him have pointed to various fragments which they claim to have been pieces of the missing wall. The present writer, after very many years\' residence in Jerusalem, watching the buildings which in the last 25 years have sprung up over the area across which this line of wall is claimed to have run, has never seen a trace of wall foundations or of fosse which was in the very least convincing; while on the other hand this area now being rapidly covered by the modern suburb of Jerusalem presents almost everywhere below the surface virgin rock. There is no evidence of any more buildings than occasional scattered Roman villas, with mosaic floors. The present writer has rather unwillingly come to the opinion that the city walls were never farther north than the line they follow today. With respect to the objection raised that there could not possibly have been room enough between the two walls for the "Camp of the Assyrians," where Titus pitched his camp (Jewish Wars, V, vii, 3), any probable line for the second wall would leave a mean of 1,000 ft. between the two walls, and in several directions considerably more. The probable position of the "Camp of the Assyrians" would, according to this view, be in the high ground (the northwestern hill) now occupied by the Christian quarter of the modern city. The question of what the population of Jerusalem was at this period is discussed in IX,49,below. For the other great buildings of the city at this period, see also IX, 43-44, below.<P>11. Date of Second Wall:<P>Taking then the walls of Jerusalem as described by Josephus, we may work backward and see how the walls ran in earlier periods. The third wall does not concern us any more, as it was built after the Crucifixion. With respect to the second wall, there is a great deal of difference of opinion regarding its origin. Some consider, like Sir Charles Watson, that it does not go back earlier than the Hasmoneans; whereas others (e.g. G.A. Smith), because of the expression in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',32,5);">2Ch 32:5</a> that Hezekiah, after repairing the wall, raised "another wall without," think that this wall goes back as far as this monarch. The evidence is inconclusive, but the most probable view seems to be that the "first wall," as described by Josephus, was the only circuit of wall from the kings of Judah down to the 2nd century BC, and perhaps later.<P>12. Nehemiah\'s Account of the Walls:<P>The most complete Scriptural description we have of the walls and gates of Jerusalem is that given by Nehemiah. His account is valuable, not only as a record of what he did, but of what had been the state of the walls before the exile. It is perfectly clear that considerable traces of the old walls and gates remained, and that his one endeavor was to restore what had been before<72>even though it produced a city enclosure much larger than necessary at his time. The relevant passages are <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',2,\'13-15\');">Ne 2:13-15</a>, the account of his night ride; <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',3,\'1-.2\');">3:1-32</a>, the description of the rebuilding; and <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',12,\'31-39\');">12:31-39</a>, the routes of the two processions at the dedication.<P>13. Valley Gate:<P>In the first account we learn that Nehemiah went out by night by the <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=VALLEY+GATE ">VALLEY GATE</A> (which see), or Gate of the Gai, a gate (that is, opening) into the Gai Hinnom, and probably at or near the gate discovered by Bliss in what is now part of the Anglo-German cemetery; he passed from it to the Dung Gate, and from here viewed the walls of the city.<P>14. Dung Gate:<P>This, with considerable assurance, may be located at the ruined foundations of a gate discovered by Bliss at the southeastern corner of the city. The line of wall clearly followed the south edge of the southwestern hill from the Anglo-German cemetery to this point. He then proceeded to the Fountain Gate, the site of which has not been recovered, but, as there must have been water running out here (as today) from the mouth of the Siloam tunnel, is very appropriately named here.<P>15. Fountain Gate:<P>Near by was the <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=KING\'S+POOL">KING\'S POOL</a> (which see), probably the pool<6F>now deeply buried<65>which is today represented by the Birket el Kamra. Here Nehemiah apparently thought of turning into the city, "but there was no place for the beast that was under me to pass" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',2,14);">2:14</a>), so he went up by the Nachal (Kidron), viewed the walls from there, and then retraced his steps to the Valley Gate. There is another possibility, and that is that the King\'s Pool was the pool (which certainly existed) at Gihon, in which case the Fountain Gate may also have been in that neighborhood.<P>All the archaeological evidence is in favor of the wall having crossed the mouth of the Tyropeon by the great dam at this time, and the propinquity of this structure to the Fountain Gate is seen in <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',3,15);">Ne 3:15</a>, where we read that Shallum built the Fountain Gate "and covered it, and set up the doors thereof...and the bars thereof, and the wall of the pool of Shelah (see <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=SILOAM;+SILOAH;+SHELAH;+SHILOAH">SILOAM</a>) by the <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=KING\'S+GARDEN">KING\'S GARDEN</A> (which see), even unto the stairs that go down from the city of David." All these localities were close together at the mouth of el Wad.<P>Passing from here we can follow the circuit of the city from the accounts of the rebuilding of the walls in <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',3,15);">Ne 3:15</a>f. The wall from here was carried "over against the sepulchres of David," which we know to have stood in the original "City of David" above Gihon, past "the pool that was made," and "the house of the Gibborim" (mighty men)<29>both unknown sites. It is clear that the wall is being carried along the edge of the southeastern hill toward the temple. We read of two angles in the wall<6C>both needed by the geographical conditions<6E>the high priest\'s house, of "the tower that standeth out" (supposed to have been unearthed by Warren), and the wall of the <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=OPHEL">OPHEL</A> (which see).<P>16. Water Gate:<P>There is also mention of a Water Gate in this position, which is just where one would expect a road to lead from the temple-area down to Gihon. From the great number of companies engaged in building, it may be inferred that all along this stretch of wall from the Tyropeon to the temple, the destruction of the walls had been specially great.<P>17. Horse Gate:<P>Proceeding north, we come to the Horse Gate. This was close to the entry to the king\'s house (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,16);">2Ki 11:16</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',23,15);">2Ch 23:15</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',31,40);">Jer 31:40</a>). The expression used, "above" the Horse Gate, may imply that the gate itself may have been uninjured; it may have been a kind of rock-cut passage or tunnel. It cannot have been far from the present southeastern angle of the city. Thence "repaired the priests, every one over against his own house"<22>the houses of these people being to the east of the temple. Then comes the Gate of Hammiphkad (see <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=HAMMIPHKAD,+GATE+OF">HAMMIPHKAD, GATE OF</a>), the ascent (or "upper chamber," margin) of the corner, and finally the <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=SHEEP+GATE">SHEEP GATE</a> (which see), which was repaired by the goldsmiths and merchants.<P>18. Sheep Gate:<P>This last gate was the point from which the circuit of the repairs was traced. The references, <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',3,1,31);">Ne 3:1, 31</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',12,39);">12:39</a>, clearly show that it was at the eastern extremity of the north wall.<P>The details of the gates and buildings in the north wall as described by Nehemiah, are difficult, and certainty is impossible; this side must always necessarily have been the weak side for defense because it was protected by no, or at best by very little, natural valley. As has been said, we cannot be certain whether Nehemiah is describing a wall which on its western two-thirds corresponded with the first or the second wall of Josephus. Taking the first theory as probable, we may plan it as follows: west of the Sheep Gate two towers are mentioned (<a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',3,1);">Ne 3:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',12,39);">12:39</a>). Of these <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=HANANEL">HANANEL</a> (which see) was more easterly than <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=HAMMEAH">HAMMEAH</a> (which see), and, too, it would appear from <a onClick="return mV(\'Zec\',14,10);">Zec 14:10</a> to have been the most northerly point of the city. Probably then two towers occupied the important hill where afterward stood the fortress Baris and, later, the Antonia. At the Hammeah tower the wall would descend into the Tyropeon to join the eastern extremity of the first wall where in the time of Josephus stood the Council House (BJ, V, iv, 2).<P>19. Fish Gate:<P>It is generally considered that the <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=FISH+GATE">FISH GATE</a> (which see) (<a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',3,3);">Ne 3:3</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',12,39);">12:39</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Zep\',1,10);">Ze 1:10</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',33,14);">2Ch 33:14</a>) stood across the Tyropeon in much the same way as the modern Damascus Gate does now, only considerably farther south. It was probably so called because here the men of Tyre sold their fish (<a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',13,16);">Ne 13:16</a>). It is very probably identical with the "Middle Gate" of <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',39,3);">Jer 39:3</a>. With this region are associated the <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=MISHNEH">MISHNEH</a> (which see) or "second quarter" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Zep\',1,10);">Ze 1:10</a> margin) and the <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=MAKTESH">MAKTESH</a> (which see) or "mortar" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Zep\',1,11);">Ze 1:11</a>).<P>20. "Old Gate":<P>The next gate westward, after apparently a considerable interval, is translated in English Versions of the Bible the "<a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=OLD+GATE">OLD GATE</a>" (which see), but is more correctly the "Gate of the old ...."; what the word thus qualified is, is doubtful. <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',3,6);">Ne 3:6</a> margin suggests "old city" or "old wall," whereas Mitchell (Wall of Jerusalem according to the Book of Nehemiah) proposes "old pool," taking the pool in question to be the so-called "Pool of Hezekiah." According to the view here accepted, that the account of Nehemiah refers only to the first wall, the expression "old wall would be peculiarly suitable, as here must have been some part of that first wall which went back unaltered to the time of Solomon. The western wall to the extent of 400 cubits had been rebuilt after its destruction by Jehoash, king of Israel (see IX, 12, below), and Manasseh had repaired all the wall from Gihon round north and then west to the Fish Gate. This gate has also been identified with the Sha\'ar ha-Pinnah, or "Corner Gate," of <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',14,13);">2Ki 14:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',25,23);">2Ch 25:23</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',31,38);">Jer 31:38</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Zec\',14,10);">Zec 14:10</a>, and with the Sha\'ar ha-Ri\'shon, or "First Gate," of <a onClick="return mV(\'Zec\',14,10);">Zec 14:10</a>, which is identified as the same as the Corner Gate; indeed ri\'shon ("first") is probably a textual error for yashan ("old"). If this is so, this "Gate of the Old" or "Corner Gate" must have stood near the northwestern corner of the city, somewhere near the present Jaffa Gate.<P>21. Gate of Ephraim:<P>The next gate mentioned is the Gate of Ephraim (<a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',12,39);">Ne 12:39</a>), which, according to <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',14,13);">2Ki 14:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',25,23);">2Ch 25:23</a>, was 400 cubits or 600 ft. from the Corner Gate. This must have been somewhere on the western wall; it is scarcely possible to believe, as some writers would suggest, that there could have been no single gate between the Corner Gate near the northwestern corner and the Valley Gate on the southern wall.<P>22. Tower of the Furnaces:<P>The "Broad Wall" appears to correspond to the southern stretch of the western wall as far as the "Tower of the Furnaces" or ovens, which was probably the extremely important corner tower now incorporated in "Bishop Gobat\'s School." This circuit of the walls satisfies fairly well all the conditions; the difficulties are chiefly on the north and west. It is a problem how the Gate of Ephraim comes to be omitted in the account of the repairs, but G.A. Smith suggests that it may be indicated by the expression, "throne of the governor beyond the river" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',3,7);">Ne 3:7</a>). See, however, Mitchell (loc. cit.). If theory be accepted that the second wall already existed, the Corner Gate and the Fish Gate will have to be placed farther north.<P>23. The Gate of Benjamin:<P>In Old Testament as in later times, some of the gates appear to have received different names at various times. Thus the Sheep Gate, at the northeastern angle, appears to be identical with the Gate of Benjamin or Upper Gate of Benjamin (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',20,2);">Jer 20:2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',37,13);">37:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',38,7);">38:7</a>); the prophet was going, apparently, the nearest way to his home in Anathoth. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Zec\',14,10);">Zec 14:10</a> the breadth of the city is indicated, where the prophet writes, "She shall be lifted up, and shall dwell in her place, from Benjamin\'s gate unto the place of the first gate, unto the corner gate."<P>24. Upper Gate of the Temple:<P>The Upper Gate of the Temple (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',15,35);">2Ki 15:35</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',27,3);">2Ch 27:3</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',23,20);">2Ch 23:20</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',9,2);">Eze 9:2</a>) is probably another name for the same gate. It must be remembered the gates were, as excavations have shown us, reduced to a minimum in fortified sites: they were sources of weakness.<P>The general outline of the walls and gates thus followed is in the main that existing from Nehemiah back until the early Judean monarchy, and possibly to Solomon.<P>25. The Earlier Walls:<P>Of the various destructions and repairs which occurred during the time of the monarchy, a sufficient account is given in IX below, on the history. Solomon was probably the first to enclose the northwestern hill within the walls, and to him usually is ascribed all the northern and western stretch of the "First Wall"; whether his wall ran down to the mouth of the Tyropeon, or only skirted the summit of the northwestern hill is uncertain, but the latter view is probable. David was protected by the powerful fortifications of the Jebusites, which probably enclosed only the southeastern hill; he added to the defenses the fortress <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=MILLO">MILLO</a> (which see). It is quite possible that the original Jebusite city had but one gate, on the north (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',15,2);">2Sa 15:2</a>), but the city must have overflowed its narrow limits during David\'s reign and have needed an extended and powerful defense, such as Solomon made, to secure the capital. For the varied history and situation of the walls in the post-Biblical period, see IX ("History"), below.``117';
isbe[4992]='Jerusalem, 3`VII. Antiquarian Remains Connected with the Water-Supply.<P>In a city like Jerusalem, where the problem of a water-supply must always have been one of the greatest, it is only natural that some of the most ancient and important works should have centered round it. The three sources of supply have been<P class="in15">(1) springs,<P class="in15">(2) cisterns,<P class="in15">(3) aqueducts.<P>1. Gihon: The Natural Spring:<P>(1) The natural springs have been described in II, 3; but connected with them, and especially with the city\'s greatest and most venerated source, the Gihon, there are certain antiquarian remains of great interest.<P>(a) The "Virgin\'s Fount," ancient Gihon, arises, as has been described (II, 3), in a rocky cleft in the Kidron valley bottom; under natural conditions the water would run along the valley bed, now deeply buried under debris of the ancient city, and doubtless when the earliest settlers made their dwellings in the caves (which have been excavated) on the sides of the valley near the spring, they and their flocks lived on the banks of a stream of running water in a sequestered valley among waterless hills. From, however, a comparatively early period<6F>at the least 2000 BC<42>efforts were made to retain some of the water, and a solid stone dam was built which converted the sources into a pool of considerable depth. Either then, or somewhat later, excavations were made in the cliffs overhanging the pool, whereby some at least of these waters were conducted, by means of a tunnel, into the heart of the southeastern hill, "Ophel," so that the source could be reached from within the city walls. There are today two systems of tunnels which are usually classed as one under the name of the "Siloam aqueduct," but the two systems are probably many centuries apart in age.<P>2. The Aqueduct of the Canaanites:<P>The older tunnel begins in a cave near the source and then runs westward for a distance of 67 ft.; at the inner end of the tunnel there is a perpendicular shaft which ascends for over 40 ft. and opens into a lofty rock-cut passage which runs, with a slight lateral curvature, to the north, in the direction of the surface. The upper end has been partially destroyed, and the roof, which had fallen in, was long ago partially restored by a masonry arch. At this part of the passage the floor is abruptly interrupted across its whole width by a deep chasm which Warren partially excavated, but which Parker has since conclusively shown to end blindly. It is clear that this great gallery, which <span class="noTag">is</span> 8 to 9 ft. wide, and in places as high or higher, was constructed (a natural cavern possibly utilized in the process) to enable the inhabitants of the walled-in city above it to reach the spring. It is in fact a similar work to the great water-passage at <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=GEZER">GEZER</a> (which see), which commenced in a rock-cut pit 26 ft. deep and descended with steps, to a depth of 94 ft. 6 inches below the level of the rock surface; the sloping passage was 23 ft. high and 13 ft. broad. This passage which could be dated with certainty as before 1500 BC, and almost certainly as early as 2000 BC, was cut out with flint knives and apparently was made entirely to reach a great underground source of water.<P>3. Warren\'s Shaft:<P>The discovery of this Gezer well-passage has thrown a flood of light upon the "Warren\'s Shaft" in Jerusalem, which would appear to have been made for an exactly similar purpose. The chasm mentioned before may have been an effort to reach the source from a higher point, or it may have been made, or later adapted, to prevent ingress by means of the system of tunnels into the city. This passage is in all probability the "watercourse" (tsinnor) of <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',5,8);">2Sa 5:8</a> up which, apparently, Joab and his men (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',11,6);">1Ch 11:6</a>) secretly made their way; they must have waded through the water at the source, ascended the perpendicular shaft (a feat performed in 1910 by some British officers without any assistance from ladders), and then made their way into the heart of the city along the great tunnel. Judging by the similar Gezer water tunnel, this great work may not only have existed in David\'s time, but may have been constructed as much as 1,000 years before.<P>4. Hezekiah\'s "Siloam" Aqueduct:<P>The true Siloam tunnel is a considerably later work. It branches off from the older aqueduct at a point 67 ft. from the entrance, and after running an exceedingly winding course of 1,682 ft., it empties itself into the Pool of Siloam (total length 1,749 ft.). The whole canal is rock cut; it <span class="noTag">is</span> 2 to 3 ft. wide, and varies in height from 16 ft. at the south end to 4 ft. 6 inches at the lowest point, near the middle. The condition of this tunnel has recently been greatly changed through Captain Parker\'s party having cleared out the accumulated silt of centuries; before this, parts of the channel could be traversed only with the greatest difficulty and discomfort. The primitive nature of this construction is shown by the many false passages made, and also by the extensive curves which greatly add to its length. This latter may also be partly due to the workmen following lines of soft strata. M. Clermont-Ganneau and others have thought that one or more of the great curves may have been made deliberately to avoid the tombs of the kings of Judah. The method of construction of the tunnel is narrated in the Siloam Inscription (see <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=SILOAM;+SILOAH;+SHELAH;+SHILOAH">SILOAM</A>). It was begun simultaneously from each end, and the two parties met in the middle. It is a remarkable thing that there is a difference of level of only one foot at each end; but the lofty height of the southern end is probably due to a lowering of the floor here after the junction was effected. It is practically certain that this great work is that referred to in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',20,20);">2Ki 20:20</a>: "Now the rest of the acts of Hezekiah, and all his might, and how he made the pool, and the conduit, and brought water into the city, are they not written in the book of the chronicles of the kings of Judah?" And in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',32,30);">2Ch 32:30</a>: "This same Hezekiah also stopped the upper spring of the waters of Gihon, and brought them straight down on the west side of the city of David."<P>5. Other Aqueducts at Gihon:<P>In addition to these two conduits, which have a direct Scriptural interest, there are remains of at least two other aqueducts which take their origin at the Virgin\'s Fount<6E>one a channel deeply cut in rock along the western sides of the Kidron valley, found by Captain Parker, and the other a built channel, lined with very good cement, which takes its rise at a lower level than any of the other conduits close to the before-mentioned rocky cleft from which the water rises, and runs in a very winding direction along the western side of the Kidron. This the present writer has described in PEFS, 1902. One of these, perhaps more probably the former, may be the conduit which is referred to as Shiloah (shiloach), or "conducted" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',8,6);">Isa 8:6</a>), before the construction of Hezekiah s work (see <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=SILOAM;+SILOAH;+SHELAH;+SHILOAH">SILOAM</a>).<P>There are other caves and rock-cut channels around the ancient Gihon which cannot fully be described here, but which abundantly confirm the sanctity of the site.<P>6. Bir Eyyub:<P>(b) Bir Eyyub has a depth of 125 ft.; the water collects at the bottom in a large rock-hewn chamber, and it is clear that it has been deepened at some period, because at the depth of 113 ft. there is a collecting chamber which is now replaced by the deeper one. Various rock-cut passages or staircases were found by Warren in the neighborhood of this well.<P>7. Varieties of Cisterns:<P>(2) The cisterns and tanks.<2E>Every ancient site in the hill country of Palestine is riddled with cisterns for the storage of rain water. In Jerusalem for very many centuries the private resident has depended largely upon the water collected from the roof of his house for all domestic purposes. Such cisterns lie either under or alongside the dwelling. Many of the earliest of these excavations are bottle-shaped, with a comparatively narrow mouth cut through the hard Mizzeh and a large rounded excavation made in the underlying Melekeh (see II, 1 above). Other ancient cisterns are cavities hewn in the rock, of irregular shape, with a roof of harder rock and often several openings. The later forms are vaulted over, and are either cut in the rock or sometimes partially built in the superlying rubbish.<P>For more public purposes large cisterns were made in the Charam, or temple-area. Some 3 dozen are known and planned; the largest is calculated to contain 3,000,000 gallons. Such structures were made largely for the religious ritual, but, as we shall see, they have been supplied by other sources than the rainfall. In many parts of the city open tanks have been constructed, such a tank being known in Arabic as a birkeh, or, followed by a vowel, birket. With most of these there is considerable doubt as to their date of construction, but probably none of them, in their present form at any rate, antedates the Roman period.<P>8. Birket Israel:<P>Within the city walls the largest reservoir is the Birket Israel which extends from the northeastern angle of the Charam westward for 360 ft. It is 125 ft. wide and was originally 80 ft. deep, but has in recent years been largely filled up by the city\'s refuse. The eastern and western ends of this pool are partially rock-cut and partly masonry, the masonry of the former being a great dam 45 ft. thick, the lower part of which is continuous with the ancient eastern wall of the temple-area. The sides of the pool are entirely masonry because this reservoir is built across the width of the valley referred to before (III, 2) as "St. Anne\'s Valley." Other parts of this valley are filled with debris to the depth of 100 ft. The original bottom of the reservoir is covered with a layer of about 19 inches of very hard concrete and cement. There was a great conduit at the eastern end of the pool built of massive stones, and connected with the pool by a perforated stone with three round holes 5 1/2 inches in diameter. The position of this outlet shows that all water over a depth of 22 ft. must have flowed away. Some authorities consider this pool to have been pre-exilic. By early Christian pilgrims it was identified as the "Sheep Pool" of <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',5,2);">Joh 5:2</a>, and at a later period, until quite recent times, it was supposed to have been the Pool of Bethesda.<P>9. Pool of Bethesda:<P>The discovery, a few years ago, of the long-lost Piscina in the neighborhood of the "Church of Anne," which was without doubt the Pool of Bethesda of the 5th century AD, has caused this identification to be abandoned.<P>See <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=BETHESDA">BETHESDA</A>.<P>10. The Twin Pools:<P>To the west of the Birket Israel are the "twin pools" which extend under the roadway in the neighborhood of the "Ecce Homo" arch. The western one is 165 ft. by 20 ft. and the eastern 127 ft. by 20 ft. M. Clermont-Ganneau considers them to be identical with the Pool Struthius of Josephus (BJ, V, xi, 4), but others, considering that they are actually made in the fosse of the Antonia, give them a later date of origin. In connection with these pools a great aqueduct was discovered in 1871, 2 1/2-3 ft. wide and in places 12 ft. high, running from the neighborhood of the Damascus Gate<74>but destroyed farther north<74>and from the pools another aqueduct runs in the direction of the Charam.<P>11. Birket Hammam el Batrak:<P>On the northwestern hill, between the Jaffa Gate and the Church of the Sepulchre there is a large open reservoir, known to the modern inhabitants of the city as Birket Kammam el Batrak, "the Pool of the Patriarch\'s Bath." It is 240 ft. long (north to south), 144 ft. broad and 19-24 ft. deep. The cement lining of the bottom is cracked and practically useless. The eastern wall of this pool is particularly massive, and forms the base of the remarkably level street Karet en Nasara, or "Christian Street"; it is a not improbable theory that this is actually a fragment of the long-sought "second" wall. If so, the pool, which is proved to have once extended 60 ft. farther north, may have been constructed originally as part of the fosse. On the other hand, this pool appears to have been the Amygdalon Pool, or "Pool of the Tower" (berekhath ha-mighdalin), mentioned by Josephus (Jewish Wars, V, xi, 4), which was the scene of the activities of the 10th legion, and this seems inconsistent with the previous theory, as the events described seem to imply that the second wall ran outside the pool. The popular travelers\' name, "Pool of Hezekiah," given to this reservoir is due to theory, now quite discredited, that this is the pool referred to in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',20,20);">2Ki 20:20</a>, "He made the pool, and the conduit, and brought water into the city." Other earlier topographists have identified it as the "upper pool" of <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',7,3);">Isa 7:3</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',36,2);">36:2</a>.<P>12. Birket Mamilla:<P>The Birket Kammam el Batrak is supplied with water from the Birket Mamilla, about 1/2 mile to the west. This large pool, 293 ft. long by 193 ft. broad and 19 1/2 ft. deep, lies in the midst of a large Moslem cemetery at the head of the Wady Mes, the first beginning of the Wady er Rababi (Hinnom). The aqueduct which connects the two pools springs from the eastern end of the Birket Mamilla, runs a somewhat winding course and enters the city near the Jaffa Gate. The aqueduct is in bad repair, and the water it carries, chiefly during heavy rain, is filthy. In the Middle Ages it was supposed that this was the "Upper Pool of Gihon" (see <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=GIHON">GIHON</A>), but this and likewise the "highway of the <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=FULLER\'S+FIELD">FULLER\'S FIELD</a>" (which see) are now located elsewhere. Wilson and others have suggested that it is the "Serpent\'s Pool" of Josephus (Jewish Wars, V, iii, 2). Titus leveled "all the places from Scopus to Herod\'s monument which adjoins the pool called that of the Serpent." Like many such identifications, there is not very much to be said for or against it; it is probable that the pool existed at the time of the siege. It is likely that this is the Beth Memel of the Talmud (the Babylonian Talmud, \'Erubin 51 b; Sanhedrin 24 a; Bere\'shith Rabba\' 51).<P>13. Birket es Sultan:<P>The Birket es Sultan is a large pool<6F>or, more strictly speaking, enclosure<72>555 ft. north and south by 220 ft. east and west. It is bounded on the west and north by a great curve of the low-level aqueduct as it passes along and then across the Wady er Rababi. The southern side consists of a massive dam across the valley over which the Bethlehem carriage road runs. The name may signify either the "great" pool or be connected with the fact that it was reconstructed in the 16th century by the sultan Suleiman ibn Selim, as is recorded on an inscription upon a wayside fountain upon the southern wall. This pool is registered in the cartulary of the Holy Sepulchre as the Lacus Germani, after the name of a knight of Germanus, who built or renovated the pool in 1176 AD. Probably a great part of the pool is a catchment area, and the true reservoir is the rock-cut birkeh at the southern end, which has recently been cleaned out. It is extremely difficult to believe that under any conditions any large proportion of the whole area could ever have even been filled. Today the reservoir at the lower end holds, after the rainy season, some 10 or 12 ft. of very dirty water, chiefly the street drainage of the Jaffa road, while the upper two-thirds of the enclosure is used as a cattle market on Fridays. The water is now used for sprinkling the dusty roads in dry seasons.<P>The Pool of Siloam and the now dry Birket el Kamra are described under <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=SILOAM;+SILOAH;+SHELAH;+SHILOAH">SILOAM</A> (which see).<P>There are other tanks of considerable size in and around the city, e.g. the Birket Sitti Miriam, near "St. Stephen\'s Gate," an uncemented pool in the Wady Joz, connected with which there is a rockcut aqueduct and others, but they are not of sufficient historical importance to merit description here.<P>14. "Solomon\'s Pools":<P>(3) The conduits bringing water to the city from a distance are called the "high-level" and "low-level" aqueducts respectively, because they reached the city at different levels<6C>the former probably somewhere near the present Jaffa Gate, the latter at the temple-platform.<P>15. Low-Level Aqueduct:<P>The low-level aqueduct which, though out of repair, can still be followed along its whole course, conveyed water from three great pools in the Wady \'Artas, 7 miles south of Jerusalem. They are usually called "Solomon\'s pools," in reference perhaps partly to <a onClick="return mV(\'Ecc\',2,6);">Ec 2:6</a>: "I made me pools o water, to water therefrom the forest where trees were reared," but as any mighty work in Palestine is apt to be referred to the wise king of Israel, much stress cannot be laid on the name. These three storage reservoirs are constructed across the breadth of the valley, the lowest and largest being 582 ft. long by 177 ft. broad and, at the lowest end, 50 ft. deep. Although the overflow waters of \'Ain es Saleh, commonly known as the "sealed fountain" (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Sgs\',4,12);">So 4:12</a>), reach the pools, the chief function was probably to collect the flood waters from the winter rains, and the water was passed from tank to tank after purification. There are in all four springs in this valley which supply the aqueduct which still conveys water to Bethlehem, where it passes through the hill by means of a tunnel and then, after running, winding along the sides of the hill, it enters another tunnel now converted into a storage tank for Jerusalem; from this it runs along the mountain sides and along the southern slopes of the site of Jerusalem to the Charam. The total length of this aqueduct is nearly 12 miles, but at a later date the supply was increased by the construction of a long extension of the conduit for a further 28 miles to Wady \'Arrub on the road to Hebron, another 5 miles directly south of the pools. Here, too, there is a reservoir, the Birket el \'Arrub, for the collection of the flood-water, and also several small springs, which are conducted in a number of underground rock-cut channels to the aqueduct. The total length of the low-level aqueduct is about 40 miles, and the fall in level from Birket el \'Arrub (2,645 ft. above sea-level) at its far end to el Kas, the termination in the Charam Jerusalem (2,410 ft. above sea-level), is 235 ft.<P>16. High-Level Aqueduct:<P>The high-level aqueduct commences in a remarkable chain of wells connected with a tunnel, about 4 miles long, in the Wady Biar, "the Valley of Wells." Upward of 50 wells along the valley bottom supplied each its quotient; the water thence passed through a pool where the solid matter settled, and traversed a tunnel 1,700 ft. long into the \'Artas valley. Here, where its level was 150 ft. above that of the low-level aqueduct, the conduit received the waters of the "sealed fountain," and finally "delivered them in Jerusalem at a level of about 20 ft. above that of the Jaffa Gate" (Wilson). The most remarkable feature of this conduit is the inverted siphon of perforated limestone blocks, forming a stone tube 15 inches in diameter, which carried the water across the valley near Rachel\'s Tomb.<P>17. Dates of Construction of These Aqueducts:<P>On a number of these blocks, Latin inscriptions with the names of centurions of the time of Severus (195 AD) have been found, and this has led many to fix a date to this great work. So good an authority as Wilson, however, considers that these inscriptions may refer to repairs, and that the work is more probably Herodian. Unless the accounts of Josephus (Jewish Wars, V, iv, 4; II, xvii, 9) are exaggerated, Herod must have had some means of bringing abundant running water into the city at the level obtained by this conduit. The late Dr. Schick even suggested a date as early as Hyrcanus (135-125 BC). With regard to the low-level aqueduct, we have two definite data. First Josephus (Ant., XVIII, iii, 2) states that Pontius Pilate "undertook to bring a current of water to Jerusalem, and did it with the sacred money, and derived the origin of the stream from the distance of 200 furlongs," over 22 miles; in Jewish Wars, II, ix, 4 he is said to have brought the water "from 400 furlongs"<22>probably a copyist\'s error. But these references must either be to restorations or to the extension from Wady \'Arrub to Wady \'Artas (28 miles), for the low-level aqueduct from the pools to Jerusalem is certainly the same construction as the aqueduct from these pools to the "Frank Mountain," the Herodium, and that, according to the definite statements of Josephus (Ant., XV, ix, 4; BJ, I, xxi, 10), was made by Herod the Great. On the whole the usual view is that the high-level aqueduct was the work of Severus, the low-level that of Herod, with an extension southward by Pontius Pilate.<P>Jerus still benefits somewhat from the low-level aqueduct which is in repair as far as Bethlehem, though all that reaches the city comes only through a solitary 4-inch pipe. The high-level aqueduct is hopelessly destroyed and can be traced only in places; the wells of Wady Biar are choked and useless, and the long winding aqueduct to Wady \'Arrub is quite broken.<P>VIII. Tombs, Antiquarian Remains and Ecclesiastical Sites.<P>1. The "Tombs of the Kings":<P>Needless to say all the known ancient tombs in the Jerusalem area have been rifled of their contents long ago. The so-called Tombs of the Kings in the Wady el Joz are actually the monument of Queen Helena of Adiabene, a convert to Judaism (circa 48 AD). Josephus (Ant., XX, iv, 3) states that her bones, with those of members of her family, were buried "at the pyramids," which were 3 in number and distant from Jerusalem 3 furlongs. A Hebrew inscription upon a sarcophagus found here by De Saulcy ran: (tsarah malkethah), "Queen Sarah," possibly the Jewish name of Queen Helena.<P>2. "Herod\'s Tomb":<P>On the western side of the Wady el Mes (the higher part of Hinnom), is a very interesting Greek tomb containing beautifully carved sarcophagi. These are commonly known as "Herod\'s Tombs" (although Herod the Great was buried on the Herodium), and, according to Schick, one of the sarcophagi may have belonged to Mariamne, Herod\'s wife. A more probable theory is that this is the tomb of the high priest Ananias (Jewish Wars, V, xii, 2).<P>3. "Absalom\'s Tomb":<P>On the eastern side of the Kidron, near the southeastern angle of the Charam, are 3 conspicuous tombs. The most northerly, Tantur Fer\'on, generally called "Absalom\'s Tomb," is a Greek-Jewish tomb of the Hasmonean period, and, according to Conder, possibly the tomb of Alexander Janneus (HDB, article "Jerusalem"). S. of this is the traditional "Grotto of James," which we know by a square Hebrew inscription over the pillars to be the family tomb of certain members of the priestly family (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',24,15);">1Ch 24:15</a>), of the Beni Hazir. It may belong to the century before Christ.<P>The adjoining traditional tomb of Zachariah is a monolithic monument cut out of the living rock, 16 ft. square and 30 ft. high. It has square pilasters at the corners, Ionic pillars between, and a pyramidal top. Its origin is unknown; its traditional name is due to our Lord\'s word in <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',23,35);">Mt 23:35</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',11,51);">Lu 11:51</a> (see <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=ZACHARIAH">ZACHARIAH</A>).<P>4. The "Egyptian Tomb":<P>A little farther down the valley of the Kidron, at the commencement of the village of Siloam, is another rock-cut tomb, the so-called Egyptian Tomb, or according to some, "the tomb of Solomon\'s Egyptian wife." It is a monolith 18 ft. square and 11 ft. high, and the interior has at one time been used as a chapel. It is now Russian property. It probably belongs to much the same period as the three before-mentioned tombs, and, like them, shows strong Egyptian influence.<P>The so-called "Tombs of the Judges" belong to the Roman period, as do the scores of similar excavations in the same valley. The "Tombs of the Prophets" on the western slopes of the Mount of Olives are now considered to belong to the 4th or 5th Christian century.<P>Near the knoll over Jeremiah\'s Grotto, to the west and northwest, are a great number of tombs, mostly Christian. The more northerly members of the group are now included in the property of the Dominicans attached to the Church of Stephen, but one, the southernmost, has attracted a great deal of attention because it was supposed by the late General Gordon to be the tomb of Christ.<P>5. The "Garden Tomb":<P>In its condition when found it was without doubt, like its neighbors, a Christian tomb of about the 5th century, and it was full of skeletons. Whether it may originally have been a Jewish tomb is unproved; it certainly could not have been recognized as a site of any sanctity until General Gordon promulgated his theory (see PEFS, 1892, 120-24; see also <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=GOLGOTHA">GOLGOTHA</a>).<P>6. Tomb of "Simon the Just":<P>The Jews greatly venerate a tomb on the eastern side of the Wady el Joz, not far south of the great North Road; they consider it to be the tomb of Simon the Just, but it is in all probability not a Jewish tomb at all.<P>7. Other Antiquities:<P>Only passing mention can here be made of certain remains of interest connected with the exterior walls of the Charam. The foundation walls of the temple-platform are built, specially upon the east, south and west, of magnificent blocks of smooth, drafted masonry with an average height of 3 1/2 ft. One line, known as the "master course," runs for 600 ft. westward from the southeastern angle, with blocks 7 ft. high. Near the southeastern angle at the foundation itself, certain of the blocks were found by the Palestine Exploration Fund engineers to be marked with Phoenician characters, which it was supposed by many at the time of their discovery indicated their Solomonic origin. It is now generally held that these "masons\' marks" may just as well have been used in the time of Herod the Great, and on other grounds it is held that all this magnificent masonry is due to the vast reconstruction of the Temple which this great monarch initiated (see <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=TEMPLE,+A1">TEMPLE</A>). In the western wall of the Charam, between the southwestern corner and the "Jewish wailing place," lies "Robinson\'s Arch." It is the spring of an arch 50 ft. wide, projecting from the temple-wall; the bridge arising from it had a span of 50 ft., and the pier on the farther side was discovered by Warren. Under the bridge ran a contemporary paved Roman street, and beneath the unbroken pavement was found, lying inside a rock aqueduct, a voussoir of an older bridge. This bridge connected the temple-enclosure with the upper city in the days of the Hasmonean kings. It was broken down in 63 BC by the Jews in anticipation of the attack of Pompey (Antiquities, XIV, iv, 2; BJ, I, vii, 2), but was rebuilt by Herod in 19 BC (Jewish Wars, VI, viii, 1; vi, 2), and finally destroyed in 70 AD.<P>Nearly 600 ft. farther north, along this western temple-wall is Wilson\'s Arch, which lies under the surface within the causeway which crosses the Tyropeon to the Babylonian es Silseleh of the Charam; although not itself very ancient there are here, deeper down, arches belonging to the Herodian causeway which here approached the temple-platform.<P>8. Ecclesiastical Sites:<P>With regard to the common ecclesiastical sites visited by pious pilgrims little need be said here. The congeries of churches that is included under that name of Church of the Holy Sepulchre includes a great many minor sites of the scenes of the Passion which have no serious claims. Besides the Holy Sepulchre itself<6C>which, apart from its situation, cannot be proved or disproved, as it has actually been destroyed<65>the only important site is that of "Mount Calvary." All that can be said is that if the Sepulchre is genuine, then the site may be also; it is today the hollowed-out shell of a rocky knoll encased in marble and other stones and riddled with chapels.<P>See <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=GOLGOTHA">GOLGOTHA</A>.<P>The coenaculum, close to the Moslem "Tomb of David" (a site which has no serious claims), has been upheld by Professor Sanday (Sacred Sites of the Gospels) as one which has a very strong tradition in its favor. The most important evidence is that of Epiphanias, who states that when Hadrian visited Jerusalem in 130, one of the few buildings left standing was "the little Church of God, on the site where the disciples, returning after the Ascension of the Saviour from Olivet, had gone up to the Upper room, for there it had been built, that is to say in the quarter of Zion." In connection with this spot there has been pointed out from early Christian times the site of the House of Caiaphas and the site of the death of the Virgin Mary<72>the Dormitio Sanctae Virginis. It is in consequence of this latter tradition that the German Roman Catholics have now erected here their magnificent new church of the Dormition. A rival line of traditions locates the tomb of the Virgin in the Kidron valley near Gethsemane, where there is a remarkable underground chapel belonging to the Greeks.``117';
isbe[4993]='Jerusalem, 4`IX. History.<P>Pre-Israelite period.<2E>The beginnings of Jerusalem are long before recorded history: at various points in the neighborhood, e.g. at el Bukei\'a to the southwest, and at the northern extremity of the Mount of Olives to the northeast, were very large settlements of Paleolithic man, long before the dawn of history, as is proved by the enormous quantities of Celts scattered over the surface. It is certain that the city\'s site itself was occupied many centuries before David, and it is a traditional view that the city called <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=SALEM+(1)">SALEM</a> (which see) (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',14,18);">Ge 14:18</a>), over which Melchizedek was king, was identical with Jerusalem.<P>1. Tell el-Amarna Correspondence:<P>The first certain reference to this city is about 1450 BC, when the name Ur-u-salem occurs in several letters belonging to the Tell el-Amarna Letters correspondence. In 7 of these letters occurs the name Abd Khiba, and it is clear that this man was "king," or governor of the city, as the representative of Pharaoh of Egypt. In this correspondence Abd Khiba represents himself as hard pressed to uphold the rights of his suzerain against the hostile forces which threaten to overwhelm him. Incidentally we may gather that the place was then a fortified city, guarded partly by mercenary Egyptian troops, and there are reasons for thinking that then ruler of Egypt, Amenhotep IV, had made it a sanctuary of his god Aten<65>the sun-disc. Some territory, possibly extending as far west as Ajalon, seems to have been under the jurisdiction of the governor. Professor Sayce has stated that Abd Khiba was probably a Hittite chief, but this is doubtful. The correspondence closes abruptly, leaving us in uncertainty with regard to the fate of the writer, but we know that the domination of Egypt over Palestine suffered an eclipse about this time.<P>2. Joshua\'s Conquest:<P>At the time of Joshua\'s invasion of Canaan, <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=ADONI-ZEDEK">ADONI-ZEDEK</A> (which see) is mentioned (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',10,\'1-27\');">Jos 10:1-27</a>) as king of Jerusalem; he united with the kings of Hebron, Jarmuth, Lachish and Eglon to fight against the Gibeonites who had made peace with Joshua; the 5 kings were defeated and, being captured in hiding at the cave Makkedah, were all slain. Another king, <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=ADONIBEZEK">ADONIBEZEK</A> (which see) (whom some identify with Adoni-zedek), was defeated by Judah after the death of Joshua, and after being mutilated was brought to Jerusalem and died there (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',1,\'1-7\');">Jud 1:1-7</a>), after which it is recorded (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',1,8);">Jud 1:8</a>) that Judah "fought against Jerusalem, and took it...and set the city on fire." But it is clear that the city remained in the hands of the "Jebusites" for some years more (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',1,21);">Jud 1:21</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',19,11);">19:11</a>), although it was theoretically reckoned on the southern border of Benjamin (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',15,8);">Jos 15:8</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',18,16,28);">18:16, 28</a>). David, after he had reigned 7 1/2 years at Hebron, determined to make the place his capital and, about 1000 BC, captured the city.<P>3. Site of the Jebusite City:<P>Up to this event it is probable that Jerusalem was like other contemporary fortified sites, a comparatively small place encircled with powerful walls, with but one or perhaps two gates; it is very generally admitted that this city occupied the ridge to the south of the temple long incorrectly called "Ophel," and that its walls stood upon steep rocky scarps above the Kidron valley on the one side, and the Tyropeon on the other. We have every reason to believe that the great system of tunnels, known as "Warren\'s Shaft" (see VII,3,above) existed all through this period.<P>4. David:<P>The account of the capture of Jerusalem by David is obscure, but it seems a probable explanation of a difficult passage (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',5,\'6-9\');">2Sa 5:6-9</a>) if we conclude that the Jebusites, relying upon the extraordinary strength of their position, challenged David: "Thou shalt not come in hither, but the blind and the lame shall turn thee away" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',5,6);">2Sa 5:6</a> margin), and that David directed his followers to go up the "watercourse" and smite the "lame and the blind"<22>a term he in his turn applies mockingly to the Jebusites. "And Joab the son of Zeruiah went up first, and was made chief" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',11,6);">1Ch 11:6</a>). It seems at least probable that David\'s men captured the city through a surprise attack up the great tunnels (see VII,3,above). David having captured the stronghold "Zion," renamed it the "City of David" and took up his residence there; he added to the strength of the fortifications "round about from the <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=MILLO">MILLO</A> (which see) and onward"; with the assistance of Phoenician workmen supplied by Hiram, king of Tyre, he built himself "a house of cedar" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',5,11);">2Sa 5:11</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',7,2);">7:2</A>). The ark of Yahweh was brought from the house of Obed-edom and lodged in a tent (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',6,17);">2Sa 6:17</a>) in the "city of David" (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',8,1);">1Ki 8:1</a>). The threshing-floor of Araunah (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',24,18);">2Sa 24:18</a>), or Ornan (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',21,15);">1Ch 21:15</a>), the Jebusite, was later purchased as the future site of the temple.<P>5. Expansion of the City:<P>The Jerusalem which David captured was small and compact, but there are indications that during his reign it must have increased considerably by the growth of suburbs outside the Jebusite walls. The population must have been increased from several sources. The influx of David\'s followers doubtless caused many of the older inhabitants to be crowded out of the walled area. There appear to have been a large garrison (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',15,18);">2Sa 15:18</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',20,7);">20:7</a>), many officials and priests and their families (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',8,\'16-18\');">2Sa 8:16-18</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',20,\'23-26\');">20:23-26</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',23,8);">23:8</a>), and the various members of David\'s own family and their relatives (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',5,\'13-16\');">2Sa 5:13-16</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',14,24,28);">14:24, 28</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',1,5,53);">1Ki 1:5, 53</a>, etc.). It is impossible to suppose that all these were crowded into so narrow an area, while the incidental mention that Absalom lived two whole years in Jerusalem without seeing the king\'s face implies suburbs (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',14,24,28);">2Sa 14:24, 28</a>). The new dwellings could probably extend northward toward the site of the future temple and northwestward into and up the Tyropeon valley along the great north road. It is improbable that they could have occupied much of the western hill.<P>6. Solomon:<P>With the accession of Solomon, the increased magnificence of the court, the foreign wives and their establishments, the new officials and the great number of work people brought to the city for Solomon\'s great buildings must necessarily have enormously swelled the resident population, while the recorded buildings of the city, the temple, the king\'s house, the House of the Daughter of Pharaoh, the House of the Forest of Lebanon, the Throne Hall and the Pillared Hall (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',7,\'1-8\');">1Ki 7:1-8</a>) must have altered the whole aspect of the site. In consequence of these new buildings, the sanctuary together with the houses of the common folk, a new wall for the city was necessary, and we have a statement twice made that Solomon built "the wall of Jerusalem round about" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',3,1);">1Ki 3:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',9,15);">9:15</a>); it is also recorded that he built Millo (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',9,15,24);">1Ki 9:15, 24</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',11,27);">11:27</a>), and that "he repaired the breach of the city of David his father" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',11,27);">1Ki 11:27</a>). The question of the Millo is discussed elsewhere (see <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=MILLO">MILLO</A>); the "breach" referred to may have been the connecting wall needed to include the Millo within the complete circle of fortifications, or else some part of David\'s fortification which his death had left incomplete.<P>7. Solomon\'s City Wall:<P>As regards the "Wall of Jerus" which Solomon built, it is practically certain that it was, on the north and west, that described by Josephus as the First Wall (see VI, 7 above). The vast rock-cut scarps at the southwestern corner testify to the massiveness of the building. Whether the whole of the southwestern hill was included is matter of doubt. Inasmuch as there are indications at Bliss\'s tower (see VI, 4th above) of an ancient wall running northeasterly, and enclosing the summit of the southwestern hill, it would appear highly probable that Solomon\'s wall followed that line; in this case this wall must have crossed the Tyropeon at somewhat the line of the existing southern wall, and then have run southeasterly to join the western wall of the old city of the Jebusites. The temple and palace buildings were all enclosed in a wall of finished masonry which made it a fortified place by itself<6C>as it appears to have been through Hebrew history<72>and these walls, where external to the rest of the city, formed part of the whole circle of fortification.<P>Although Solomon built so magnificent a house for Yahweh, he erected in the neighborhood shrines to other local gods (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',11,7,8);">1Ki 11:7-8</a>), a lapse ascribed largely to the influence of his foreign wives and consequent foreign alliances.<P>8. The Disruption (933 BC):<P>The disruption of the kingdom must have been a severe blow to Jerusalem, which was left the capital, no longer of a united state, but of a petty tribe. The resources which were at the command of Solomon for the building up of the city were suddenly cut off by Jeroboam\'s avowed policy, while the long state of war which existed between the two peoples<65>a state lasting 60 years (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',14,30);">1Ki 14:30</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',15,6,16);">15:6,16</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',22,44);">22:44</a>)<29>must have been very injurious to the growth of commerce and the arts of peace.<P>9. Invasion of Shishak (928 BC):<P>In the 5th year of Rehoboam (928), Shishak (Sheshonq) king of Egypt came up against Jerusalem (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',14,25);">1Ki 14:25</a>) and took "the fenced cities of Judah" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',12,4);">2Ch 12:4</a> the King James Version). It has been commonly supposed that he besieged and captured Jerusalem itself, but as there is no account of the destruction of fortifications and as the name of this city has not been deciphered upon the Egyptian records of this campaign, it is at least as probable, and is as consistent with the Scriptural references, that Shishak was bought off with "the treasures of the house of Yahweh, and the treasures of the king\'s house" and "all the shields of gold which Solomon had made" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',14,26);">1Ki 14:26</a>).<P>10. City Plundered by Arabs:<P>It is clear that by the reign of Jehoshaphat the city had again largely recovered its importance (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',22,\'1-\');">1Ki 22</a>), but in his son Jehoram\'s reign (849-842 BC) Judah was invaded and the royal house was pillaged by Philistines and Arabs (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',21,\'16-17\');">2Ch 21:16-17</a>). Ahaziah (842 BC), Jehoram\'s son, came to grief while visiting his maternal relative at Jezreel, and after being wounded in his chariot near Ibleam, and expiring at Megiddo, his body was carried to Jerusalem and there buried (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',9,\'27-28\');">2Ki 9:27-28</a>). Jerusalem was now the scene of the dramatic events which center round the usurpation and death of Queen Athaliah (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,16);">2Ki 11:16</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',23,15);">2Ch 23:15</a>) and the coronation and reforms of her grandson Joash (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',12,\'1-16\');">2Ki 12:1-16</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',24,\'1-14\');">2Ch 24:1-14</a>).<P>11. Hazael King of Syria Bought Off (797 BC):<P>After the death of the good priest Jehoiada, it is recorded (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',24,15);">2Ch 24:15</a>) that the king was led astray by the princes of Judah and forsook the house of Yahweh, as a consequence of which the Syrians under Hazael came against Judah and Jerusalem, slew the princes and spoiled the land, Joash giving him much treasure from both palace and temple (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',12,17,18);">2Ki 12:17-18</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',24,23);">2Ch 24:23</a>). Finally Joash was assassinated (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',12,20,21);">2Ki 12:20-21</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',24,25);">2Ch 24:25</a>) "at the house of Millo, on the way that goeth down to Silla."<P>12. Capture of the City of Jehoash of Israel:<P>During the reign of Amaziah (797-729 BC), the murdered king\'s son, a victory over Edom appears to have so elated the king that he wantonly challenged Jehoash of Israel to battle (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',14,8);">2Ki 14:8</a>f). The two armies met at Beth-shemesh, and Judah was defeated and "fled every man to his tent." Jerusalem was unable to offer any resistance to the victors, and Jehoash "brake down the wall of Jerusalem from the gate of Ephraim unto the corner gate, 400 cubits" and then returned to Samaria, loaded with plunder and hostages (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',14,14);">2Ki 14:14</a>). Fifteen years later, Amaziah was assassinated at Lachish whither he had fled from a conspiracy; nevertheless they brought his body upon horses, and he was buried in Jerusalem.<P>13. Uzziah\'s Refortification (779-740 BC):<P>Doubtless it was a remembrance of the humiliation which his father had undergone which made Uzziah (Azariah) strengthen his position. He subdued the Philistines and the Arabs in Gur, and put the Ammonites to tribute (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',26,7,8);">2Ch 26:7-8</a>). He "built towers in Jerusalem at the corner gate, and at the valley gate, and at the turnings (Septuagint) of the walls, and fortified them" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',26,9);">2Ch 26:9</a>). He is also described as having made in Jerusalem "engines, invented by skillful men, to be on the towers and upon the battlements, wherewith to shoot arrows and great stones" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',26,15);">2Ch 26:15</a>). The city during its long peace with its northern neighbors appears to have recovered something of her prosperity in the days of Solomon. During his reign the city was visited by a great earthquake (<a onClick="return mV(\'Zec\',14,4);">Zec 14:4</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',1,1);">Am 1:1</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',9,10);">Isa 9:10</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',29,6);">29:6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',4,11);">Am 4:11</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',8,8);">8:8</a>). Jotham, his son, built the upper gate of the house of Yahweh" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',15,35);">2Ki 15:35</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',27,3);">2Ch 27:3</a>), probably the same as the "upper gate of Benjamin" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',20,2);">Jer 20:2</a>). He also built much on the wall of Ophel<65>probably the ancient fortress of Zion on the southeastern hill (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',27,3);">2Ch 27:3</a>); see <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=OPHEL">OPHEL</A>.<P>14. Ahaz Allies with Assyria (736-728 BC):<P>His son Ahaz was soon to have cause to be thankful for his father\'s and grandfather\'s work in fortifying the city, for now its walls were successful in defense against the kings of Syria and Israel (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',16,5,6);">2Ki 16:5-6</a>); but Ahaz, feeling the weakness of his little kingdom, bought with silver and gold from the house of Yahweh the alliance of Tiglath-pileser, king of Assyria. He met the king at Damascus and paid him a compliment by having an altar similar to his made for his own ritual in the temple (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',16,\'10-12\');">2Ki 16:10-12</a>). His reign is darkened by a record of heathen practices, and specially by his making "his son to pass through the fire"<22>as a human sacrifice in, apparently, the Valley of Hinnom (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',16,\'3-4\');">1Ki 16:3-4</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',28,3);">2Ch 28:3</a>).<P>15. Hezekiah\'s Great Works:<P>Hezekiah (727-699 BC), his son, succeeded to the kingdom at a time of surpassing danger. Samaria, and with it the last of Israel\'s kingdom, had fallen. Assyria had with difficulty been bought off, the people were largely apostate, yet Jerusalem was never so great and so inviolate to prophetic eyes (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',7,4);">Isa 7:4</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',8,8,10);">8:8, 10</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',10,28);">10:28</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',14,\'25-32\');">14:25-32</a>, etc.). Early in his reign, the uprising of the Chaldean Merodach-baladan against Assyria relieved Judah of her greatest danger, and Hezekiah entered into friendly relations with this new king of Babylon, showing his messengers all his treasures (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',39,1,2);">Isa 39:1-2</a>). At this time or soon after, Hezekiah appears to have undertaken great works in fitting his capital for the troubled times which lay before him. He sealed the waters of Gihon and brought them within the city to prevent the kings of Assyria from getting access to them (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',20,20);">2Ki 20:20</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',32,4,30);">2Ch 32:4, 30</a>).<P>See <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=SILOAM;+SILOAH;+SHELAH;+SHILOAH">SILOAM</A>.<P>It is certain, if their tunnel was to be of any use, the southwestern hill must have been entirely enclosed, and it is at least highly probable that in the account (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',32,5);">2Ch 32:5</a>), he "built up all the wall that was broken down, and built towers thereon (margin), and the other wall without," the last phrase may refer to the stretch of wall along the edge of the southwestern hill to Siloam. On the other hand, if that was the work of Solomon, "the other wall" may have been the great buttressed dam, with a wall across it which closed the mouth of the Tyropeon, which was an essential part of his scheme of preventing a besieging army from getting access to water. He also strengthened <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=MILLO">MILLO</a> (which see), on the southeastern hill. Secure in these fortifications, which made Jerusalem one of the strongest walled cities in Western Asia, Hezekiah, assisted, as we learn from Sennacherib\'s descriptions, by Arab mercenaries, was able to buy off the great Assyrian king and to keep his city inviolate (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',18,\'13-16\');">2Ki 18:13-16</a>). A second threatened attack on the city appears to be referred to in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',19,\'9-37\');">2Ki 19:9-37</a>.<P>16. His Religious Reforms:<P>Hezekiah undertook reforms. "He removed the high places, and brake the pillars, and cut down the Asherah: and he brake in pieces the brazen serpent that Moses had made and...he called it Nehushtan," i.e. a piece of brass (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',18,4);">2Ki 18:4</a>).<P>Manasseh succeeded his father when but 12, and reigned 55 years (698-643) in Jerusalem (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',21,1);">2Ki 21:1</a>). He was tributary to Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal, as we know from their inscriptions; in one of the latter\'s he is referred to as king "of the city of Judah." The king of Assyria who, it is said (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',33,11);">2Ch 33:11</a>; compare Ant, X, iii, 2), carried Manasseh in chains to Babylon, was probably Ashurbanipal. How thoroughly the country was permeated by Assyrian influence is witnessed by the two cuneiform tablets recently found at Gezer belonging to this Assyrian monarch\'s reign (PEFS, 1905, 206, etc.).<P>17. Manasseh\'s Alliance with Assyria:<P>The same influence, extending to the religious sphere, is seen in the record (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',21,5);">2Ki 21:5</a>) that Manasseh "built altars for all the host of heaven in the two courts of the house of Yahweh." There are other references to the idolatrous practices introduced by this king (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',7,18);">Jer 7:18</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',23,5,11,12);">2Ki 23:5, 11-12</a>, etc.). He also filled Jerusalem from one end to the other with the innocent blood of martyrs faithful to Yahweh (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',21,16);">2Ki 21:16</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',19,4);">Jer 19:4</a>). Probably during this long reign of external peace the population of the city much increased, particularly by the influx of foreigners from less isolated regions.<P>18. His Repair of the Walls:<P>Of this king\'s improvements to the fortifications of Jerusalem we have the statement (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',33,14);">2Ch 33:14</a>), "He built an outer wall to the city of David, on the west side of Gihon in the valley, even to the entrance at the fish gate." This must have been a new or rebuilt wall for the whole eastern side of the city. He also compassed about the <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=OPHEL">OPHEL</a> (which see) and raised it to a very great height.<P>Manasseh was the first of the Judahic kings to be buried away from the royal tombs. He was buried (as was his son Amon) "in the garden of his own house, in the garden of Uzza" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',21,18);">2Ki 21:18</a>). These may be the tombs referred to (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',43,\'7-9\');">Eze 43:7-9</a>) as too near the temple precincts.<P>19. Josiah and Religious Reforms (640-609 BC):<P>In the reign of Josiah was found the "Book of the Law," and the king in consequence instituted radical reforms (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',22,\'1-\');">2Ki 22</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',23,\'1-\');">23</a>). Kidron smoked with the burnings of the Asherah and of the vessels of Baal, and Topheth in the Valley of Hinnom was defiled. At length after a reign of 31 years (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',23,29,30);">2Ki 23:29-30</a>), Josiah, in endeavoring to intercept Pharaoh-necoh from combining with the king of Babylon, was defeated and slain at Megiddo and was buried "in his own sepulchre" in Jerusalem<65>probably in the same locality where his father and grandfather lay buried. Jehoahaz, after a reign of but 3 months, was carried captive (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',23,34);">2Ki 23:34</a>) by Necoh to Egypt, where he died<65>and apparently was buried among strangers (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',22,\'10-12\');">Jer 22:10-12</a>). His brother Eliakim, renamed Jehoiakim, succeeded. In the 4th year of his reign, Egypt was defeated at Carchemish by the Babylonians, and as a consequence Jehoiakim had to change from subjection to Egypt to that of Babylon.<P>20. Jeremiah Prophesies the Approaching Doom:<P>During this time Jeremiah was actively foretelling in streets and courts of Jerusalem (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',5,1);">5:1</a>, etc.) the approaching ruin of the city, messages which were received with contempt and anger by the king and court (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',36,23);">Jer 36:23</a>). In consequence of his revolt against Babylon, bands of Chaldeans, Syrians, Moabites and Ammonites came against him (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',24,2);">2Ki 24:2</a>), and his death was inglorious (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',24,6);">2Ki 24:6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',22,18,19);">Jer 22:18-19</a>).<P>21. Nebuchadnezzar Twice Takes Jerusalem (586 BC):<P>His son Jehoiachin, who succeeded him, went out with all his household and surrendered to the approaching Nebuchadnezzar (597), and was carried to Babylon where he passed more than 37 years (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',25,\'27-30\');">2Ki 25:27-30</a>). Jerusalem was despoiled of all its treasures and all its important inhabitants. The king of Babylon\'s nominee, Zedekiah, after 11 years rebelled against him, and consequently Jerusalem was besieged for a year and a half until "famine was sore in the city." On the 9th of Ab all the men of war "fled by night by the way of the gate between the two walls, which was by the king\'s garden," i.e. near the mouth of the Tyropeon, and the king "went by the way of the Arabah," but was overtaken and captured "in the plains of Jericho." A terrible punishment followed his faithlessness to Babylon (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',25,\'1-7\');">2Ki 25:1-7</a>). The city and the temple were despoiled and burnt; the walls of Jerusalem were broken down, and none but the poorest of the land "to be vinedressers and husbandmen" were left behind (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',25,8);">2Ki 25:8</a>f; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',36,17);">2Ch 36:17</a>f). It is probable that the ark was removed also at this time.<P>22. Cyrus and the First Return (538 BC):<P>With the destruction of their city, the hopes of the best elements in Judah turned with longing to the thought of her restoration. It is possible that some of the remnant left in the land may have kept up some semblance of the worship of Yahweh at the temple-site. At length, however, when in 538 Cyrus the Persian became master of the Babylonian empire, among many acts of a similar nature for the shrines of Assyrian and Babylonian gods, he gave permission to Jews to return to rebuild the house of Yahweh (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',1,1);">Ezr 1:1</a>f). Over 40,000 (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',1,\'1-\');">Ezr 1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',2,\'1-\');">2</a>) under Sheshbazzar, prince of Judah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',1,8,11);">Ezr 1:8, 11</a>), governor of a province, returned, bringing with them the sacred vessels of the temple. The daily sacrifices were renewed and the feasts and fasts restored (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',3,\'3-7\');">Ezr 3:3-7</a>), and later the foundations of the restored temple were laid (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',3,10);">Ezr 3:10</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',5,16);">5:16</a>), but on account of the opposition of the people of the land and the Samaritans, the building was not completed until 20 years later (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',6,15);">Ezr 6:15</a>).<P>23. Nehemiah Rebuilds the Walls:<P>The graphic description of the rebuilding of the walls of Jerusalem in 445 by Nehemiah gives us the fullest account we have of these fortifications at any ancient period. It is clear that Nehemiah set himself to restore the walls, as far as possible, in their condition before the exile. The work was done hurriedly and under conditions of danger, half the workers being armed with swords, spears and bows to protect the others, and every workman was a soldier (<a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',4,13);">Ne 4:13</a>,<a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',4,\'16-21\');">16-21</a>). The rebuilding took 52 days, but could not have been done at all had not much of the material lain to hand in the piles of ruined masonry. Doubtless the haste and limited resources resulted in a wall far weaker than that Nebuchadnezzar destroyed 142 years previously, but it followed the same outline and had the same general structure.<P>24. Bagohi Governor:<P>For the next 100 years we have scarcely any historical knowledge of Jerusalem. A glimpse is afforded by the papyri of Elephantine where we read of a Jewish community in Upper Egypt petitioning Bagohi, the governor of Judea, for permission to rebuild their own temple to Yahweh in Egypt; incidentally they mention that they had already sent an unsuccessful petition to Johanan the high priest and his colleagues in Jerusalem. In another document we gather that this petition to the Persian governor was granted. These documents must date about 411-407 BC. Later, probably about 350, we have somewhat ambiguous references to the destruction of Jerusalem and the captivity of numbers of Jews in the time of Artaxerxes (III) Ochus (358-337 BC).<P>With the battle of Issus and Alexander\'s Palestinian campaign (circa 332 BC), we are upon surer historical ground, though the details of the account (Ant., XI, viii, 4) of Alexander\'s visit to Jerusalem itself are considered of doubtful authenticity.<P>25. Alexander the Great:<P>After his death (323 BC), Palestine suffered much from its position, between the Ptolemies of Egypt and the Seleucids of Antioch. Each became in turn its suzerain, and indeed at one time the tribute appears to have been divided between them (Ant., XII, iv, 1).<P>26. The Ptolemaic Rule:<P>In 321 Ptolemy Soter invaded Palestine, and, it is said (Ant., XII, i, 1), captured Jerusalem by a ruse, entering the city on the Sabbath as if anxious to offer sacrifice. He carried away many of his Jewish prisoners to Egypt and settled them there. In the struggles between the contending monarchies, although Palestine suffered, the capital itself, on account of its isolated position, remained undisturbed, under the suzerainty of Egypt. In 217 BC, Ptolemy (IV) Philopator, after his victory over Antiochus III at Raphia, visited the temple at Jerusalem and offered sacrifices; he is reported (3Macc 1) to have entered the "Holy of Holies." The comparative prosperity of the city during the Egyptian domination is witnessed to by Hecataeus of Abdera, who is quoted by Jos; he even puts the population of the city at 120,000, which is probably an exaggeration.<P>27. Antiochus the Great:<P>At length in 198, Antiochus the Great having conquered Coele-Syria in the epoch-making battle at Banias, the Jews of their own accord went over to him and supplied his army with plentiful provisions; they assisted him in besieging the Egyptian garrison in the <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=AKRA">AKRA</A> (which see) (Ant., XII, iii, 3). Josephus produces letters in which Antiochus records his gratification at the reception given him by the Jews and grants them various privileges (same place). We have an account of the prosperity of the city about this time (190-180 BC) by Jesus ben Sira in the Book of Ecclus; it is a city of crowded life and manifold activities. He refers in glowing terms to the great high priest, Simon ben Onias (226-199 BC), who (Ecclesiasticus 50:1-4) had repaired and fortified the temple and strengthened the walls against a siege. The letter of Aristeas, dated probably at the close of this great man\'s life (circa 200 BC), gives a similar picture. It is here stated that the compass of the city was 40 stadia. The very considerable prosperity and religious liberty which the Jews had enjoyed under the Egyptians were soon menaced under the new ruler; the taxes were increased, and very soon fidelity to the tenets of Judaism came to be regarded as treachery to the Seleucid rule.<P>28. Hellenization of the City under Antiochus Epiphanes:<P>Under Antiochus Epiphanes the Hellenization of the nation grew apace (2Macc 4:9-12; Ant, XII, v, 1); at the request of the Hellenizing party a "place of exercise" was erected in Jerusalem (1Macc 1:14; 2Macc 4:7f). The Gymnasium was built and was soon thronged by young priests; the Greek hat<61>the petasos<6F>became the fashionable headdress in Jerusalem. The Hellenistic party, which was composed of the aristocracy, was so loud in its professed devotion to the king\'s wishes that it is not to be wondered at that Antiochus, who, on a visit to the city, had been received with rapturous greetings, came to think that the poor and pious who resisted him from religious motives were largely infected with leanings toward his enemies in Egypt. The actual open rupture began when tidings reached Antiochus, after a victorious though politically barren campaign in Egypt, that Jerusalem had risen in his rear on behalf of the house of Ptolemy. Jason, the renegade high priest, who had been hiding across the Jordan, had, on the false report of the death of Antiochus, suddenly returned and re-possessed himself of the city. Only the Akra remained to Syria, and this was crowded with Menelaus and those of his followers who had escaped the sword of Jason.<P>29. Capture of the City (170 BC):<P>Antiochus lost no time; he hastened (170 BC) against Jerusalem with a great army, captured the city, massacred the people and despoiled the temple (1Macc 1:20-24; Ant, XII, v, 3). Two years later Antiochus, balked by Rome in Egypt (Polyb. xxix. 27; Livy xlv. 12), appears to have determined that in Jerusalem, at any rate, he would have no sympathizers with Egypt.<P>30. Capture of 168 BC:<P>He sent his chief collector of tribute (1Macc 1:29), who attacked the city with strong force and, by means of stratagem, entered it (1Macc 1:30). After he had despoiled it, he set it on fire and pulled down both dwellings and walls. He massacred the men, and many of the women and children he sold as slaves (1Macc 1:31-35; 2Macc 5:24).<P>31. Attempted Suppression of Judaism:<P>He sacrificed swine (or at least a sow) upon the holy altar, and caused the high priest himself<6C>a Greek in all his sympathies<65>to partake of the impure sacrificial feasts; he tried by barbarous cruelties to suppress the ritual of circumcision (Ant., XII, v, 4). In everything he endeavored, in conjunction with the strong Hellenizing party, to organize Jerusalem as a Greek city, and to secure his position he built a strong wall, and a great tower for the Akra, and, having furnished it well with armor and victuals, he left a strong garrison (1Macc 1:33-35). But the Syrians had overreached themselves this time, and the reaction against persecution and attempted religious suppression produced the great uprising of the Maccabeans.<P>32. The Maccabean Rebellion:<P>The defeat and retirement of the Syrian commander Lysias, followed by the death of Antiochus Epiphanes, led to an entire reversal of policy on the part of the Council of the boy-king, Antiochus V. A general amnesty was granted, with leave to restore the temple-worship in its ancestral forms. The following year (165 BC) Judas Maccabeus found "the sanctuary desolate, and the altar profaned, the gates burned up, and shrubs growing in the courts as in a forest...and the priests\' chambers pulled down" (1Macc 4:38).<P>33. The Dedication of the Temple (165 BC):<P>He at once saw to the reconstruction of the altar and restored the temple-services, an event celebrated ever after as the "Feast of the Dedication," or chanukkah (1Macc 4:52-59; 2Macc 10:1-11; Ant, XII, vii, 7; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',10,22);">Joh 10:22</a>). Judas also "builded up Mt. Zion," i.e. the temple-hill, making it a fortress with "high walls and strong towers round about," and set a garrison in it (1Macc 4:41-61).<P>34. Defeat of Judas and Capture of the City:<P>The Hellenizing party suffered in the reaction, and the Syrian garrison in the Akra, Syria\'s one hold on Judea, was closely invested, but though Judas had defeated three Syrian armies in the open, he could not expel this garrison. In 163 BC a great Syrian army, with a camel corps and many elephants, came to the relief of the hard-pressed garrison. Lysias, accompanied by the boy-king himself (Antiochus V), approached the city from the south via <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=BETH-ZUR">BETH-ZUR</A> (which see). At Beth-zachariah the Jews were defeated, and Judas\' brother Eleazar was slain, and Jerusalem was soon captured. The fort on Mt. Zion which surrounded the sanctuary was surrendered by treaty, but when the king saw its strength he broke his oath and destroyed the fortifications (1Macc 6:62). But even in this desperate state Judas and his followers were saved. A certain pretender, Philip, raised a rebellion in a distant part of the empire, and Lysias was obliged to patch up a truce with the nationalist Jews more favorable to Judas than before his defeat; the garrison in the Akra remained, however, to remind the Jews that they were not independent. In 161 BC another Syrian general, Nicanor, was sent against Judas, but he was at first won over to friendship and when, later, at the instigation of the Hellenistic party, he was compelled to attack Judas, he did so with hastily raised levies and was defeated at Adasa, a little north of Jerusalem. Judas was, however, not long suffered to celebrate his triumph. A month later Bacchides appeared before Jerusalem, and in April, 161, Judas was slain in battle with him at Berea.<P>35. His Death (161 BC):<P>Both the city and the land were re-garrisoned by Syrians; nevertheless, by 152, Jonathan, Judas\' brother, who was residing at Michmash, was virtual ruler of the land, and by astute negotiation between Demetrius and Alexander, the rival claimants to the throne of Antioch, Jonathan gained more than any of his family had ever done. He was appointed high priest and strategos, or deputy for the king, in Judea. He repaired the city and restored the temple-fortress with squared stones (1Macc 10:10-11).<P>36. Jonathan\'s Restorations:<P>He made the walls higher and built up a great part of the eastern wall which had been destroyed and "repaired which was called Caphenatha" (1Macc 12:36-37; Ant, XIII, v, ii); he also made a great mound between the Akra and the city to isolate the Syrian garrison (same place) .<P>37. Surrender of City to Antiochus Sidetes (134 BC):<P>Simon, who succeeded Jonathan, finally captured the Akra in 139, and, according to Josephus (Ant., XIII, vi, 7), not only destroyed it, but partially leveled the very hill on which it stood (see, however, 1Macc 14:36,37). John Hyrcanus, 5 years later (134 BC), was besieged in Jerusalem by Antiochus Sidetes in the 4th year of his reign; during the siege the Syrian king raised 100 towers each 3 stories high against the northern wall<6C>possibly these may subsequently have been used for the foundations of the second wall. Antiochus was finally bought off by the giving of hostages and by heavy tribute, which Hyrcanus is said to have obtained by opening the sepulcher of David. Nevertheless the king "broke down the fortifications that encompassed the city" (Ant., XIII, viii, 2-4).<P>38. Hasmonean Buildings:<P>During the more prosperous days of the Hasmonean rulers, several important buildings were erected. There was a great palace on the western (southwestern) hill overlooking the temple (Ant., XX, viii, 11), and connected with it at one time by means of a bridge across the Tyropeon, and on the northern side of the temple a citadel<65>which may (see VIII, 7 above) have been the successor of one here in pre-exilic times<65>known as the Baris; this, later on, Herod enlarged into the Antonia (Ant., XV, xi, 4; BJ, V, v, 8).<P>39. Rome\'s Intervention:<P>In consequence of the quarrel of the later Hasmonean princes, further troubles fell upon the city. In 65 BC, Hyrcanus II, under the instigation of Antipas the Idumean, rebelled against his brother Aristobulus, to whom he had recently surrendered his claim to sovereignty. With the assistance of Aretas, king of the Nabateans, he besieged Aristobulus in the temple. The Roman general Scaurus, however, by order of Pompey, compelled Aretas to retire, and then lent his assistance to Aristobulus, who overcame his brother (Ant., XIV, ii, 1-3). Two years later (63 BC) Pompey, having been met by the ambassadors of both parties, bearing presents, as well as of the Pharisees, came himself to compose the quarrel of the rival factions, and, being shut out of the city, took it by storm.<P>40. Pompey Takes the City by Storm:<P>He entered the "Holy of Holies," but left the temple treasures unharmed. The walls of the city were demolished; Hyrcanus II was reinstated high priest, but Aristobulus was carried a prisoner to Rome, and the city became tributary to the Roman Empire (Ant., XIV, iv, 1-4; BJ, I, vii, 1-7). The Syrian proconsul, M. Lucinius Crassus, going upon his expedition against the Parthians in 55 BC, carried off from the temple the money which Pompey had left (Ant., XIV, vii, 1).<P>41. Julius Caesar Appoints Antipater Procurator (47 BC):<P>In 47 BC Antipater, who for 10 years had been gaining power as a self-appointed adviser to the weak Hyrcanus, was made a Roman citizen and appointed procurator in return for very material services which he had been able to render to Julius Caesar in Egypt (Ant., XIV, viii,1,3, 5); at the same time Caesar granted to Hyrcanus permission to rebuild the walls of Jerusalem besides other privileges (Ant., XIV, x, 5). Antipater made his eldest son, Phaselus, governor of Jerusalem, and committed Galilee to the care of his able younger son, Herod.<P>42. Parthian Invasion:<P>In 40 BC Herod succeeded his father as procurator of Judea by order of the Roman Senate, but the same year the Parthians under Pacorus and Barzapharnes captured and plundered Jerusalem (Ant., XIV, xiii, 3,1) and re-established Antigonus (Jewish Wars, I, xiii, 13). Herod removed his family and treasures to Massada and, having been appointed king of Judea by Antony, returned, after various adventures, in 37 BC. Assisted by Sosius, the Roman proconsul, he took Jerusalem by storm after a 5 months siege; by the promise of liberal reward he restrained the soldiers from sacking the city (Ant., XIV, xvi, 2-3).<P>43. Reign of Herod the Great (37-4 BC):<P>During the reign of this great monarch Jerusalem assumed a magnificence surpassing that of all other ages. In 24 BC the king built his vast palace in the upper city on the southwestern hill, near where today are the Turkish barracks and the Armenian Quarter. He rebuilt the fortress to the north of the temple<6C>the ancient Baris<69>on a great scale with 4 lofty corner towers, and renamed it the Antonia in honor of his patron. He celebrated games in a new theater, and constructed a hippodrome (Jewish Wars, II, iii, 1) or amphitheater (Antiquities, XV, viii, 1).<P>44. Herod\'s Great Buildings:<P>He must necessarily have strengthened and repaired the walls, but such work was outshone by the 4 great towers which he erected, Hippicus, Pharsel and Mariamne, near the present Jaffa Gate<74>the foundations of the first two Great are supposed to be incorporated in the present so-called "Tower of David"<22>and the lofty octagonal tower, Psephinus, farther to the northwest. The development of Herod\'s plans for the reconstruction of the temple was commenced in 19 BC, but they were not completed till 64 AD (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',2,20);">Joh 2:20</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',24,1,2);">Mt 24:1-2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',21,5,6);">Lu 21:5-6</a>). The sanctuary itself was built by 1,000 specially trained priests within a space of 18 months (11-10 BC). The conception was magnificent, and resulted in a mass of buildings of size and beauty far surpassing anything that had stood there before. Practically all the remains of the foundations of the temple-enclosure now surviving in connection with the Charam belong to this period. In 4 BC<42>the year of the Nativity<74>occurred the disturbances following upon the destruction of the Golden Eagle which Herod had erected over the great gate of the temple, and shortly afterward Herod died, having previously shut up many of the leading Jews in the hippodrome with orders that they should be slain when he passed away (Jewish Wars, I, xxxiii, 6). The accession of Archelaus was signalized by Passover riots which ended in the death of 3,000, an after-result of the affair of the Golden Eagle.<P>45. Herod Archelaus (4 BC-6 AD):<P>Thinking that order had been restored, Archelaus set out for Rome to have his title confirmed. During his absence Sabinus, the Roman procurator, by mismanagement and greed, raised the city about his ears, and the next Passover was celebrated by a massacre, street fighting and open robbery. Varus, the governor of Syria, who had hastened to the help of his subordinate, suppressed the rebellion with ruthless severity and crucified 2,000 Jews. Archelaus returned shortly afterward as ethnarch, an office which he retained until his exile in 6 AD. During the procuratorship of Coponius (6-10 AD) another Passover riot occurred in consequence of the aggravating conduct of some Samaritans.<P>46. Pontius Pilate:<P>During the procuratorship of Pontius Pilate (26-37 AD) there were several disturbances, culminating in a riot consequent upon his taking some of the "corban" or sacred offerings of the temple for the construction of an aqueduct (Ant., XVIII, iii, 2)<29>probably part at least of the "lowlevel aqueduct" (see VII, 15, above). Herod Agrippa I enclosed the suburbs, which had grown up north of the second wall and of the temple, by what Josephus calls the "Third Wall" (see V, above).<P>47. King Agrippa:<P>His son, King Agrippa, built<6C>about 56 AD<41>a large addition to the old Hasmonean palace, from which he could overlook the temple area. This act was a cause of offense to the Jews who built a wall on the western boundary of the Inner Court to shut off his view. In the quarrel which ensued the Jews were successful in gaining the support of Nero (Ant., XX, viii, 11). In 64 AD the long rebuilding of the temple-courts, which had been begun in 19 BC, was concluded. The 18,000 workmen thrown out of employment appear to have been given "unemployed work" in "paving the city with white stone" (Ant., XX, ix, 6-7).<P>48. Rising against Florus and Defeat of Gallus:<P>Finally the long-smoldering discontent of the Jews against the Romans burst forth into open rebellion under the criminal incompetence of Gessius Florus, 66 AD (Ant., XX, xi, 1). Palaces and public buildings were fired by the angered multitude, and after but two days\' siege, the Antonia itself was captured, set on fire and its garrison slain (Jewish Wars, II, xvii, 6-7). Cestius Gallus, hastening from Syria, was soon engaged in a siege of the city. The third wall was captured and the suburb <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=BEZETHA">BEZETHA</a> (which see) burnt, but, when about to renew the attack upon the second wall, Gallus appears to have been seized with panic, and his partial withdrawal developed into an inglorious retreat in which he was pursued by the Jews down the pass to the Beth-horons as far as Antipatris (Jewish Wars, II, xix).<P>49. The City Besieged by Titus (70 AD):<P>This victory cost the Jews dearly in the long run, as it led to the campaign of Vespasian and the eventual crushing of all their national hopes. Vespasian commenced the conquest in the north, and advanced by slow and certain steps. Being recalled to Rome as emperor in the midst of the war, the work of besieging and capturing the city itself fell to his son Titus. None of the many calamities which had happened to the city are to be compared with this terrible siege. In none had the city been so magnificent, its fortifications so powerful, its population so crowded. It was Passover time, but, in addition to the crowds assembled for this event, vast numbers had hurried there, flying from the advancing Roman army. The loss of life was enormous; refugees to Titus gave 600,000 as the number dead (Jewish Wars, V, xiii, 7), but this seems incredible. The total population today within the walls cannot be more than 20,000, and the total population of modern Jerusalem, which covers a far greater area than that of those days, cannot at the most liberal estimate exceed 80,000. Three times this, or, say, a quarter of a million, seems to be the utmost that is credible, and many would place the numbers at far less.<P>50. Party Divisions within the Besieged Walls:<P>The siege commenced on the 14th of Nisan, 70 AD, and ended on the 8th of Elul, a total of 134 days. The city was distracted by internal feuds. Simon held the upper and lower cities; John of Gischala, the temple and "Ophel"; the Idumeans, introduced by the Zealots, fought only Walls for themselves, until they relieved the city of their terrors. Yet another party, too weak to make its counsels felt, was for peace with Rome, a policy which, if taken in time, would have found in Titus a spirit of reason and mercy. The miseries of the siege and the destruction of life and property were at least as much the work of the Jews themselves as of their conquerors. On the 15th day of the siege the third wall (Agrippa\'s), which had been but hastily finished upon the approach of the Romans, was captured; the second wall was finally taken on the 24th day; on the 72nd day the Antonia fell, and 12 days later the daily sacrifice ceased. On the 105th day<61>the ominous 9th of Ab<41>the temple and the lower city were burnt, and the last day found the whole city in flames.<P>51. Capture and Utter Destruction of the City:<P>Only the three great towers of Herod, Hippicus, Pharsel and Mariamne, with the western walls, were spared to protect the camp of the Xth Legion which was left to guard the site, and "in order to demonstrate to posterity what kind of city it was and how well fortified"; the rest of the city was dug up to its foundations (Jewish Wars, VII, i, 1).<P>52. Rebellion of Bar-Cochba:<P>For 60 years after its capture silence reigns over Jerusalem. We know that the site continued to be garrisoned, but it was not to any extent rebuilt. In 130 AD it was visited by Hadrian, who found but few buildings standing. Two years later (132-35 AD) occurred the last great rebellion of the Jews in the uprising of Bar-Cocha ("son of a star"), who was encouraged by the rabbi Akiba. With the suppression of this last effort for freedom by Julius Severus, the remaining traces of Judaism were stamped out, and it is even said (the Jerusalem Talmud, Ta\'anith 4) that the very site of the temple was plowed up by T. Annius Rufus; An altar of Jupiter was placed upon the temple-site, and Jews were excluded from Jerusalem on pain of death.<P>53. Hadrian Builds AElia Capitolina:<P>In 138 Hadrian rebuilt the city, giving it the name AElia Capitolina. The line of the southern wall of AElia was probably determined by the southern fortification of the great Roman legionary camp on the western (southwestern) hill, and it is probable that it was the general line of the existing southern wall. At any rate, we know that the area occupied by the coenaculum and the traditional "Tomb of David" was outside the walls in the 4th century. An equestrian statue of Hadrian was placed on the site of the "Holy of Holies" (Jerome, Commentary on <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',2,8);">Isa 2:8</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',24,15);">Mt 24:15</a>). An inscription now existing in the southern wall of the temple-area, in which occurs the name of Hadrian, may have belonged to this monument, while a stone head, discovered in the neighborhood of Jerusalem some 40 years ago, may have belonged to the statue. Either Hadrian himself, or one of the Antonine emperors, erected a temple of Venus on the northwestern hill, where subsequently was built the Church of the Holy Sepulchre (Euseb., Life of Constantine, III, 36). The habit of pilgrimage to the holy sites, which appears to have had its roots far back in the 2nd century (see Turner, Journal of Theological Studies, I,551,quoted by Sanday, Sacred Sites of the Gospels, 75-76), seems to have increasingly flourished in the next two centuries; beyond this we know little of the city.<P>54. Constantine Builds the Church of the Anastasis:<P>In 333 AD, by order of Constantine, the new church of the Anastasis, marking the supposed site of the Holy Sepulchre, was begun. The traditions regarding this site and the Holy Cross alleged to have been found there, are recorded some time after the events and are of doubtful veracity. The building must have been magnificent, and covered a considerably larger area than that of the existing church. In 362 Julian is said to have attempted to rebuild the temple, but the work was interrupted by an explosion. The story is doubtful.<P>At some uncertain date before 450 the coenaculum and "Church of the Holy Zion" were incorporated within the walls. This is the condition depicted in the Madeba Mosaic and also that described by Eucherius who, writing between 345-50 AD, states that the circuit of the walls "now receives within itself Mt. Zion, which was once outside, and which, lying on the southern side, overhangs the city like a citadel." It is possible this was the work of the emperor Valentinian who is known to have done some reconstruction of the walls.<P>55. The Empress Eudoxia Rebuilds the Walls:<P>In 450 the empress Eudoxia, the widow of Theodosius II, took up her residence in Jerusalem and rebuilt the walls upon their ancient lines, bringing the whole of the southwestern hill, as well as the Pool of Siloam, within the circuit (Evagarius, Hist. Eccles., I, 22). At any rate, this inclusion of the pool existed in the walls described by Antoninus Martyr in 560 AD, and it is confirmed by Bliss\'s work (see above VI, 4). She also built the church of Stephen, that at the Pool of Siloam and others.<P>56. Justinian:<P>The emperor Justinian, who was perhaps the greatest of the Christian builders, erected the great Church of Mary, the remains of which are now considered by some authorities to be incorporated in the el Aqsa Mosque; he built also a "Church of Sophia" in the "Pretorian," i.e. on the site of the Antonia (see, however, <a href="study/isbe/search.html?string=PRAETORIUM">PRAETORIUM</a>), and a hospital to the west of the temple. The site of the temple itself appears to have remained in ruins down to the 7th century.<P>57. Chosroes II Captures the City:<P>In 614 Palestine was conquered by the Persian Chosroes II, and the Jerusalem churches, including that of the Holy Sepulchre, were destroyed, an event which did much to prepare the way for the Moslem architects of half a century later, who freely used the columns of these ruined churches in the building of the "Dome of the Rock."<P>58. Heracleus Enters It in Triumph:<P>In 629 Heracleus, having meanwhile made peace with the successor of Chosroes II, reached Jerusalem in triumph, bearing back the captured fragment of the cross. He entered the city through the "Golden Gate," which indeed is believed by many to have reached its present form through his restorations. The triumph of Christendom was but short. Seven years earlier had occurred the historic flight of Mohammed from Mecca (the Hegira), and in 637 the victorious followers of the Prophet appeared in the Holy City. After a short siege, it capitulated, but the khalif Omar treated the Christians with generous mercy.<P>59. Clemency of Omar:<P>The Christian sites were spared, but upon the temple-site, which up to this had apparently been occupied by no important Christian building but was of peculiar sanctity to the Moslems through Mohammed\'s alleged visions there, a wooden mosque was erected, capable of accommodating 3,000 worshippers. This was replaced in 691 AD by the magnificent Kubbet es Sakah], or "Dome of the Rock," built by \'Abd\'ul Malek, the 10th khalif. For some centuries the relations of the Christians and Moslems appear to have been friendly: the historian el Muqaddasi, writing in 985, describes the Christians and Jews as having the upper hand in Jerusalem. In 969 Palestine passed into the power of the Egyptian dynasty, and in 1010 her ruler, the mad Hakim, burnt many of the churches, which, however, were restored in a poor way.<P>60. The Seljuk Turks and Their Cruelties:<P>In 1077 Isar el Atsis, a leader of the Seljuk Turks conquered Palestine from the north, drove out the Egyptians and massacred 3,000 of the inhabitants of Jerusalem. The cruelty of the Turks<6B>in contrast, be it noted, with the conduct of the Arab Moslems<6D>was the immediate cause of the Crusades. In 1098 the city was retaken by the Egyptian Arabs, and the following year was again captured after a 40 days\' seige by the soldiers of the First Crusade, and Godfrey de Bouillon became the first king. Great building activity marked the next 80 peaceful years of Latin rule: numbers of churches were built, but, until toward the end of this period, the walls were neglected.<P>61. Crusaders Capture the City in 1099:<P>In 1177 they were repaired, but 10 years later failed to resist the arms of the victorious Saladin. The city surrendered, but City the inhabitants were spared. In 1192 Saladin repaired the walls, but in 1219 they were dismantled by orders of the sultan of Damascus. In 1229 the emperor Frederick II of Germany obtained the Holy City by treaty, on condition that he did not restore the fortifications, a stipulation which, being broken by the inhabitants 10 years later, brought down upon them the vengeance of the emir of Kerak. Nevertheless, in 1243 the city was again restored to the Christians unconditionally.<P>62. The Kharizimians:<P>The following year, however, the Kharizimian Tartars<72>a wild, savage horde from Central Asia<69>burst into Palestine, carrying destruction before them; they seized Jerusalem, massacred the people, and rifled the tombs of the Latin kings. Three years later they were ejected from Palestine by the Egyptians who in their turn retained it until, in 1517, they were conquered by the Ottoman Turks, who still hold it. The greatest of their sultans, Suleiman the Magnificent, built the present walls in 1542.<P>63. Ottoman Turks Obtain the City (1517 AD):<P>In 1832 Mohammed Ali with his Egyptian forces came and captured the city, but 2 years later the fellahin rose against his rule and for a time actually gained possession of the city, except the citadel, making their entrance through the main drain. The besieged citadel was relieved by the arrival of Ibrahim Pasha from Egypt with reinforcements. The city and land were restored to the Ottoman Turks by the Great Powers in 1840.<P>X. Modern Jerusalem.<P>1. Jews and "Zionism":<P>The modern city of Jerusalem has about 75,000 inhabitants, of whom over two-thirds are Jews. Until about 50 years ago the city was confined within its 16th-century walls, the doors of its gates locked every night, and even here there were considerable areas unoccupied. Since then, and particularly during the last 25 years, there has been a rapid growth of suburbs to the north, northwest, and west of the old city. This has been largely due to the steady stream of immigrant Jews from every part of the world, particularly from Russia, Romania, Yemin, Persia, Bokhara, the Caucasus, and from all parts of the Turkish empire. This influx of Jews, a large proportion of whom are extremely poor, has led to settlements or "colonies" of various classes of Jews being erected all over the plateau to the north<74>an area never built upon before<72>but also on other sides of the city. With the exception of the Bokhara Colony, which has some fine buildings and occupies a lofty and salubrious situation, most of the settlements are mean cottages or ugly almshouses. With the exception of a couple of hospitals, there is no Jewish public building of any architectural pretensions. The "Zionist" movement, which has drawn so many Jews to Jerusalem, cannot be called a success, as far as this city is concerned, as the settlers and their children as a rule either steadily deteriorate physically and morally<6C>from constant attacks of malaria, combined with pauperism and want of work<72>or, in the case of the energetic and enlightened, they emigrate<74>to America especially; this emigration has been much stimulated of late by the new law whereby Jews and Christians must now, like Moslems, do military service.<P>The foreign Christian population represents all nations and all sects; the Roman church is rapidly surpassing all other sects or religions in the importance of their buildings. The Russians are well represented by their extensive enclosure, which includes a large cathedral, a hospital, extensive hospice in several blocks, and a handsome residence for the consul-general, and by the churches and other buildings on the Mount of Olives. The Germans have a successful colony belonging to the "Temple" sect to the west of Jerusalem near the railway station, and are worthily represented by several handsome buildings, e.g. the Protestant "Church of the Redeemer," built on the site and on the ground plan of a fine church belonging to the Knights of John, the new (Roman Catholic) Church of the Dormition on "Mount Zion," with an adjoining Benedictine convent, a very handsome Roman Catholic hospice outside the Damascus Gate, the Kaiserin Augusta Victoria Sanatorium on the Mount of Olives, and a Protestant Johanniter Hospice in the city, a large general hospital and a leper hospital, a consulate and two large schools. In influence, both secular and religious, the Germans have rapidly gained ground in the last 2 decades. British influence has much diminished, relatively.<P>2. Christian Buildings and Institutions:<P>The British Ophthalmic Hospital, belonging to the "Order of the Knights of John," the English Mission Hospital, belonging to the London Jews Society, the Bishop Gobat\'s School and English College connected with the Church Missionary Society, 3 Anglican churches, of which the handsome George\'s Collegiate Church adjoins the residence of the Anglican bishop, and a few small schools comprise the extent of public buildings connected with British societies. France and the Roman Catholic church are worthily represented by the Dominican monastery and seminary connected with the handsome church of Stephen<65>rebuilt on the plan of an old Christian church<63>by the Ratisbon (Jesuit) Schools, the Hospital of Louis, the hospice and Church of Augustine, and the monastery and seminary of the "white fathers" or Freres de la mission algerienne, whose headquarters center round the beautifully restored Church of Anne. Not far from here are the convent and school of the Saeurs de Sion, at the Ecce Homo Church. Also inside the walls near the New Gate is the residence of the Latin Patriarch<63>a cardinal of the Church of Rome<6D>with a church, the school of the Freres de la doctrine chretienne, and the schools, hospital and convent of the Franciscans, who are recognized among their co-religionists as the "parish priests" in the city, having been established there longer than the numerous other orders.<P>All the various nationalities are under their respective consuls and enjoy extra-territorial rights. Besides the Turkish post-office, which is very inefficiently managed, the Austrians, Germans, French, Russians and Italians all have post-offices open to all, with special "Levant" stamps. The American mail is delivered at the French post-office. There are four chief banks, French, German, Ottoman and Anglo-Palestinian (Jewish). As may be supposed, on account of the demand for land for Jewish settlements or for Christian schools or convents, the price of such property has risen enormously. Unfortunately in recent years all owners of land<6E>and Moslems have not been slow to copy the foreigners<72>have taken to enclosing their property with high and unsightly walls, greatly spoiling both the walks around the city and the prospects from many points of view. The increased development of carriage traffic has led to considerable dust in the dry season, and mud in winter, as the roads are metaled with very soft limestone. The Jerus-Jaffa Railway (a French company), 54 miles long, which was opened in 1892, has steadily increased its traffic year by year, and is now a very paying concern. There is no real municipal water-supply, and no public sewers for the new suburbs<62>though the old city is drained by a leaking, ill-constructed medieval sewer, which opens just below the Jewish settlement in the Kidron and runs down the Wady en Nauru. A water-supply, new Sewers, electric trams and electric lights for the streets, are all much-talked-of improvements. There are numerous hotels, besides extensive accommodations in the religious hospices, and no less than 15 hospitals and asylums.<P>LITERATURE.<P>This is enormous, but of very unequal value and much of it out of date. For all purposes the best book of reference is Jerusalem from the Earliest Times to AD 70, 2 volumes, by Principal G.A. Smith. It contains references to all the literature. To this book and to its author it is impossible for the present writer adequately to express his indebtedness, and no attempt at acknowledgment in detail has been made in this article. In supplement of the above, Jerusalem, by Dr. Selah Merrill, and Jerusalem in Bible Times, by Professor Lewis B. Paton, will be found useful. The latter is a condensed account, especially valuable for its illustrations and its copious references. Of the articles in the recent Bible Dictionaries on Jerusalem, that by Conder in HDB is perhaps the most valuable. Of guide-books, Baedeker\'s Guide to Palestine and Syria (1911), by Socin and Benzinger, and Barnabe Meistermann\'s (R.C.) New Guide to the Holy Land (1909), will be found useful; also Hanauer\'s Walks about Jerusalem.<P>On Geology, Climate and Water-Supply:<P>Hull\'s "Memoir on Physical Geography and Geology of Arabian Petrea, Palestine, and Adjoining Districts," PEF; and Blankenhorn," Geology of the Nearer Environs of Jerusalem," ZDPV, 1905; Chaplin, "Climate of Jerusalem," PEFS, 1883; Glaisher, "Meteorol. Observations in Palestine," special pamphlet of the Palestine Exploration Fund; Hilderscheid, "Die Niederschlagsverhaltnisse Palestine in alter u. neuer Zeit," ZDPV (1902); Huntington, Palestine and Its Transformation (1911); Andrew Watt, "Climate in Hebron," etc., Journal of the Scottish Meteorological Society (1900-11); Schick, "Die Wasserversorgung der Stadt Jerusalem," ZDPV, 1878; Wilson "Water Supply of Jerusalem," Proceedings of the Victoria Institute, 1906; Masterman, in Biblical World, 1905.<P>On Archaeology and Topography:<P>PEF, volume on Jerusalem, with accompanying maps and plans; Clermont-Ganneau, Archaeological Researches, I, 1899 (PEF); William, Holy City (1849); Robinson, Biblical Researches (1856); Wilson, Recovery of Jerusalem (1871); Warren Underground Jerusalem (1876); Vincent, Underground Jerusalem (1911); Guthe, "Ausgrabungen in Jerusalem," ZDPV, V; Bliss and Dickie, Excavations in Jerusalem (1894-97); Sanday, Sacred Sites of the Gospels (1903); Mitchell, "The Wall of Jerusalem according to the Book of Nehemiah," JBL (1903); Wilson, Golgotha and the Holy Sepulchre (1906); Kuemmel, Materialien z. Topographie des alten Jerusalem; also numerous reports in the PEFS; Zeitschrift des deutschen Palestine Vereins; and the Revue biblique.<P>On History:<P>Besides Bible, Apocrypha, works of Josephus, and History of Tacitus: Besant and Palmer, History of Jerusalem; Conder, Judas Maccabeus and Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem; Le Strange, Palestine under the Moslems (1890); C.F. Kent, Biblical Geography and History (1911). Bevan, Jerusalem under the High-Priests; Watson, The Story of Jerusalem.``117';
isbe[4994]='Jerusalem, New`(Hierousalem kaine): This name occurs in <a onClick="return mV(\'Rev\',21,2);">Re 21:2</a> (<a onClick="return mV(\'Rev\',21,10);">21:10</a>, "holy city"). The conception is based on prophecies which predict a glorious future to Jerusalem after the judgment (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',52,1);">Isa 52:1</a>). In Revelation, however, it is not descriptive of any actual locality on earth, but allegorically depicts the final state of the church ("the bride," "the wife of the Lamb," <a onClick="return mV(\'Rev\',21,2,9);">Re 21:2, 9</a>), when the new heaven and the new earth shall have come into being. The picture is drawn from a twofold point of view: the new Jerusalem is a restoration of Paradise (<a onClick="return mV(\'Rev\',21,6);">Re 21:6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Rev\',22,1,2,14);">22:1-2,14</a>); it is also the ideal of theocracy realized (<a onClick="return mV(\'Rev\',21,3,12,14,22);">Re 21:3,12,14,22</a>). The latter viewpoint explains the peculiar representation that the city descends "out of heaven from God" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Rev\',21,2,10);">Re 21:2, 10</a>), which characterizes it as, on the one hand, a product of God\'s supernatural workmanship, and as, on the other hand, the culmination of the historic process of redemption. In other New Testament passages, where theocratic point of view is less prominent, the antitypical Jerusalem appears as having its seat in heaven instead of, as here, coming down from heaven to earth (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Gal\',4,26);">Ga 4:26</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Hbr\',11,10);">Heb 11:10</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Hbr\',12,22);">12:22</a>).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=REVELATION+OF+JOHN">REVELATION OF JOHN</a>`182';
isbe[4995]='Jerusha`je-roo\'-sha (yerusha\', "taken possession of," i.e. "married"): In <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',15,33);">2Ki 15:33</a> = "Jerushah" (yerushah, same meaning) of <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',27,1);">2Ch 27:1</a>, the mother of King Jotham of Judah. Zadok was her father\'s name; he may be the priest of <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',6,12);">1Ch 6:12 (Hebrew 5:38)</a>.``1';
isbe[4996]='Jeshaiah`je-sha\'-ya, je-shi\'-a<P>(a) yesha\'yahu;<P>(b) yesha\'yah, "deliverance of Yah"; (2) (3) below have form (a), the others form (b):<P>(1) Son of Hananiah, and grandson of Zerubbabel, according to <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',3,21);">1Ch 3:21</a>, the King James Version "Jesaiah."<P>But commentators follow Hebrew (and the Revised Version margin) in the first part of the verse, and Septuagint, Vulgate, Syriac in the second part, thus reading, "And the son of Hananiah (was) Pelatiah, and Jeshaiah (was) his son, and Arnan his son," etc., thus making Jeshaiah a grandson of Hananiah.<P>(2) A "son" of Jeduthun, and like him a temple musician; head of the family of that name (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',25,3,15);">1Ch 25:3, 15</a>).<P>(3) A Levite, ancestor of Shelemoth, one of David\'s treasurers (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',26,25);">1Ch 26:25</a>).<P>(4) A descendant of Elam; he went with Ezra from Babylon to Jerusalem (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',8,7);">Ezr 8:7</a>) = "Jesias" (Revised Version), "Josias" (the King James Version), 1Esdras 8:33.<P>(5) A descendant of Merari and a contemporary of Ezra (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',8,19);">Ezr 8:19</a>) = "Osaias" of 1Esdras 8:48.<P>(6) A Benjamite (<a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',11,7);">Ne 11:7</a>), the King James Version "Jesaiah."``149';
isbe[4997]='Jeshanah`jesh\'-a-na, je-sha\'-na (yeshanah): A town named with Bethel and Ephron among the places taken by Abijah from Jeroboam (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',13,19);">2Ch 13:19</a>). Most scholars are agreed that the same name should be read instead of ha-shen, in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',7,12);">1Sa 7:12</a>. It is probably identical with the Isanas, of Josephus (Ant., XIV, xv, 12). It is represented by the modern \'Ain Sinia, 3 1/4 miles north of Bethel, with a spring and interesting ancient remains.``1';
isbe[4998]='Jesharelah`jesh-a-re\'-la (yesar\'elah, meaning doubtful): One of the (or probably a family of) Levitical musicians (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',25,14);">1Ch 25:14</a>), called "Asharelah" in verse <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',25,2);">2</a>. The names should be written "Asarelah" and "Jesarelah."``1';
isbe[4999]='Jeshebeab`je-sheb\'-e-ab (yeshebh\'abh, meaning uncertain): A Levite of the 14th course (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',24,13);">1Ch 24:13</a>). Kittel and Gray (HPN, 24) read with Septuagint, A, "Ishbaal"; the name is omitted in Septuagint (Codex Vaticanus) and the change in Massoretic Text as well as the omission in Septuagint may be due to the word ba\'al forming part of the name.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=JERUBBESHETH">JERUBBESHETH</a>`1';
isbe[5000]='Jesher`je\'-sher (yesher, or yesher, "uprightness"): A son of Caleb (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',2,18);">1Ch 2:18</a>).``1';
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