114 lines
342 KiB
HTML
114 lines
342 KiB
HTML
<!DOCTYPE HTML PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD HTML 4.01 Transitional//EN">
|
|
<html><head>
|
|
<script src="../../js/basepath.js" type="text/javascript"></script>
|
|
<script src="./js/nav.js" type="text/javascript"></script>
|
|
<script src="./js/MainHeader.js" type="text/javascript"></script>
|
|
<script type="text/javascript">
|
|
isbe = [];
|
|
|
|
isbe[6901]='Philippi`fi-lip\'-i (Philippoi, ethnic Philippesios, <a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',4,15);">Php 4:15</a>):<P>1. Position and Name:<P>A city of Macedonia, situated in 41ø 5\' North latitude and 24ø 16\' East longitude. It lay on the Egnatian Road, 33 Roman miles from Amphipolis and 21 from Acontisma, in a plain bounded on the east and north by the mountains which lie between the rivers Zygactes and Nestus, on the west by Mt. Pangaeus, on the south by the ridge called in antiquity Symbolum, over which ran the road connecting the city with its seaport, <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=NEAPOLIS">NEAPOLIS</a> (which see), 9 miles distant. This plain, a considerable part of which is marshy in modern, as in ancient, times, is connected with the basin of the Strymon by the valley of the Angites (Herodotus vii.113), which also bore the names Gangas or Gangites (Appian, Bell. Civ. iv.106), the modern Anghista. The ancient name. of Philippi was Crenides (Strabo vii.331; Diodorus xvi.3, 8; Appian, Bell. Civ. iv.105; Stephanus Byz. under the word), so called after the springs which feed the river and the marsh; but it was refounded by Philip II of Macedon, the father of Alexander the Great, and received his name.<P>2. History:<P>Appian (Bell. Civ. iv.105) and Harpocration say that Crenides was afterward called Daton, and that this name was changed to Philippi, but this statement is open to question, since Daton, which became proverbial among the Greeks for good fortune, possessed, as Strabo tells us (vii. 331 fr. 36), "admirably fertile territory, a lake, rivers, dockyards and productive gold mines," whereas Philippi lies, as we have seen, some 9 miles inland. Many modern authorities, therefore, have placed Daton on the coast at or near the site of Neapolis. On the whole, it seems best to adopt the view of Heuzey (Mission archeologique,35,62ff) that Daton was not originally a city, but the whole district which lay immediately to the east of Mt. Pangaeus, including the Philippian plain and the seacoast about Neapolis. On the site of the old foundation of Crenides, from which the Greek settlers had perhaps been driven out by the Thracians about a century previously, the Thasians in 360 BC founded their colony of Daton with the aid of the exiled Athenian statesman Callistratus, in order to exploit the wealth, both agricultural and mineral, of the neighborhood. To Philip, who ascended the Macedonian throne in 359 BC, the possession of this spot seemed of the utmost importance. Not only is the plain itself well watered and of extraordinary fertility, but a strongly-fortified post planted here would secure the natural land-route from Europe to Asia and protect the eastern frontier of Macedonia against Thracian inroads. Above all, the mines of the district might meet his most pressing need, that of an abundant supply of gold. The site was therefore seized in 358 BC, the city was enlarged, strongly fortitled, and renamed, the Thasian settlers either driven out or reinforced, and the mines, worked with characteristic energy, produced over 1,000 talents a year (Diodorus xvi.8) and enabled Philip to issue a gold currency which in the West soon superseded the Persian darics (G.F. Hill, Historical Greek Coins, 80ff). The revenue thus obtained was of inestimable value to Philip, who not only used it for the development of the Macedonian army, but also proved himself a master of the art of bribery. His remark is well known that no fortress was impregnable to whose walls an ass laden with gold could be driven. Of the history of Philippi during the next 3 centuries we know practically nothing. Together with the rest of Macedonia, it passed into the Roman hands after the battle of Pydna (168 BC), and fell in the first of the four regions into which the country was then divided (Livy xlv.29). In 146 the whole of Macedonia was formed into a single Roman province. But the mines seem to have been almost, if not quite, exhausted by this time, and Strabo (vii. 331 fr. 41) speaks of Philippi as having sunk by the time of Caesar to a "small settlement" (katoikia mikra). In the autumn of 42 BC it witnessed the death-struggle of the Roman republic. Brutus and Cassius, the leaders of the band of conspirators who had assassinated Julius Caesar, were faced by Octavian, who 15 years later became the Emperor Augustus, and Antony. In the first engagement the army of Brutus defeated that of Octavian, while Antony\'s forces were victorious over those of Cassius, who in despair put an end to his life. Three weeks later the second and decisive conflict took place. Brutus was compelled by his impatient soldiery to give battle, his troops were routed and he himself fell on his own sword. Soon afterward Philippi was made a Roman colony with the title Colonia Iulia Philippensis. After the battle of Actium (31 BC) the colony was reinforced, largely by Italian partisans of Antony who were dispossessed in order to afford allotments for Octavian\'s veterans (Dio Cassius li.4), and its name was changed to Colonia Augusta Iulia (Victrix) Philippensium: It received the much-coveted iusItalicum (Digest L. 15,8,8), which involved numerous privileges, the chief of which was the immunity of its territory from taxation.<P>3. Paul\'s First Visit:<P>In the course of his second missionary journey Paul set sail from Troas, accompanied by Silas (who bears his full name Silvanus in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',1,19);">2Co 1:19</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',1,1);">1Th 1:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Th\',1,1);">2Th 1:1</a>), Timothy and Luke, and on the following day reached Neapolis (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,11);">Ac 16:11</a>). Thence he journeyed by road to Philippi, first crossing the pass some 1,600 ft. high which leads over the mountain ridge called Symbolum and afterward traversing the Philipplan plain. Of his experiences there we have in <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,\'12-40\');">Ac 16:12-40</a> a singularly full and graphic account. On the Sabbath, presumably the first Sabbath after their arrival, the apostle and his companions went out to the bank of the Angites, and there spoke to the women, some of them Jews, others proselytes, who had come together for purposes of worship.<P>One of these was named Lydia, a Greek proselyte from Thyatira, a city of Lydia in Asia Minor, to the church of which was addressed the message recorded in <a onClick="return mV(\'Rev\',2,\'18-29\');">Re 2:18-29</a>. She is described as a "seller of purple" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,14);">Ac 16:14</a>), that is, of woolen fabrics dyed purple, for the manufacture of which her native town was famous. Whether she was the agent in Philippi of some firm in Thyatira or whether she was carrying on her trade independently, we cannot say; her name suggests the possibility that she was a freedwoman, while from the fact that we hear of her household and her house (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,15);">Ac 16:15</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,40);">16:40</A>), though no mention is made of her husband, it has been conjectured that she was a widow of some property. She accepted the apostolic message and was baptized with her household (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,15);">Ac 16:15</a>), and insisted that Paul and his companions should accept her hospitality during the rest of their stay in the city.<P>See further <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=LYDIA">LYDIA</a>.<P>All seemed to be going well when opposition arose from an unexpected quarter. There was in the town a girl, in all probability a slave, who was reputed to have the power of oracular utterance. Herodotus tells us (vii. III) of an oracle of Dionysus situated among the Thracian tribe of the Satrae, probably not far from Philippi; but there is no reason to connect the soothsaying of this girl with that worship. In any case, her masters reaped a rich harvest from the fee charged for consulting her. Paul, troubled by her repeatedly following him and those with him crying, "These men are bondservants of the Most High God, who proclaim unto you a way of salvation" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,17);">Ac 16:17</a> margin), turned and commanded the spirit in Christ\'s name to come out of her. The immediate restoration of the girl to a sane and normal condition convinced her masters that all prospect of further gain was gone, and they therefore seized Paul and Silas and dragged them into the forum before the magistrates, probably the duumviri who stood at the head of the colony. They accused the apostles of creating disturbance in the city and of advocating customs, the reception and practice of which were illegal for Roman citizens. The rabble of the market-place joined in the attack (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,22);">Ac 16:22</a>), whereupon the magistrates, accepting without question the accusers\' statement that Paul and Silas were Jews (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,20);">Ac 16:20</a>) and forgetting or ignoring the possibility of their possessing Roman citizenship, ordered them to be scourged by the attendant lictors and afterward to be imprisoned. In the prison they were treated with the utmost rigor; they were confined in the innermost ward, and their feet put in the stocks. About midnight, as they were engaged in praying and singing hymns, while the other prisoners were listening to them, the building was shaken by a severe earthquake which threw open the prison doors. The jailer, who was on the point of taking his own life, reassured by Paul regarding the safety of the prisoners, brought Paul and Silas into his house where he tended their wounds, set food before them, and, after hearing the gospel, was baptized together with his whole household (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,\'23-34\');">Ac 16:23-34</a>).<P>On the morrow the magistrates, thinking that by dismissing from the town those who had been the cause of the previous day\'s disturbance they could best secure themselves against any repetition of the disorder, sent the lictors to the jailer with orders to release them. Paul refused to accept a dismissal of this kind. As Roman citizens, he and Silas were legally exempt from scourging, which was regarded as a degradation (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',2,2);">1Th 2:2</a>), and the wrong was aggravated by the publicity of the punishment, the absence of a proper trial and the imprisonment which followed (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,37);">Ac 16:37</a>). Doubtless Paul had declared his citizenship when the scourging was inflicted, but in the confusion and excitement of the moment his protest had been unheard or unheeded. Now, however, it produced a deep impression on the magistrates, who came in person to ask Paul and Silas to leave the city. They, after visiting their hostess and encouraging the converts to remain firm in their new faith, set out by the Egnatian Road for Thessalonica (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,\'38-40\');">Ac 16:38-40</a>). How long they had stayed in Philippi we are not told, but the fact that the foundations of a strong and flourishing church had been laid and the phrase "for many days" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,18);">Ac 16:18</a>) lead us to believe that the time must have been a longer one than appears at first sight. Ramsay (St. Paul the Traveler, 226) thinks that Paul left Troas in October, 50 AD, and stayed at Philippi until nearly the end of the year; but this chronology cannot be regarded as certain.<P>Several points in the narrative of these incidents call for fuller consideration.<P>(1) We may notice, first, the very small part played by Jews and Judaism at Philippi.<P>There was no synagogue here, as at Salamis in Cyprus (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',13,5);">Ac 13:5</a>), Antioch in Pisidia (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',13,14,43);">Ac 13:14,43</a>), Iconium (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',14,1);">Ac 14:1</a>), Ephesus (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',18,19,26);">Ac 18:19,26</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',19,8);">19:8</a>), Thessalonica (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',17,1);">Ac 17:1</a>), Berea (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',17,10);">Ac 17:10</a>), Athens (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',17,17);">Ac 17:17</a>) and Corinth (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',18,4);">Ac 18:4</a>). The number of resident Jews was small, their meetings for prayer took place on the river\'s bank, the worshippers were mostly or wholly women (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,13);">Ac 16:13</a>), and among them some, perhaps a majority, were proselytes. Of Jewish converts we hear nothing, nor is there any word of Jews as either inciting or joining the mob which dragged Paul and Silas before the magistrates. Further, the whole tone of the epistle. to this church seems to prove that here at least the apostolic teaching was not in danger of being undermined by Judaizers. True, there is one passage (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',3,\'2-7\');">Php 3:2-7</a>) in which Paul denounces "the concision," those who had "confidence in the flesh"; but it seems "that in this warning he was thinking of Rome more than of Philippi; and that his indignation was aroused rather by the vexatious antagonism which there thwarted him in his daily work, than by any actual errors already undermining the faith of his distant converts" (Lightfoot).<P>(2) Even more striking is the prominence of the Roman element in the narrative. We are here not in a Greek or Jewish city, but in one of those Roman colonies which Aulus Gellius describes as "miniatures and pictures of the Roman people" (Noctes Atticae, xvi.13).<P>In the center of the city is the forum (agora, <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,19);">Ac 16:19</a>), and the general term "magistrates" (archontes, English Versions of the Bible, "rulers," <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,19);">Ac 16:19</a>) is exchanged for the specific title of praetors (stratagoi, English Versions of the Bible "magistrates," <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,20,22,35,36,38);">Ac 16:20,22,35,36,38</a>); these officers are attended by lictors (rhabdouchoi, English Versions "sergeants," <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,35,38);">Ac 16:35,38</a>) who bear the fasces with which they scourged Paul and Silas (rhabdizo, <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,22);">Ac 16:22</a>). The charge is that of disturbing public order and introducing customs opposed to Roman law (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,20,21);">Ac 16:20,21</a>), and Paul\'s appeal to his Roman civitas (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,37);">Ac 16:37</a>) at once inspired the magistrates with fear for the consequences of their action and made them conciliatory and apologetic (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,38,39);">Ac 16:38,39</a>). The title of praetor borne by these officials has caused some difficulty. The supreme magistrates of Roman colonies, two in number, were called duoviri or duumviri (iuri dicundo), and that this title was in use at Philippi is proved by three inscriptions (Orelli, Number 3746; Heuzey, Mission archeologique, 15, 127). The most probable explanation of the discrepancy is that these magistrates assumed the title Of praetor, or that it was commonly applied to them, as was certainly the case in some parts of the Roman world (Cicero De lege agraria ii.34; Horace Sat. i.5, 34; Orelli, Number 3785).<P>(3) Ramsay (St. Paul the Traveler, 200ff) has brought forward the attractive suggestion that Luke was himself a Philippian, and that he was the "man of Macedonia" who appeared to Paul at Troas with the invitation to enter Macedonia (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,9);">Ac 16:9</a>).<P>In any case, the change from the 3rd to the 1st person in <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,10);">Ac 16:10</a> marks the point at which Luke joined the apostle, and the same criterion leads to the conclusion that Luke remained at Philippi between Paul\'s first and his third visit to the city (see below). Ramsay\'s hypothesis would explain (a) the fullness and vividness of the narrative of <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,\'11-40\');">Ac 16:11-40</a>; (b) the emphasis laid on the importance of Philippi (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,12);">16:12</A>); and (c) the fact that Paul recognized as a Macedonian the man whom he saw in his vision, although there was nothing either in the language, features or dress of Macedonians to mark them out from other Greeks. Yet Luke was clearly not a householder at Philippi (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,15);">Ac 16:15</a>), and early tradition refers to him as an Antiochene (see, however, Ramsay, in the work quoted 389f).<P>(4) Much discussion has centered round the description of Philippi given in <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,12);">Ac 16:12</a>. The reading of Codices Sinaiticus, Alexandrinus, Ephraemi, etc., followed by Westcott and Hort, The New Testament in Greek, the Revised Version (British and American), etc., is: hetis estin prote tes meridos Makedonias polis kolonia. But it is doubtful whether Makedonias is to be taken with the word which precedes or with that which follows, and further the sense derived from the phrase is unsatisfactory. For prote must mean either<P>(1) first in political importance and rank, or<P>(2) the first which the apostle reached. But the capital of the province was Thessalonica, and if tes meridos be taken to refer to the easternmost of the 4 districts into which Macedonia had been divided in 168 BC (though there is no evidence that that division survived at this time), Amphipolis was its capital and was apparently still its most important city, though destined to be outstripped by Philippi somewhat later. Nor is the other rendering of prote (adopted, e.g. by Lightfoot) more natural.<P>It supposes that Luke reckoned Neapolis as belonging to Thrace, and the boundary of Macedonia as lying between Philippi and its seaport; moreover, the remark is singularly pointless; the use of estin rather than en is against this view, nor is prote found in this sense without any qualifying phrase. Lastly, the tes in its present position is unnatural; in Codex Vaticanus it is placed after, instead of before, meridos, while D (the Bezan reviser) reads kephale tes Makedonias. Of the emendations which have been suggested, we may notice three:<P>(a) for meridos Hort has suggested Pieridos, "a chief city of Pierian Macedonia";<P>(b) for prote tes we may read protes, "which belongs to the first region of Macedonia";<P>(c) meridos may be regarded as a later insertion and struck out of the text, in which case the whole phrase will mean, "which is a city of Macedonia of first rank" (though not necessarily the first city).<P>4. Paul\'s Later Visits:<P>Paul and Silas, then, probably accompanied by Timothy (who, however, is not expressly mentioned in Acts between <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,1);">16:1</A> and <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',17,14);">17:14</a>), left Philippi for Thessalonica, but Luke apparently remained behind, for the "we" of <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,\'10-17\');">Ac 16:10-17</a> does not appear again until <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',20,5);">20:5</A>, when Paul is once more leaving Philippi on his last journey to Jerusalem. The presence of the evangelist during the intervening 5 years may have had much to do with the strength of the Philippian church and its stealfastness in persecution (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',8,2);">2Co 8:2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',1,29,30);">Php 1:29,30</a>). Paul himself did not revisit the city until, in the course of his third missionary journey, he returned to Macedonia, preceded by Timothy and Erastus, after a stay of over 2 years at Ephesus (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',19,22);">Ac 19:22</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',20,1);">20:1</a>). We are not definitely told that he visited Philippi on this occasion, but of the fact there can be little doubt, and it was probably there that he awaited the coming of Titus (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',2,13);">2Co 2:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',7,5,6);">7:5,6</a>) and wrote his 2nd Epistle to the Corinthians (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',8,1);">2Co 8:1</a>ff; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',9,2,3,4);">9:2-4</a>). After spending 3 months in Greece, whence he intended to return by sea to Syria, he was led by a plot against his life to change his plans and return through Macedonia (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',20,3);">Ac 20:3</a>). The last place at which he stopped before crossing to Asia was Philippi, where he spent the days of unleavened bread, and from (the seaport of) which he sailed in company with Luke to Troas where seven of his companions were awaiting him (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',20,\'4-6\');">Ac 20:4-6</a>). It seems likely that Paul paid at least one further visit to Philippi in the interval between his first and second imprisonments. That he hoped to do so, he himself tells us (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',2,24);">Php 2:24</a>), and the journey to Macedonia mentioned in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ti\',1,3);">1Ti 1:3</a> would probably include a visit to Philippi, while if, as many authorities hold, <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ti\',4,13);">2Ti 4:13</a> refers to a later stay at Troas, it may well be connected with a further and final tour in Macedonia. But the intercourse between the apostle and this church of his founding was not limited to these rare visits. During Paul\'s first stay at Thessalonica he had received gifts of money on two occasions from the Philippian Christians (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',4,16);">Php 4:16</a>), and their kindness had been repeated after he left Macedonia for Greece (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',11,9);">2Co 11:9</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',4,15);">Php 4:15</a>). Again, during his first imprisonment at Rome the Philippians sent a gift by the hand of one of their number, Epaphroditus (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',2,25);">Php 2:25</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',4,10,\14-19\');">4:10,14-19</a>), who remained for some time with the apostle, and finally, after a serious illness which nearly proved fatal (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',2,27);">Php 2:27</a>), returned home bearing the letter of thanks which has survived, addressed to the Philippian converts by Paul and Timothy (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',1,1);">Php 1:1</a>). The latter intended to visit the church shortly afterward in order to bring back to the imprisoned apostle an account of its welfare (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',2,19,23);">Php 2:19,23</a>), but we do not know whether this plan was actually carried out or not. We cannot, however, doubt that other letters passed between Paul and this church besides the one which is extant, though the only reference to them is a disputed passage of Polycarp\'s Epistle to the Philippians (iii.2), where he speaks of "letters" (epistolai) as written to them by Paul (but see Lightfoot\'s note on <a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',3,1);">Php 3:1</a>).<P>5. Later History of the Church:<P>After the death of Paul we hear but little of the church or of the town of Philippi. Early in the 2nd century Ignatius, bishop of Antioch, was condemned as a Christian and was taken to Rome to be thrown to the wild beasts. After passing through Philadelphia, Smyrna and Troas, he reached Philippi. The Christians there showed him every mark of affection and respect, and after his departure wrote a letter of sympathy to the Antiochene church and another to Polycarp, bishop of Smyrna, requesting him to send them copies of any letters of Ignatius which he possessed. This request Polycarp fulfilled, and at the same time sent a letter to the Philippians full of encouragement, advice and warning. From it we judge that the condition of the church as a whole was satisfactory, though a certain presbyter, Valens, and his wife are severely censured for their avarice which belied their Christian profession. We have a few records of bishops of Philippi, whose names are appended to the decisions of the councils held at Sardica (344 AD), Ephesus (431) and Chalcedon (451), and the see appears to have outlived the city itself and to have lasted down to modern times (Le Quien, Oriens Christ., II, 70; Neale, Holy Eastern Church, I, 92). Of the destruction of Philippi no account has come down to us. The name was perpetuated in that of the Turkish hamlet Felibedjik, but the site is now uninhabited, the nearest village being that of Raktcha among the hills immediately to the north of the ancient acropolis. This latter and the plain around are covered with ruins, but no systematic excavation has yet been undertaken. Of the extant remains the most striking are portions of the Hellenic and Hellenistic fortification, the scanty vestiges of theater, the ruin known among the Turks as Derekler, "the columns," which perhaps represents the ancient thermae, traces of a temple of Silvanus with numerous rock-cut reliefs and inscriptions, and the remains of a triumphal arch (Kiemer).<P>LITERATURE.<P>The fullest account of the site and antiquities is that of Heuzey and Daumet, Mission archeologique de Macedoine, chapters i through v and Plan A; Leake, Travels in Northern Greece, III, 214-25; Cousinery, Voyage dana la Macedoine, II, 1ff; Perrot, "Daton. Neapolis. Les ruines de Philippos," in Revue archeologique, 1860; and Hackett, in Bible Union Quarterly,1860,may also be consulted. For the Latin inscriptions see Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, III, 1, numbers 633-707; III, Suppl., numbers 7337-7358; for coins, B.V. Head, Historia Numorum, 192; Catalogue of Coins in the British Museum: Macedonia, etc., 96. For the history of the Philippian church and the narrative of <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,\'12-40\');">Ac 16:12-40</a> see Lightfoot, Paul\'s Epistle to the Philippians, 47-65; Ramsay, Paul the Traveler and the Roman Citizen, 202-26; Conybeare and Howson, Life and Epistles of Paul, chapter ix; Farrar, Life and Work of Paul, chapter xxv; and the standard commentaries on the Acts—especially Blass, Acta Apostolorum—and on Philippians.``176';
|
|
isbe[6902]='Philippians, the Epistle to the`fi-lip\'-i-anz<P><b>I. PAUL AND THE CHURCH AT PHILIPPI</b><P><b>II. CHARACTERISTICS OF THE CHURCH AT PHILIPPI</b><P><b>III. CHARACTERISTICS OF THE EPISTLE</b><P class="in15">1. A Letter<P class="in15">2. A Letter of Love<P class="in15">3. A Letter of Joy<P class="in15">4. Importance Theologically<P><p>IV. GENUINENESS OF THE EPISTLE</b><P><b>V. PLACE, DATE AND OCCASION OF WRITING</b><P><b>VI. CONTENTS OF THE EPISTLE</b><P><b>LITERATURE</b><hr /><P>I. Paul and the Church at Philippi.<P>Paul was on his second missionary journey in the year 52 AD. He felt that he was strangely thwarted in many of his plans. He had had a most distressing illness in Galatia. The Spirit would not permit him to preach in Asia, and when he essayed to enter Bithynia the Spirit again would not suffer it. Baffled and perplexed, the apostle with his two companions, Silas and Timothy, went on to the seacoast and stopped in Troas. Here at last his leading became clear. A vision of a man from Macedonia convinced him that it was the will of God that he should preach in the western continent of Europe. The way was opened at once. The winds were favorable. In two days he came to Neapolis. At once he took the broad paved way of the Via Egnatia up to the mountain pass and down on the other side to Philippi, a journey of some 8 miles. There was no synagogue at Philippi, but a little company of Jews gathered for Sabbath worship at "a place of prayer" (proseuche, <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,13);">Ac 16:13</a>), about a mile to the west of the city gate on the shore of the river Gangites (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=PROSEUCHA">PROSEUCHA</a>). Paul and his companions talked to the women gathered there, and Lydia was converted. Later, a maid with the spirit of divination was exorcised. Paul and Silas were scourged and thrown into prison, an earthquake set them free, the jailer became a believer, the magistrates repented their treatment of men who were Roman citizens and besought them to leave the city (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,\'6-40\');">Ac 16:6-40</a>). Paul had had his first experience of a Roman scourging and of lying in the stocks of a Roman prison here at Philippi, yet he went on his way rejoicing, for a company of disciples had been formed, and he had won the devotion of loyal and loving hearts for himself and his Master (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=PHILIPPI">PHILIPPI</a>). That was worth all the persecution and the pain. The Christians at Philippi seem to have been Paul\'s favorites among all his converts. He never lost any opportunity of visiting them and refreshing his spirit with their presence in the after-years. Six years later he was resident in Ephesus, and having sent Titus to Corinth with a letter to the Corinthians and being in doubt as to the spirit in which it would be received, he appointed a meeting with Titus in Macedonia, and probably spent the anxious days of his waiting at Philippi. If he met Titus there, he may have written 2 Corinthians in that city (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',2,13);">2Co 2:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',7,6);">7:6</a>). Paul returned to Ephesus, and after the riot in that city he went over again into Macedonia and made his third visit to Philippi. He probably promised the Philippians at this time that he would return to Philippi to celebrate the Easter week with his beloved converts there. He went on into Greece, but in 3 months he was back again, at the festival of the resurrection in the year 58 AD (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',20,2,6);">Ac 20:2,6</a>). We read in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ti\',1,3);">1Ti 1:3</a> that Paul visited Macedonia after the Roman imprisonment. He enjoyed himself among the Philippians. They were Christians after his own heart. He thanks God for their fellowship from the first day until now (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',1,5);">Php 1:5</a>). He declares that they are his beloved who have always obeyed, not in his presence only, but much more in his absence (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',2,12);">Php 2:12</a>). With fond repetition he addresses them as his brethren, beloved and longed for, his joy and crown, his beloved (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',4,1);">Php 4:1</a>). This was Paul\'s favorite church, and we can gather from the epistle good reason for this fact.<P>II. Characteristics of the Church at Philippi.<P>(1) It seems to be the least Jewish of all the Pauline churches. There were few Jews in Philippi. No Hebrew names are found in the list of converts in this church mentioned in the New Testament. The Jewish opponents of Paul seem never to have established themselves in this community.<P>(2) Women seem to be unusually prominent in the history of this church, and this is consistent with what we know concerning the position accorded to woman in Macedonian society. Lydia brings her whole family with her into the church. She must have been a very influential woman, and her own fervor and devotion and generosity and hospitality seem to have been contagious and to have become characteristic of the whole Christian community. Euodia and Syntyche are mentioned in the epistle, two women who were fellow-laborers with Paul in the gospel, for both of whom he has great respect, of both of whom he is sure that their names are written in the book of life, but who seem to have differed with each other in some matter of opinion. Paul exhorts them to be of the same mind in the Lord (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',4,2);">Php 4:2</a>). The prominence of women in the congregation at Philippi or the dominance of Lydia\'s influence among them may account for the fact that they seem to have been more mindful of Paul\'s comfort than any of his other converts were. They raised money for Paul\'s support and forwarded it to him again and again. They were anxious that he should have all that was needful. They were willing to give of their time and their means to that end. There seem to have been no theological differences in their company. That may testify to the fact that the most of them were women.<P>(3) There were splendid men in the church membership too. Some of them were Macedonians and some of them were Roman veterans.<P>Hausrath declares that the Macedonians represented the "noblest and soundest part of the ancient world....Here was none of the shuffling and the indecision of the Asiatics, none of the irritable vanity and the uncertain levity of the Greek communities....They were men of sterner mold than could be fouund in Asia Minor or languorous Syria. The material was harder to work in, and offered more stubborn resistance; but the work, once done, endured. A new Macedonian phalanx was formed here, a phalanx of Pauline Christians....Manliness, loyalty, firmness, their characteristics in general history, are equally their characteristics in the history of the Christian church....They were always true to Paul, always obedient, always helpful" (Time of the Apostles, III, 203-4).<P>Paul rejoiced in them. They were spirits congenial with his own. The Roman veterans had been trained in the Roman wars to hardness and discipline and loyalty. They were Roman citizens and proud of the fact. In the epistle Paul exhorts them to behave as citizens worthy of the gospel of Christ (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',1,27);">Php 1:27</a>), and he reminds them that though they were proud of their Roman citizenship, as was he, they all had become members of a heavenly commonwealth, citizenship in which was a much greater boon than even the jus Italicum had been. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',3,20);">Php 3:20</a> Paul states the fact again, "Our citizenship is in heaven"; and he goes on to remind them that their King is seated there upon the throne and that He is coming again to establish a glorious empire, for He has power to subject all things unto Himself.<P>It is to these old soldiers and athletes that Paul addresses his military and gymnastic figures of speech. He informs them that the whole praetorian guard had heard of the gospel through his imprisonment at Rome (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',1,13);">Php 1:13</a>). He sends them greeting from the saints that are in Caesar\'s household (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',4,22);">Php 4:22</a>). He prays that he may hear of them that they stand fast like an immovable phalanx, with one soul striving athletically for the faith of the gospel (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',1,27);">Php 1:27</a>). He knows that they will be fearless and brave, in nothing affrighted by the adversaries (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',1,28);">Php 1:28</a>). He speaks of his own experience as a wrestling-match, a conflict or contest (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',1,30);">Php 1:30</a>). He joys in the sacrifice and service of their faith (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',2,17);">Php 2:17</a>). He calls Epaphroditus not only his fellow-worker but his fellow-soldier (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',2,25);">Php 2:25</a>). He likens the Christian life to a race in which he presses on toward the goal unto the prize (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',3,14);">Php 3:14</a>). He asks the Philippians to keep even, soldierly step with him in the Christian walk (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',3,16);">Php 3:16</a>). These metaphors have their appeal to an athletic and military race, and they bear their testimony to the high regard which Paul had for this type of Christianity and for those in whose lives it was displayed. We do not know the names of many of these men, for only Clement and Epaphroditus are mentioned here; but we gather much concerning their spirit from this epistle, and we are as sure as Paul himself that their names are all written in the book of life (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',4,3);">Php 4:3</a>).<P>(4) If the constituent elements of the church at Philippi fairly represented the various elements of the population of the city, they must have been cosmopolitan in character. Philippi was an old Macedonian city which had been turned into a Roman colony. It was both Greek and Roman in its characteristics. Christianity had been introduced here by two Jews, who were Roman citizens, and a Jewish son of a Gentile father. In the account given of the rounding of the church in <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,\'1-\');">Ac 16</a> three converts are mentioned, and one is a Jewish proselyte from Asia, one a native Greek, and one a Roman official. The later converts doubtless represented the same diversity of nationality and the same differences in social position. Yet, apart from those two good women, Euodia and Syntyche, they were all of one mind in the Lord. It is a remarkable proof of the fact that in Christ all racial and social conditions may be brought into harmony and made to live together in peace. (5) They were a very liberal people. They gave themselves to the Lord and to Paul (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',8,5);">2Co 8:5</a>), and whenever they could help Paul or further the work of the gospel they gave gladly and willingly and up to the limit of their resources; and then they hypothecated their credit and gave beyond their power (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',8,3);">2Co 8:3</a>). Even Paul was astonished at their giving. He declares that they gave out of much affliction and deep poverty, that they abounded in their bounty, and that they were rich only in their liberality (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',8,2);">2Co 8:2</a>).<P>Surely these are unusual encomiums. The Philippians must have been a very unusual people. If the depth of one\'s consecration and the reality of one\'s religion are to be measured by the extent to which they affect the disposition of one\'s material possessions, if one measure of Christian love is to be found in Christian giving, then the Philippians may well stand supreme among the saints in the Pauline churches. Paul seems to have loved them most. He loved them enough to allow them to contribute toward his support. Elsewhere he refused any help of this sort, and stedfastly adhered to his plan of self-support while he was preaching the gospel. He made the single exception in the case of the Philippians. He must have been sure of their affection and of their confidence. Four times they gave Paul pecuniary aid. Twice they sent him their contributions just after he had left them and gone on to Thessalonica (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',4,15,16);">Php 4:15,16</a>). When Paul had proceeded to Corinth and was in want during his ministry there his heart was gladdened by the visitation of brethren from Philippi, who supplied the measure of his want (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',11,8,9);">2Co 11:8,9</a>). It was not a first enthusiasm, forgotten as soon as the engaging personality of the apostle was removed from their sight. It was not merely a personal attachment that prompted their gifts. They gave to their own dear apostle, but only that he might minister to others as he had ministered to them. He was their living link with the work in the mission field.<P>Eleven years passed by, and the Philippians heard that Paul was in prison at Rome and again in need of their help. Eleven years are enough to make quite radical changes in a church membership, but there seems to have been no change in the loyalty or the liberality of the Philippian church in that time. The Philippians hastened to send Epaphroditus to Rome with their contributions and their greetings. It was like a bouquet of fresh flowers in the prison cell. Paul writes this epistle to thank them that their thought for him had blossomed afresh at the first opportunity they had had (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',4,10);">Php 4:10</a>). No wonder that Paul loved them and was proud of them and made their earnestness and sincerity and affection the standard of comparison with the love of others (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',8,8);">2Co 8:8</a>).<P>III. Characteristics of the Epistle.<P>1. A Letter:<P>It is a letter. It is not a treatise, as Romana, Hebrews, and 1 John are. It is not an encyclical full of general observations and exhortations capable of application at any time and anywhere, as the Epistle to the Ephesians and the Epistle of James and the Epistles of Peter are. It is a simple letter to personal friends. It has no theological discussions and no rigid outline and no formal development. It rambles along just as any real letter would with personal news and personal feelings and outbursts of personal affection between tried friends. It is the most spontaneous and unaffected of the Pauline Epistles. It is more epistolary than any of the others addressed to the churches.<P>2. A Letter of Love:<P>It is a letter of love. All of the other epistles have mixed feelings manifest in them. Sometimes a feeling of grief and of indignation is dominant, as in 2 Corinthians. Sometimes the uppermost desire of Paul in his writing seems to be the establishment of the truth against the assault of its foes, as in Galatians and Romans. Always more or less fault is suggested in the recipients of the warnings and the exhortations Paul feels compelled to write to them. In Philippi alone there is no fault to be found. The only suggestion of such a thing is in the reference to the difference of opinion between Euodia and Syntyche, and while Paul thinks this ought to be harmonized, he does not seem to consider it any very serious menace to the peace of the church. Aside from this Paul has nothing but praise for his beloved brethren and prayer that their love may abound yet more and more in knowledge and all discernment (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',1,9);">Php 1:9</a>). He is full of thankfulness upon all his remembrance of them (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',1,3);">Php 1:3</a>). He rejoices in the privilege of being offered upon the sacrifice and service of their faith (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',2,17);">Php 2:17</a>). The church at Philippi may not have been conspicuous in charisms as the church at Corinth was, but it had the fruits of the Spirit in rich measure. Paul seems to think that it needed only to rejoice in its spiritual possessions and to grow in grace and in the mind of Christ. His heart is full of gratitude and love as he writes. He rejoices as he thinks of them. His peace and his hope are triumphant over present affliction and the prospect of persecution and death. If this is his last will and testament to his beloved church, as Holtzmann calls it, he has nothing to bequeath them but his unqualified benediction. Having loved them from the first, he loves them to the end.<P>3. A Letter of Joy:<P>It is a letter of joy. It was Bengel who said, Summa epistolae: gaudeo, gaudete, "The sum of the epistle is, I rejoice; rejoice ye." Paul was a man whose spirits were undaunted in any circumstances. He might be scourged in one city and stoned in another and imprisoned in a third and left for dead in a fourth, but as long as he retained consciousness and as soon as he regained conscioushess he rejoiced. Nothing could dampen his ardor. Nothing could disturb his peace. In Philippi he had been scourged and cast into the inner prison and his feet had been made fast in the stocks, but at midnight he and Silas were singing hymns of praise to God. He is in prison now in Rome, but he is still rejoicing. Some men would have been discouraged in such circumstances. Wherever Paul had gone his preaching had been despised, and he had been persecuted. The Jews had slandered him and harassed him, and so many of his converts had proved to be fickle and false. The years had gone by and the breach between him and his brethren had widened rather than lessened, and at last they had succeeded in getting him into prison and keeping him there for years. Prison life is never pleasant, and it was far less so in that ancient day than it is now.<P>Paul was such an ardent spirit. It was more difficult for him to be confined than it would be for a more indolent man; He was a world-missionary, a restless cosmopolite ranging up and down through the continents with the message of the Christ. It was like putting an eagle into a cage to put him into prison. Many eagles mope and die in imprisonment. Paul was not moping. He was writing this Epistle to the Philippians and saying to them, "The things which happened unto me have fallen out rather unto the progress of the gospel...therein I rejoice, yea, and will rejoice" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',1,12,18);">Php 1:12,18</a>). His enemies were free to do and to say hat they pleased, and they were making the most of the opportunity. He could no longer thwart or hinder them. Some men would have broken out into loud lamentations and complaints. Some men would have worried about the conditions and would have become nervous about the outcome of the cause. The faith of even John the Baptist failed in prison. He could not believe that things were going right if he were not there to attend to them. Paul\'s faith never wavered. His hope never waned. His joy was inexhaustible and perennial. He was never anxious. Did he hear the sentry\'s step pacing up and down the corridor before his prison door? It reminded him of the peace of God which passeth all understanding, guarding his heart and his thoughts in Christ Jesus (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',4,7);">Php 4:7</a>), standing sentry there night and day. The keynote of this epistle is "Rejoice in the Lord always: again I will say, Rejoice" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',4,4);">Php 4:4</a>).<P>Paul is old and worn and in prison, but some 20 times in the course of this short letter to the Philippians he uses the words, joy, rejoice, peace, content, and thanksgiving. It is a letter full of love and full of joy.<P>4. Importance Theologically:<P>It is of great importance theologically. It is one of the paradoxes to which we become almost accustomed in Paul\'s writings that this simplest of his letters, most epistolary and most personal throughout should yet contain the fullest and most important putting of theology of the incarnation and exaltation that came from his pen. He has only a practical end in view. He is exhorting the Philippians to humility, and he says to them, Have the mind which was in Christ who emptied himself and then was exalted (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',2,\'5-11\');">Php 2:5-11</a>). It is the most theological passage in the epistle. It is one of the most doctrinally important in the New Testament. It is Paul\'s final contribution to the solution of the great mystery of the coming of the Saviour and the economy of salvation. It is his last word, at any length, on this subject. He states plainly the fact of the kenosis, the morale of the redemption, the certainty of the exaltation, and the sure hope of the universal adoration in the end. The most vital truths of Christology are here clearly stated and definitely formulated for all time. Jesus was a real man, not grasping at any of the attributes of Deity which would be inconsistent with real and true humanity, but in whole-hearted surrender of sacrifice submitting to all the disabilities and limitations necessary to the incarnate conditions. He was equal with God, but He emptied Himself of the omnipotence and the omniscience and the omnipresence of His pre-incarnate state, and was found in form as a man, a genuine man obedient to God in all His life. He always maintained that attitude toward God which we ought to maintain and which we can maintain in our humanity, in which He was on an equality with us. We ought to have the mind which was in Christ. He humbled Himself and became obedient. He was obedient through life and obedient unto death, yea, even unto the death of the cross. It is a great passage, setting forth profoundest truths in the tersest manner. It is the crowning revelation concerning Jesus in the Pauline Epistles. It represents Paul\'s most mature thought upon this theme.<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=KENOSIS">KENOSIS</a>.<P>IV. Genuineness of the Epistle.<P>The genuineness of the epistle is very generally admitted today. It was in the Canon of Marcion. Its name occurs in the list on the Muratorian Fragment. It is found in both the Peshitta and the Old Latin versions. It is mentioned by Polycarp and quoted in the letter of the churches of Lyons and Vienne, in the Epistle of Diognetus, and in the writings of Irenaeus and Clement of Alexandria. Baur made a determined attack upon its authenticity. He declared that it was not doctrinal and polemical like the other Pauline Epistles, but that it was full of shallow imitations of these. He said it had no apparent motive and no connected argument and no depth of thought. He questioned some of the historical data and suspected Gnostic influence in certain passages. Bleek said of Baur\'s arguments that they were partly derived from a perverted interpretation of certain passages in the epistle; they partly rested upon arbitrary istorical presuppositions; and some of them were really so weak that it was hard to believe that he could have attached any importance to them himself. It is not surprising that few critics have been found willing to follow Baur\'s leadership at this point. Biederman, Kneucker, Hinsch, Hitzig, Hoekstra, and Holsten may be mentioned among them. The genuineness of the epistle has been defended by Weizsacker, Weiss, Pfleiderer, Julicher, Klopper, Schenkel, Reuss, Hilgenfeld, Harnack, Holtzmann, Mangold, Lipsius, Renan, Godet, Zahn, Davidson, Lightfoot, Farrar, McGiffert, and practically all of the English writers on the subject. Weizsacker says that the reasons for attributing the epistle to the apostle Paul are "overwhelming." McGiffert declares: "It is simply inconceivable that anyone else would or could have produced in his name a letter in which no doctrinal or ecclesiastical motive can be discovered, and in which the personal element so largely predominates and the character of the man and the apostle is revealed with so great vividness and fidelity. The epistle deserves to rank alongside of Galatians, Corinthians, and Romans as an undoubted product of Paul\'s pen, and as a coordinate standard by which to test the genuineness of other and less certain writings" (The Apostolic Age, 393). This is the practically unanimous conclusion of modern scholarship.<P>V. Place, Date, and Occasion of Writing.<P>This is one of the prison epistles (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=PHILEMON">PHILEMON</a>). Paul makes frequent reference to his bonds (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',1,7,13,14,17);">Php 1:7,13,14,17</a>). He was for 2 years a prisoner in Caesarea (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',24,27);">Ac 24:27</a>). Paulus and others have thought that the epistle was written during this imprisonment; but the references to the praetorian guard and the members of Caesar\'s household have led most critics to conclude that the Roman imprisonment was the one to which the epistle refers. Philemon, Colossians and Ephesians were also written during the Roman imprisonment, and these three form a group by themselves. Philippians is evidently separated from them by some interval. Was it written earlier or later than they? Bleek, Lightfoot, Sanday, Herr, Beet and others think that the Epistle to the Philippians was written first. We prefer, however, to agree with Zahn, Ramsay, Findlay, Shaw, Vincent, Julicher, Holtzmann, Weiss, Godet, and others, who argue for the writing of Php toward the close of the Roman imprisonment.<P>Their reasons are as follows:<P>(1) We know that some considerable time must have elapsed after Paul\'s arrival at Rome before he could have written this epistle; for the news of his arrival had been carried to Philippi and a contribution to his needs had been raised among his friends there, and Epaphroditus had carried it to Rome. In Rome, Epaphroditus had become seriously sick and the news of this sickness had been carried back to Philippi and the Philippians had sent back a message of sympathy to him. At least four trios between Rome and philippi are thus indicated, and there are intervals of greater or less length between them. The distance between the two cities was some 700 miles. Communication was easy by the Appian Way and Trajan\'s Way to Brundusium and across the narrow straits there to the Egnatian Way, which led directly to Philippi. There were many making the trip at all times, but the journey would occupy a month at least, and the four journeys suggested in the epistle were not in direct succession.<P>(2) Paul says that through him Christ had become known throughout the whole praetorian guard (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',1,13);">Php 1:13</a>). It must have taken some time for this to become possible.<P>(3) The conditions outside the prison, where Christ was being preached, by some in a spirit of love, and by others in a spirit of faction, cannot be located in the earliest months of Paul\'s sojourn in Rome (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',1,\'15-17\');">Php 1:15-17</a>). They must belong to a time when Christianity had developed in the city and parties had been formed in the church.<P>(4) Luke was well known at Philippi. Yet he sends no salutation to the Philippians in this epistle. He would surely have done so if he had been with Paul at the time of its writing. He was with the apostle when he wrote to the Colossians, and so was Demas (<a onClick="return mV(\'Col\',4,14);">Col 4:14</a>). In this epistle Paul promises to send Timothy to Philippi, and says, "I have no man likeminded, who will care truly for your state" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',2,20);">Php 2:20</a>). This must mean that Aristarchus, Demas and Luke were all gone. They had all been with him when he wrote the other epistles<P>(5) His condition as a prisoner seems to have changed for the worse. He had enjoyed comparative liberty for the first 2 years of his imprisonment at Rome, living in his own hired house and accessible to all his friends. He had now been removed, possibly to the guardroom of the praetorian cohort. Here he was in more rigorous confinement, in want and alone.<P>(6) Paul writes as if he thought that his case would be decided soon (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',2,23,24);">Php 2:23,24</a>). He seems to be facing his final trial. He is not sure of its outcome. He may die a martyr\'s death, but he expects to be acquitted and then to be at liberty to do further missionary work. This was not his immediate expectation when he wrote the other epistles., and therefore they would seem to be earlier than this.<P>(7) The epistle is addressed to all the saints in Philippi, with the bishops and deacons (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',1,1);">Php 1:1</a>). These official titles do not occur in any earlier epistles, but they are found in the Pastoral Epistles, which were written still later. Therefore they link the Epistle to the Philippians with the later rather than the earlier epistles<P>From these indications we conclude that this is the last of Paul\'s Epistles to the churches. Hilgenfeld calls this the swan song of the great apostle. In it Paul has written his last exhortations and warnings, his last hopes and prayers for his converts to the Christian faith. Its date must be somewhere toward the close of the Roman imprisonment, in the year 63 or 64 AD. Epaphroditus had brought the contribution of the Philippians to Paul in Rome. He had plunged into the work there in rather reckless fashion, risking his life and contracting a malarial fever or some other serious sickness; but his life had been spared in answer to the prayers of Paul and his friends. Now Paul sends him back to Philippi, though he knows that he will be very lonely without him; and he sends with him this letter of acknowledgment of their gift, filled with commendation and encouragement, gratitude and love.<P>VI. Contents of the Epistle.<P>The epistle is not capable of any logical analysis. Its succession of thought may be represented as follows:<P>(1) Address (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',1,1,2);">Php 1:1,2</a>).<P>(2) Thanksgiving and prayer (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',1,\'3-11\');">Php 1:3-11</a>): Paul is thankful for their fellowship and confident of their perfection. He longs for them and prays that their love may be wise to discriminate among the most excellent things and that they may be able to choose the very best, until they are filled with the fruits of righteousness, which are through Jesus Christ, unto the glory and the praise of God.<P>(3) Information concerning his own experience (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',1,\'12-30\');">Php 1:12-30</a>):<P>(a) His evangelism (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',1,\'12-14\');">Php 1:12-14</a>): Everything had turned out well. Paul is in prison, but he has been indefatigable in his evangelism. He has been chained to a soldier, but that has given him many an opportunity for personal and private and prolonged conversation. When the people have gathered to hear, the guard has listened perforce; and when the crowd was gone, more than once the soldier has seemed curious and interested and they have talked on about the Christ. Paul has told his experience over and over to these men, and his story has been carried through the whole camp.<P>(b) His tolerance (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',1,\'15-18\');">Php 1:15-18</a>): Not only has the gospel found unexpected furtherance inside the prison walls, but through the whole city the brethren have been emboldened by Paul\'s success to preach Christ, some through faction and envy and strife, and some through love. Paul rejoices that Christ is preached, whether by his enemies or by his friends. He would much prefer to have the gospel presented as he himself preached it, but he was great-souled and broadminded enough to tolerate differences of opinion and method among brethren in Christ. "In every way, whether in pretense or in truth, Christ is proclaimed; and therein I rejoice, yea, and will rejoice" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',1,18);">Php 1:18</a>). This is one of the noblest utterances of one of the greatest of men. Paul is sorry that everybody does not see things just exactly as he does, but he rejoices if they glorify Christ and would not put the least hindrance in their way.<P>(c) His readiness for life or death (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',1,\'19-26\');">Php 1:19-26</a>): Paul says, Give me liberty or give me death; it will be Christ either way. To live is to work for Christ; to die is to be with Christ. "To me to live is Christ, and to die is gain." Here is Paul\'s soliloquy in the face of possible martyrdom or further missionary labors.<P>We are reminded of Hamlet\'s soliloquy in Shakespeare. "To be or not to be"—that is the question with both Hamlet and Paul. Hamlet weighs evils against evils and chooses the lesser evils in sheer cowardice in the end. Paul weighs blessings against blessings, the blessings of life for Christ and the blessings of death with Christ, and chooses the lesser blessings in pure unselfishness in the end. They both choose life, but the motives of their choice are radically different; and Paul lives with rejoicing while Hamlet lives in despair and in shame. The aged apostle would rather die than live, but he would rather live than die before his work was done.<P>(d) His example (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',1,\'27-30\');">Php 1:27-30</a>): Paul was a Roman citizen and so were they. He tried to live worthy of his citizenship and so must they. He had a still higher ambition, that he and they might live as citizens worthy of the gospel of Christ. He fought as a good soldier. He stood fast in the faith. He was in nothing affrighted by the adversaries. Let them follow his example. They were engaged in the same conflict. To them it had been granted to believe and to suffer in the behalf of Christ. Their faith was not of themselves; it was the gift of God. Their suffering was not self-chosen; it too was a gift of God. (4) Exhortation to follow the example of Christ (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',2,\'1-18\');">Php 2:1-18</a>): Let the Philippians have the mind and spirit of Jesus, and Paul will rejoice to pour out his life as a libation upon the sacrifice and service of their faith. (5) Reasons for sending Timothy, and Epaphroditus to them (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',2,\'19-30\');">Php 2:19-30</a>). (6) Paul\'s example (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',3,\'1-21\');">Php 3:1-21</a>):<P>(a) In the repudiation of all confidence in the flesh (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',3,\'1-7\');">Php 3:1-7</a>): There are certain dogs and evil workers who belong to the old Jewish persuasion who glory in the flesh. Paul does not. He glories in Christ Jesus and has no confidence in the flesh. He has much reason to be proud of his past, for he would rank high on his record among them. He was of the stock of Israel, the prince with God. He belonged to the race of those who wrestled with God and got the victory. He was of the tribe of Benjamin, the only one of the patriarchs born in the Chosen Land. The first king of Israel had been chosen from this tribe. It alone had been faithful to the house of David at the time of the Great Schism. It held the place of honor in the militant host of the Israelites (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',5,14);">Jud 5:14</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Hsa\',5,8);">Ho 5:8</a>). It was a matter of pride to belong to this singly faithful and signally honored tribe. He was a Hebrew of Hebrews, and he belonged to that sect among the Hebrews that was notorious for its scrupulous observance of all the religious ritual, for its patriotism and zeal, for its piety. and devotion. Among these Pharisees he was conspicuous for his enthusiasm. He was the chosen instrument of the Sanhedrin to persecute and annihilate the Christian church. No one could find fault with his legal righteousness. He claimed to be blameless as judged by their standard. That was his record. Who has any better one, in pedigree or in piety? All of these things Paul counts but loss for Christ.<P>(b) In the maintenance and pursuit of spiritual perfection (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',3,\'8-16\');">Php 3:8-16</a>): The word "perfect" is used twice in this paragraph. We read: "Not that I have already obtained, or am already made perfect: but I press on." Many of the authorities quote these words as indicative of Paul\'s humility in disclaiming any present perfection of character while he avows his purpose to strive on toward perfection as long as he lives. Such an interpretation is wholly aside from Paul\'s thought. He is not talking about perfection in patience and peace and devotion and character. That perfection he claims for himself and for the Philippians in this paragraph toward the close: "Let us therefore, as many as are perfect, be thus minded." The perfection of which he speaks earlier is the perfection possible in the resurrection life of the saints in bliss. He has not attained unto the resurrection from the dead and is not perfect with the perfection of heaven. That is the goal of his endeavor. He presses on to that mark. In the meantime he maintains that perfection of consecration and of faith that results in present Christian perfection of character and which is the only guaranty of that perfection to be revealed to those who attain unto the resurrection from the dead.<P>(c) In heavenly citizenship (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',3,\'17-21\');">Php 3:17-21</a>): Paul walks with his mind on heavenly things. There are those who mind earthly things. They are enemies of the cross, but he has sworn eternal allegiance to the cross. Their end is perdition, while his end is sure salvation. Their god is the belly, while his goal is the perfection of the spirit. Their glory is in their shame, while his glory is in Christ alone. "Brethren, be ye imitators together of me, and mark them that so walk even as ye have us for an ensample." Then "The Lord...shall fashion anew the body of our humiliation," the body of our earthly pilgrimage, the body that so often fails the racer to the goal and cannot keep up with the desire of his spirit, and will conform it "to the body of his glory," the perfect body of those who have attained to the resurrection of the dead. It is not "our vile body" that is to be changed. That gives a false sense in modern English. The body is not vile, and the Bible nowhere says that it is. It was Manichean or neo-Platonic heresy that matter was evil and the body vile. Plotinus blushed that he had a body; Jesus never did. The Christian will honor the body as the temple of the Holy Spirit. It was the vehicle of the incarnation, and he honors it for that. Yet the body prepared for Jesus was the body of His humiliation. It bound Him to the earth. It wearied when He was most anxious to work. It failed Him when He most needed strength. Paul says that our bodies are like the body of Jesus of Nazareth now, and they shall be like the body of our risen Lord in due time.<P>(7) A series of short exhortations (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',4,\'1-9\');">Php 4:1-9</a>): This series ends with the command, "The things which ye both learned and received and heard and saw in me, these things do: and the God of peace shall be with you." All these exhortations, then, are based upon his own conduct and experience and example. They had seen the embodiment of these things in him. They were to be imitators of him in their obedience to them. Therefore as we read them we have side-lights thrown upon the character of the apostle who had taught and preached and practiced these things.<P>What do they tell us concerning the apostle Paul?<P>(a) His stedfastness and his love for his friends (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',4,1);">Php 4:1</a>): He had a genius for friendship. He bound his friends to him with cords of steel. They were ready to sacrifice anything for him. The reason for that was that he sacrificed everything for them, and that he had such an overflowing love for them that his love begot love in them. They could depend upon him.<P>(b) His sympathy with all good men and all good women and his desire that they live in peace (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',4,2,3);">Php 4:2,3</a>): The true yokefellow mentioned here cannot be identified now. He has been variously named by the critics, as Epaphroditus, Barnabas, Luke, Silas, Timothy, Peter, and Christ. There may be a proper name in the phrase, either Genisius or Syzygus. We are wholly ignorant as to whom Paul meant.<P>(c) His constant rejoicing in the Lord (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',4,4);">Php 4:4</a>).<P>(d) His sweet reasonableness ("moderation," the King James Version, the Revised Version (British and American) "forbearance," <a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',4,5);">Php 4:5</a>).: So Matthew Arnold translates the Greek noun here. Tyndale called it courtesy. It is a combination of forbearance and graciousness, of modesty and courtesy, of consideration and esteem such as was characteristic of Christ. Paul had it. There was a sweet reasonableness about him that made his personality a most winning and attractive one.<P>(e) His freedom from anxiety (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',4,6,7);">Php 4:6,7</a>): Paul\'s fearless confidence was born on the one hand from his assurance that the Lord was near, and on the other from his faith in prayer. It passed all understanding how Paul was kept from all anxiety. It was the power of prayer that did it. It was the peace of God that did it. It was the Lord at hand who did it.<P>(f) His habitual high thinking (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',4,8);">Php 4:8</a>): All that was worthy in the ideals of the Greek philosophers Paul made the staple of his thought. He delighted in things true and honorable and just and pure and lovely and of good report. He knew that virtue was in these things and that all praise belonged to them. He had learned that while his mind was filled with these things he lived in serenity and peace. (8) Thanks for their gift (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',4,\'10-20\');">Php 4:10-20</a>).<P>(9) Salutations (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',4,21,22);">Php 4:21,22</a>).<P>(10) Benediction (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',4,23);">Php 4:23</a>).<P>This is not a theological epistle and therefore it is not an especially Christological one. Yet we count the name of Christ 42 times in this short letter, and the pronouns referring to Him are many more. Paul cannot write anything without writing about Christ. He ends: "The grace of the Lord Jesus Christ be with your spirit." The spirit of Christ and the grace of Christ are in the entire epistle.<P>LITERATURE:<P>Works on Introduction: Zahn, Weiss, Julicher, Salmon, Dods, Bacon, Bennett and Adeney; McClymont, The New Testament and Its Writers; Farrar, The Messages of the Books; Fraser, Synoptical Lectures on Books of the Holy Scripture; Godet, Studies on the Epistles Works on the Pauline Epistles: Findlay, Shaw. Commentaries: Lightfoot, Vincent, Weiss, Beet, Ellicott, Haupt, Moule. Devotional studies: Moule, Meyer, Jowett, Noble.``73';
|
|
isbe[6903]='Philistia`fi-lis\'-ti-a: The country is referred to under various designations in the Old Testament: namely, pelesheth (Philistia) (<a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',60,8);">Ps 60:8 (Hebrew 10)</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',87,4);">87:4</a>), \'erets pelishtim, "land of the Philistines" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',21,32,34);">Ge 21:32,34</a>), geloth hapelishtim; Septuagint ge ton Phulistieim, "the regions of the Philistines" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',13,2);">Jos 13:2</a>). The Egyptian monuments have Puirsatha, Pulsath (Budge), Peleset (Breasted) and Purasati (HGHL), according to the different voweling of the radicals; the Assyrian form is Palastu or Pilistu, which corresponds very closely to the Egyptian and the Hebrew. The extent of the land is indicated in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',13,2);">Jos 13:2</a> as being from the Shihor, or Brook of Egypt (Revised Version), to the border of Ekron, northward. The eastern border was along the Judean foothills on the line of Beth-shemesh (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',6,9);">1Sa 6:9</a>) with the sea on the west. It was a very small country, from 25 to 30 miles in length and with an average width of about half the length, but it was fertile, being an extension of the plain of Sharon, except that along the coast high sand dunes encroached upon the cultivated tract. It contained many towns and villages, the most important being the five so often mentioned in Scripture: Gaza, Ashdod, Ashkelon, Gath and Ekron. The population must have been large for the territory, which enabled them to contend successfully with the Israelites, notwithstanding the superiority of position in the hills to the advantage of the latter.``138';
|
|
isbe[6904]='Philistim`fi-lis\'-tim, fil\'-is-tim (pelishtim (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',10,14);">Ge 10:14</a>, the King James Version)).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=PHILISTINES">PHILISTINES</a>`1';
|
|
isbe[6905]='Philistines`fi-lis\'-tinz, fil\'-is-tinz, fil\'-is-tinz (pelishtim; Phulistieim, allophuloi):<P><b>I. OLD TESTAMENT NOTICES</b><P class="in15">1. Race and Origin<P class="in15">2. Religion<P class="in15">3. Individual Philistines Mentioned<P class="in15">4. Title of Ruler and Circumcision<P class="in15">5. History in the Old Testament to Death of Saul<P class="in15">6. History Continued to Time of Ahaz<P class="in15">7. Later Notices<P><b>II. MONUMENTAL NOTICES</b><P class="in15">1. Palestinian Excavations<P class="in15">2. Egyptian Monuments<P class="in15">3. Assyrian Texts<P><b>III. THE CRETAN THEORY</b><P class="in15">1. Cherethim and Kretes<P class="in15">2. Caphtor and Keft<P><b>IV. DAVID\'S GUARDS</b><P class="in15">1. The "Cherethi" and the "Pelethi" Not Mercenaries<P class="in15">2. Meaning of These Terms<P class="in15">3. Native Hebrews<P class="in15">4. Review<P><b>LITERATURE</b><hr /><P>I. Old Testament Notices.<P>1. Race and Origin:<P>The Philistines were an uncircumcised people inhabiting the shore plain between Gezer and Gaza in southwestern Palestine (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=PHILISTIA">PHILISTIA</a>). The name Palestine itself (Hebrew pelesheth) refers to their country. The word means "migrants," and they came from another country. They are noticed 286 times in the Old Testament, and their country 8 times. The question of their race and origin is of great importance as affecting the genuine character and reliability of the Bible notices. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',10,14);">Ge 10:14</a> (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',1,12);">1Ch 1:12</a>) they are reckoned with other tribes in Mizraim (Egypt) as descendants of Ham, and as cousins of the old inhabitants of Babylonia (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',10,6);">Ge 10:6</a>). They are said to be a branch of the Casluhim—an unknown people—or, according to Septuagint, of the Casmanim, which would mean "shavers of the head"—a custom of the Phoenicians (forbidden to Hebrews as a rule), as known from a picture of the time of Thothmes III in the 16th century BC. They are also connected with the Caphtorim or people of Caphtor, whence indeed they are said to have come (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',47,4);">Jer 47:4</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',9,7);">Am 9:7</a>). Caphtor was a "shoreland," but its position is doubtful (see <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',2,23);">De 2:23</a>); the Caphtorim found an earlier race of Avim living in "enclosures" near Gaza, and destroyed them. In the Septuagint of this passage (and in <a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',9,7);">Am 9:7</a>) Cappadocia stands for Caphtor (Kaphtor), and other versions have the same reading. Cappadocia was known to the Assyrians as kat-pat-uka (probably an Akkadian term—"land of the Kati"), and the Kati were a people living in Cilicia and Cappadocia, which region had a Semitic population side by side with Mengels (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=HITTITES">HITTITES</a>) at least as early as the time of Moses. It is very likely therefore that this reading is correct.<P>2. Religion:<P>According to the Old Testament and monuments alike, the Philistines were a Semitic people, and they worshipped two Babylonian gods, Dagon (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',5,2);">1Sa 5:2</a>) and Ashtaroth (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',31,10);">1Sa 31:10</a>), both of whom were adored very early in Babylonia, both, however, having names of Akkadian and not of Semitic origin. In Semitic speech Dagon meant "grain," and was so understood in the time of Philo of Gebal, a Greek-Phoenician writer who attributes the art of grain-growing to this deity. But the original name was Da-gan, and in Akkadian da is "the upper part of a man," and gan (Turkish qaan) probably means "a large fish." The new man deity was well known to the Assyrians, and is represented in connection with Sennacherib\'s worship of Ea, the sea-god, when he embarked on the Persian Gulf. Thus Dagon was probably a title of Ea ("the water spirit"), called by Berosus Oannes (u-ha-na, "lord of the fish"), and said to have issued from this same gulf. We consequently read that when the statue of Dagon at Ashdod fell (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',5,4);">1Sa 5:4</a>), its head and hands were broken off, and only "the great fish" was left. In 1874 the present writer found a seal near Ashdod representing a bearded god (as in Babylonia) with a fish tail (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=DAGON">DAGON</a>). As to Ashtoreth, who was adored in Philistia itself, her name is derived from the Akkadian Ishtar ("light maker"), a name for the moon-goddess and—later—for the planet Venus.<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ASHTORETH">ASHTORETH</a>.<P>3. Individual Philistines Mentioned:<P>The Philistines had reached Gerar by the time of Abraham, and it was only in the age of the Hyksos rulers of the Delta that Canaanite tribes could be described as akin, not only to Babylonians, but also to certain tribes in Egypt, a circumstance which favors the antiquity of the ethnic chapter, <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',10,\'1-\');">Ge 10</a>. We have 9 Philistine names in the Old Testament, all of which seem to be Semitic, including Abimelech—"Moloch is my father"—(<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',20,\'2-18\');">Ge 20:2-18</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',21,\'22-32\');">21:22-32</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',26,\'8-11\');">26:8-11</a>) at Gerar, southeasat of Gaza, Ahuzzath ("possession," <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',26,26);">Ge 26:26</a>), and Phicol (of doubtful meaning), with Delilah ("delicate," <a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',16,4);">Jud 16:4</a>), Goliath (probably the Babylonian galu, "great"), and Saph (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',21,18);">2Sa 21:18</a>), perhaps meaning "increase." These two brothers were sons of Raphah ("the tall"); but Ishbi-benob (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',21,16);">2Sa 21:16</a>), another of the family, perhaps only means "the dweller in Nob" (Beit Nuba, north of Gezer). The king of Gath in David\'s time was Achish ("the gift" in Bah), who (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',27,2);">1Sa 27:2</a>) was the son of Maoch, "the oppressor." According to Septuagint, Jonathan killed a Philistine named Nasib (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',13,3,4);">1Sa 13:3,4</a>, where the King James Version reads "a garrison"). If this is correct the name (meaning "a pillar") would also be Semitic.<P>4. Title of Ruler and Circumcision:<P>Besides these personal names, and those of the cities of Philistia which are all Semitic, we have the title given to Philistine lords, ceren, which Septuagint renders "satrap" and "ruler," and which probably comes from a Semitic root meaning "to command." It constantly applies to the rulers of Gaza, Ashdod, Ashkelon, Gath and Ekron, the 5 chief cities of Philistia. The fact that the Philistines were uncircumcised does not prove that they were not a Semitic people. Herodotus (ii.104) says that the Phoenicians acknowledged that they took this custom from the Egyptians, and the Arabs according to this passage were still uncircumcised, nor is it known that this was a custom of the Babylonians and Assyrians. The Septuagint translators of the Pentateuch always render the name Phulistieim, and this also is found in 8 passages of Joshua and Judges, but in the later books the name is translated as meaning "strangers" throughout, because they were not the first inhabitants of Philistia.<P>5. History in the Old Testament until Death of Saul:<P>The Philistines conquered the "downs" (geliloth, <a onClick="return mV(\'Joe\',3,4);">Joe 3:4</a>) near the seacoast, and were so powerful at the time of the Hebrew conquest that none of their great towns were taken (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',13,3);">Jos 13:3</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',3,3);">Jud 3:3</a>). By the time of Samson (about 1158 BC) they appear as oppressors of Israel for 40 years (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',13,1);">Jud 13:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',15,20);">15:20</a>), having encroached from their plains into the Shephelah (or low hills) of Judah, at the foot of the mountains. Delilah was a Philistine woman, living in the valley of Sorek, close to Samson\'s home. In the last year of Eli (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',4,1);">1Sa 4:1</a>) we find the Philistines attacking the mountains near Mizpeh, where they captured the ark. Samuel drove them back and placed his monument of victory between Mizpeh and Jeshanah (Shen; see the Septuagint; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',7,12);">1Sa 7:12</a>) on the mountain ridge of Benjamin. He even regained towns in the Shephelah as far as Ekron and Gath (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',7,14);">1Sa 7:14</a>); but at the opening of Saul\'s reign (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',10,5);">1Sa 10:5</a>) the Philistines had a "garrison" at Gibeah—or a chief named Hasib according to Septuagint. They raided from this center (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',13,\'17-23\');">1Sa 13:17-23</a>) in all directions, and prevented the Hebrews from arming themselves, till Jonathan drove them from Michmash (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',14,\'1-47\');">1Sa 14:1-47</a>). David\'s victory (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',17,2);">1Sa 17:2</a>) was won in the Valley of Elah east of Gath, and the pursuit (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',17,52);">1Sa 17:52</a>) was as far as Ekron. We here read that the Philistine champion wore armor of bronze (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',17,\'4-7\');">1Sa 17:4-7</a>), his spear head being of iron. They still invaded the Shephelah after this defeat, robbing the threshing-floors of Keilah (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',23,1);">1Sa 23:1</a>) near Adullam at the foot of the Hebron Mountains (see <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',23,27);">1Sa 23:27</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',24,1);">24:1</a>). David\'s band of outlaws gradually increasing from 400 to 600 men (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',22,2);">1Sa 22:2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',27,2);">27:2</a>), being driven from the Hebrew lands, accompanied him to Gath, which is usually placed at Tell es-Safi, at the point where the Valley of Elah enters the Philistine plain. It appears that Achish, king of Gath, then ruled as far south as Ziklag (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',15,31);">Jos 15:31</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',27,6);">1Sa 27:6</a>) in the Beersheba plains; but he was not aware of the direction of David\'s raids at this distance. Achish supposed David to be committed to his cause (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',27,12);">1Sa 27:12</a>), but the Philistine lords suspected him and his Hebrew followers (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',29,3);">1Sa 29:3</a>) when going up to Jezreel.<P>6. History Continued to Time of Ahaz:<P>After they had killed Saul, we hear no more of them till the 8th year of David, when, after taking Jerusalem, he apparently went down to Adullam (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',5,17);">2Sa 5:17</a>) and fell upon them in their rear as they advanced on his capital. He then destroyed their supremacy (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',8,1);">2Sa 8:1</a>) as far as Gezer (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',20,4);">1Ch 20:4</a>), and the whole of Philistia was subject to Solomon (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',4,21);">1Ki 4:21</a>), though not long after his death they seem to have held the town of Gibbethon (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',15,27);">1Ki 15:27</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',16,15);">16:15</a>) in the hills of Dan. Hezekiah smote the Philistines as far as Gaza (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',18,8);">2Ki 18:8</a>) before 702 BC, in which year (according to the Taylor cylinder) Sennacherib made Hezekiah deliver up Padii, king of Ekron, who had been carried prisoner to Jerusalem. The accounts in Chronicles refer to David\'s taking Gath (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',18,1);">1Ch 18:1</a>), which was recovered later, and again taken by Uzziah (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',26,6);">2Ch 26:6</a>). The Philistines sent gifts to Jehoshaphat (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',17,11);">2Ch 17:11</a>), but invaded the Shephelah (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',28,18);">2Ch 28:18</a>) in the time of Ahaz.<P>7. Later Notices:<P>In this age the "lords" of the 5 cities of Philistia are called "kings," both in the Bible and on Assyrian monuments. Isaiah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',2,6);">2:6</a>) speaks of Philistine superstitions, Ezekiel (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',25,15,16);">25:15,16</a>) connects them with the Cherethim on the seacoast. They still held Gath in the time of Amos (<a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',6,2);">6:2</a>), and Gaza, Ashdod and Ekron in that of Zephaniah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Zep\',2,5);">2:5</a>), who again mentions the Cherethim with Philistines, as inhabitants of Canaan or the "lowlands." The last notice (<a onClick="return mV(\'Zec\',9,6);">Zec 9:6</a>) still speaks of kings in Ashkelon, Gaza, Ekron and Ashdod at a time when the Ionians had become known in Judah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Zec\',9,13);">Zec 9:13</a>); but the Philistines are unnoticed by Ezra or Nehemiah, unless we suppose that the "speech of Ashdod" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',13,24);">Ne 13:24</a>) was their old dialect, which appears—like the language of the Canaanites in general in earlier times—to have resembled that of the Babylonians and Assyrians, and to have thus differed—though Semitic—from the Hebrews.<P>Their further history is embraced in that of the various cities to which reference can be made under the articles pertaining to them.<P>II. Monumental Notices.<P>1. Palestinian Excavations:<P>These are of great importance, because they confirm the Old Testament statements from a time at least as early as that of Moses, and down to 670 BC. Recent excavations at Gezer show the early presence of two races at this Philistine city, one being Semitic, the other probably Egyptian Scarabs as old as the XIIth Dynasty were found, and in the 15th century BC Gezer was held by Amenophis III. At Lachish also seals of this king and his queen have been found, with a cuneiform letter to Zimridi, who was ruler of the city under the same Pharaoh. At Gaza a temple was built by Amenophis II. The names of places in Philistia noticed yet earlier by Thothmes III are all Semitic, including Joppa, Saphir, Gerar, Gezer, etc. In the Tell el-Amarna Letters we have also (about 1480 BC) letters from chiefs subject to Amenophis III at Joppa, Ashkelon, Gezer, Lachish and Keilah which show us a Semitic population, not only by the language of these letters, but also by the names of the writers. In the case of Ashkelon especially the Semitic rulers are found to have worshipped Dagon; and, though the name "Philistine" does not occur, the race was clearly the same found by the Assyrians in 800 BC in the land of Palastan beside the Great Sea. These names include Yamir-Dagdn ("Dagon sees"), Dagantakala ("Dagon is a protection") and Yadaya (the "grateful") at Ashkelon; Bua ("asked for"), son of the woman Gulata, at Joppa; Yabnilu ("God made"), at Lachish, with Zimridi—a name found also in Sabean Arabic; while, at Gezer, Yapa\'a represents the Biblical Japhia (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',10,3);">Jos 10:3</a>), and Milkilu ("Moloch is king") the Hebrew Malchiel. Others might be added of the same character, but these examples are enough to show that, in the time of Moses and Joshua, the population of Philistia was the same that is noticed in the Old Testament as early as Abraham\'s age.<P>2. Egyptian Monuments:<P>When therefore scholars speak of the Philistines as being non-Semitic—and probably Aryan—invaders of the country, arriving about 1200 BC, they appear not only to contradict the Bible, but also to contradict the monumental evidence of the earlier existence of Semitic Dagon- worshippers at Ashkelon. In this later age Rameses III was attacked, in Egypt, by certain northern tribes who came by sea, and also by land, wasting first the country of the Hittites and Amorites. Among them were the Danau, who were probably Greek Danai. They were exterminated in the Delta, and in the subsequent advance of Rameses III to the Euphrates. On a colored picture they are represented as fair people; and two of the tribes were called Purstau and Takarri, whom Chabas supposed to be Pelasgi (since "l" and "r" are not distinguished in Egyptian) and Teucrians. These two tribes wear the same peculiar headdress. Brugsch supposed the former to be Philistines (Geog., I, 10), but afterward called them Purosata (Hist Egypt, II, 148). The inscriptions accompanying the picture on the temple walls say that they came from the north, and "their home was in the land of the Purstau, the Takarri," etc. There is thus no reason at all to suppose that they were Philistines, nor did they ever settle in Philistia.<P>3. Assyrian Texts:<P>The Assyrian texts agree with those already mentioned in making the inhabitants of Philistia Semitic. Rimmon-nirari, about 800 BC, was the first Assyrian conqueror in Palastau ("by the great sea"). In 734 and 727 BC, Tiglath-pileser attacked the Pilisti, and mentions a king of Ashkelon named Mitinti ("my gift"), and his son Rukufti whose name resembles that of the Kenite called Rechab in the Old Testament. The name of the king of Gaza was Chanun, or "merciful." In 711 BC Sargon took Ashdod, and speaks of its king Azuri, whose name recalls the Amorite Aziru, and of Achimiti ("a brother is sent"), and the usurper Yamanu ("stedfast"), who fled before him. Sennacherib, in 702 BC, gives the names of cities in Philistia (including Eltekeh and Beneberak near Joppa) which are Semitic. He notices Sidqa (Zadok) of Ashkelon, and also Sarludari ("the Lord be praised"), son of Rukubti in the same city, with Mitinti of Ashdod, and Padii ("redeeming") of Ekron, while Cil-b\'el ("Baal is a protection") was king of Gaza. In 679 BC Esarhaddon speaks of Silli-b\'el ("Baal is my protection") of Gaza, with Mitinti of Ashkelon, Ika-samsu ("the sun-god is manifest") of Ekron, and Abi-milki of Ashdod, who bore the ancient Philistine name Abimelech. In 670 BC, when Assur-bani-pal set up many tributary kings in Egypt, we find again the name Sarludari applied to a ruler of Pelusium, who may have been a Philistine. It is thus abundantly clear that the monumental notices all agree with the Old Testament as to the names and nationality of the Philistines, and as to their worship of Baal and Dagon; the conjecture that they were Aryan foreigners, arriving in 1200 BC, is not based on any statement of the monuments, but merely rests on a guess which Brugsch subsequently abandoned. It resembles many other supposed discrepancies between Biblical and contemporary records due to the mistakes of modern commentators.<P>III. The Cretan Theory.<P>1. Cherethim and Kretes:<P>This strange theory, which is apparently of Byzantine origin, would make the Philistines come from Crete. It still finds supporters, though it does not rest on any Biblical or monumental evidence. The Cherethim (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',25,16);">Eze 25:16</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Zep\',2,5);">Ze 2:5</a>) were a Semitic people named with the Philistines in Canaan. The Septuagint renders the word with Kretes or Kretoi; and, about 1770 AD, Michaelis (Spicil., I, 292-308) argued that this meant "Cretans," and that the Philistines therefore came from Caphtor, which must be Crete. The passages, however, refer to Philistia and not to any island, and the Septuagint translators, as we have seen, placed Caphtor in Cappadocia. The Cherethi—in the singular—is mentioned (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',30,14);">1Sa 30:14</a>) as a people of Philistia (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',30,16);">1Sa 30:16</a>), near Ziklag, and their name probably survives at the present town called Keratiyeh in the Philistine plain.<P>Yet, many theories are founded on this old idea about the Cherethites. Some suppose that Tacitus confused the Jews with the Philistines as having come from Crete; but what he actually says (History v.11) is that "the Jews ran away from Crete," and "the inhabitants are named Idaci (from Mount Ida), which, with a barbarous augment, becomes the name of the Judaei." This absurd derivation shows at least that Tacitus did not mean the Philistines. Stephen of Byzantium said that the god Marna at Gaza was like the Cretan Jove. Probably he had seen the huge statue of a seated Jove found near Gaza, and now at Constantinople, but this is late Greek work, and the name Marna ("our lord") is Semitic. Stephen also thought that Minois—the port of Gaza—was named from the Cretan Minos, but it is an Arabic word Mineh, for "harbor," still applying to the same place.<P>2. Caphtor and Keft:<P>No critical student is likely to prefer these later speculations to our present monumental information, even without reference to the contradiction of the Bible. Yet these blunders have given rise to the supposition that Caphtor is to be identified with a region known to the Egyptians as Keft, with inhabitants called Kefau. The latter are represented in a tomb of the XVIIIth Dynasty near Thebes. They are youths of brown color, with long black hair, and the same type is found in a Cypriote figure. They are connected with islanders of the "green sea," who may have lived in Arvad or in Cyprus; but there is no evidence in any written statement that they were Cretans, though a figure at Knossos in Crete somewhat resembles them. There are many indications that this figure—painted on the wall of the later palace—is not older than about 500 BC, and the Sidonians had colonies in Crete, where also pottery is found just like that marked by a Phoenician inscription in Cyprus. The Kefau youths bring vases as presents, and these—in all their details—are exactly the same as those represented in another picture of the time of Thothrues III, the bearers in this case being Harri from Northern Syria, represented with black beards and Semitic features. Moreover, on the bilingual inscription called the Decree of Canopus (238 BC), the Keft region is said to be "Phoenicia," and the Greek translator naturally knew what was meant by his Egyptian colleague. Keft in fact is a Semitic word for "palm," occurring in Hebrew (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',9,14);">Isa 9:14</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',19,15);">19:15</a>), and thus applicable to the "palm"-land, Phoenicia. Thus, even if Keft were related to Caphtor, the evidence would place the Philistine home on the Phoenician shores, and not in Crete. There is indeed no evidence that any European race settled near the coasts of Palestine before about 680 BC, when Esarhaddon speaks of Greek kings in Cyprus. The Cretan theory of Michaelis was a literary conjecture, which has been disproved by the results of exploration in Asia.<P>IV. David\'s Guards.<P>1. The "Cherethi" and the "Pelethi" Not Mercenaries:<P>Another strange theory, equally old, represents David as being surrounded with foreign mercenaries—Philistines and Carians—as Rameses II employed mercenaries called Shairtanau from Asia Minor. The suggestion that the Cherethites were of this race is scarcely worth notice, since the Hebrew letter kaph (k) is never represented by "sh" in Egyptian David\'s band of Hebrew exiles, 400 in number, followed him to Gath where 200 Gittites joined him (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',15,18);">2Sa 15:18</a>). In later times his army consisted of "the Cherethi" (kerethi, in the singular) and "the Pelethi" (pelethi), commanded by the Hebrew leader Benaiah, son of Jehoiada (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',8,18);">2Sa 8:18</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',15,18);">15:18</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',20,7);">20:7</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',1,38,44);">1Ki 1:38,44</a>), together with the Gittites under Ittai of Gath. These guards are never said to have been Philistines, but "the Cherethi" is supposed to mean one of the Cherethim tribe, and "the Pelethi" to be another name for the Philistine. As regards the Gittites, the fact that they came from Gath does not prove that they were Philistines, any more than was David himself because he came back from this city. David calls Ittai an "enemy" and an "exile," but it is probable that he was the same hero, so named (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',23,29);">2Sa 23:29</a>), who was the son of Ribai from Gibeah of Benjamin. He had himself not long joined David, being no doubt in exile at Gath, and his tribe at first opposed David, taking the side of their tribesman Saul. Even when Ittai\'s men joined the Cherethi and Pelethi against Absalom, they were naturally suspected; for David still had enemies (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',15,\'5-13\');">2Sa 15:5-13</a>) among Benjamites of Saul\'s house. It is also surely impossible to suppose that David would have left the ark in charge of a Phili; and Obed-edom the Gittite (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',6,10);">2Sa 6:10</a>) was a Levite, according to a later account (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',15,18);">1Ch 15:18</a>), bearing a Hebrew name, meaning perhaps "servant of men," or "humble worshipper." It seems equally unlikely that, in later times, a pious priest like Jehoiada (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,4);">2Ki 11:4</a>) would have admitted foreign mercenaries into the temple. In this passage they are called kari, as also in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',20,23);">2Sa 20:23</a>, where the Septuagint has Cherethi. The suggestion of Wellhausen that they were Carians does not seem probable, as Carians had not even reached Egypt before about 600 BC.<P>2. Meaning of These Terms:<P>The real explanation of these various words for soldiers seems simple; and David—being a very popular king—is not likely to have needed foreign mercenaries; while the Philistines, whom he had so repeatedly smitten, were very unlikely to have formed trusty guards. The word "Cherethi" (kerethi) means a "smiter" or a "destroyer," and "Pelethi" (pelethi) means "a swift one" or "pursuer." In the time of Joash the temple-guards are called kari (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,4,19);">2Ki 11:4,19</a>, Carites), which the Septuagint treats as either singular or plural, and ratsim or "runners" (see <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',22,17);">1Sa 22:17</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',14,27,28);">1Ki 14:27,28</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',10,25);">2Ki 10:25</a>), these two bodies perhaps answering to the Cherethi and Pelethi of David\'s time; for kari means "stabber." The term ratsim, or "runners," is however of general application, since Jehu also had troops so called (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',10,25);">2Ki 10:25</a>). Evidently we have here two classes of troops—as among the Romans—the heavier regiment of "destroyers," or "stabbers," being armed with swords, daggers or spears; while the "swift ones" or "runners" pursued the defeated foe. Thus, in Egypt we find, yet earlier, the ax-man supported by the bow-man in regular regiments; and in Assyria the spear-man with heavy shields defending the bow-man. We have also a picture of the time of Tiglath-pileser II representing an Assyrian soldier on a camel. The Pelethi or "pursuers" may have been "runners" on foot, but perhaps more probably mounted on camels, or on horses like the later Assyrians; for in the time of Solomon (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',4,28);">1Ki 4:28</a>) horses and riding camels were in use—the former for chariots. It is clear that David\'s band, leaving the vicinity of Jezreel (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',29,1);">1Sa 29:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',30,1);">30:1</a>), could not have reached Ziklag "on the third day" (a distance of 120 miles) on foot; so that the camel corps must have existed even before the death of Saul.<P>3. Native Hebrews:<P>These considerations seem to make it evident that David\'s guards were native Hebrews, who had been with him as exiles and outlaws at Adullam and Gath, and that the Cherethi or "destroyer" only accidentally had a title like that of the Philistine tribe of "destroyers" or Cherethim, who were not Cretans, it would seem, any more than the "stabbers" were Carians.<P>4. Review:<P>The general result of our inquiry is, that all monumental notices of the Philistines agree with the Old Testament statements, which make them to be a Semitic people who had already migrated to Philistia by the time of Abraham, while the supposed discrepancies are caused by the mistakes made by a commentator of the 18th century, and by archaeologists of later times.<P>LITERATURE<P>Paton, Early History of Syria and Palestine; Smith, HGHL; Budge, History of Egypt; Breasted, History of Egypt; Rawlinson, Ancient Monarchies; Herodotus with most histories of Egypt, Babylon, and Assyria for the period from the 13th century BC to the time of Alexander.``28';
|
|
isbe[6906]='Philistines, Lords of the``<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=PHILISTIA">PHILISTIA</a>`1';
|
|
isbe[6907]='Philistines, Sea of the`(<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',23,31);">Ex 23:31</a>).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=MEDITERRANEAN+SEA">MEDITERRANEAN SEA</a>`1';
|
|
isbe[6908]='Philo, Judaeus`fi-\'lo, joo-de\'-us:<P>1. His Life<P>2. Importance of the Period<P>3. The Task of Philo<P>4. Changes and New Problems<P>5. Three Subjects of Inquiry<P class="in15">(1) The Conception of God<P class="in15">(2) God\'s Relation to the World<P class="in15">(3) Doctrine of Man<P>6. Philo\'s Works<P>LITERATURE<hr /><P>1. His Life:<P>Born probably in the first decade of Augustus Caesar, who became emperor in 27 BC. He died possibly in the last years of Claudius (41-54 AD), more likely in the early years of Nero (54-65 AD). We have no exact information about either date. He was a native of Alexandria, Egypt. His relatives were wealthy and prominent, probably sacerdotal, Jews. He received the best Jewish education, and was trained also in Gentile learning—grammar, rhetoric, philosophy, geometry, poetry, music. Enjoying ample means, he was enabled to devote his career to scholarship. The Alexandrian Jews wielded great influence in the contemporary Roman empire, and the prominence of Philo\'s family is attested by the fact that his brother, Alexander Lysimachus, was Alabarch of Alexandria. The single date in Philo\'s life which we know accurately is connected with their leadership. In the winter of 39-40 AD, he was spokesman of the deputation sent to Rome to protest against imposition of emperor-worship upon fellow-citizens of his faith. The mission failed, Philo, with his two colleagues, meeting rebuff, even insult. It was little likely that Caligula would heed grievances which included specifically dissent from worship of himself. Philo records his distaste for political activity, and, so far as we know, the Roman incident excepted, he devoted himself principally to letters. As a young man probably, he had undertaken a journey to Jerusalem, almost in the nature of a pilgrimage to the ancient shrine of his religion. He paid a second visit to Rome possibly after 50 AD, at all events, in the reign of Claudius. For the rest, our knowledge of his life is scanty and, sometimes, legendary.<P>2. Importance of the Period:<P>The period covered by his career coincides with one of the most momentous epochs in history. For it witnesses, not only the foundation of the Roman imperial system, but also the beginning of the end of ancient classical civilization in its dominant ideas, and the plantation of Christianity. Preeminently an era of transition, it was marked by significant displacements in culture, the effects of which continue to sway mankind even yet. Minor phenomena aside, three principal movements characterized the time: the Pagan reaction, or reversion to forms of religion that had sufficed the peoples of the Roman empire hitherto—this manifested itself strongly with Augustus, and entered its decline perhaps with the death of Plutarch (circa 120 AD); the appearance of Christianity; and what is known as Syncretism, or interfusion between the conceptions of different races, especially in religion, philosophy and morals—a circumstance which affected the fortunes of Christianity deeply, found its chief exponent in Philo, and maintained itself for several centuries in theosophical systems of the Gnostics and neo-Platonists. Thus, to understand Philo, and to realize his importance, it is essential to remember the internal spirit of his age. The "universalism" of the Roman empire has been so named because, within the political framework, various peoples and divergent civilizations commingled and came eventually to share something of a common spirit, even of a common language. Philo\'s prominence as a figure in the world of thought, and as an authority for the general culture of New Testament times, is out of all proportion to the fragmentary information available about his external career. Contemporary currents, subtle as they were, perplexing as they still remain, met and fused in his person. Hence, his value as an index to the temperament of the period cannot well be overrated.<P>3. The Task of Philo:<P>A Jew by nature and nurture, an oriental mystic by accident of residence, a Greek humanist by higher education and professional study, an ally of the Roman governing classes, familiar with their intellectual perspective, Philo is at once rich in suggestion and blurred in outline. Moreover, he addressed himself to two tasks, difficult to weld into a flawless unity. On the one hand, he wrote for educated men in Greek-Roman society, attempting to explain, often to justify, his racial religion before them. The ancient state religion having fallen upon inanition, he enjoyed unusual opportunity to point the merits of the Jewish faith as the "desire of all nations," the panacea of which the need was everywhere felt. On the other hand, he had to confront his orthodox coreligionists, with their separatist traditions and their contempt for paganism in all its works. He tried to persuade them that, after all, Greek thought was not inimical to their cherished doctrines, but, on the contrary, involved similar, almost identical, principles. He thus represented an eclectic standpoint, one in which Greek philosophy blended with historical and dogmatic deductions from the Jewish Scriptures. The result was Philo\'s peculiar type of theosophy—we cannot call it a system. Taking the Old Testament for text, he applied the "allegorical" method, with curious consequences. He taught that the Scriptures contain two meanings: a "lower" meaning, obvious in the literal statements of the text; and a "higher," or hidden meaning, perceptible to the "initiate" alone. In this way he found it possible to reconcile Greek intellectualism with Jewish belief. Greek thought exhibits the "hidden" meaning; it turns out to be the elucidation of the "allegory" which runs through the Old Testament like a vein of gold. Moses, and the rest, are not merely historical figures, the subjects of such and such vicissitudes, but representative types of reason, righteousness, the virtues, and so forth. The tendency to fusion of this kind was no new thing. It is traceable for some three centuries before Philo, who may be said to complete the process. It had been familiar to the rabbis, and to the Hellenistic philosophers, particularly the Stoics, who applied this method to the Greek poetical myths. Philo reduces it to an expert art, and uses it as an instrument to dissipate all difficulties. He believed himself to be thoroughly true to the Old Testament. But, thanks to his method, he rendered it malleable, and could thus adjust its interpretation to what he considered to be the intellectual necessities of his generation. Nay more, he felt that, when at his best in this process, he became a vehicle of Divine possession. He says, "Through the influence of divine inspiration I have become excited profoundly...then I have been conscious of a richness of interpretation, an enjoyment of light, a most penetrating sight, a most manifest energy in all that was to be done." Again "I am irradiated with the light of wisdom," and, "all intellect is a divine inspiration." Little wonder, then, that we have a strange mixture of philosophy and religion, of rationalism and piety, of clear Greek intellectualism with hazy oriental mysticism. Hence, too, the philosophy of Philo is subordinate to his explanation of the Scriptures, and compromise, rather than logical thinking, marks his leading positions.<P>4. Changes and New Problems:<P>After the death of Cicero (43 BC) a change, long preparing, asserted itself in ancient thought. Mixture of national, or racial, characteristics was consummated, and thoughtful men, irrespective of race-origin, became persons to each other. A reorganization of standards of ethical judgment was thus rendered inevitable, and Judaism came to interfuse more freely with Greek philosophy as one consequence. While it is true that "reason" preserved its traditional supremacy as the means to solve all problems, the nature of the chief quest underwent transformation. The old association of man with Nature gave way to a dualism or opposition between the world-order and another existence lying behind it as its originator or sustainer. The system of Nature having disappointed expectation, thinkers asked how they could escape it, and assure themselves of definite relations with the Divine Being. They sought the desiderated connection within their own souls, but as a distant ideal. This was the problem that confronted Philo, who attacked it from the Jewish side. Now Judaism, like Greek thought, had also experienced a change of heart. Yahweh had been the subject of an idealizing process, and tended, like the Stoic deity, to lose specific relation with the world and man. Accordingly, a new religious question was bringing the philosophy and the faith into closer contact. Could they join forces? Philo\'s consequent embarrassment rooted, not simply in this fresh problem, but in the difficulties inseparable from the adjustment of his available methods and materials. For, while the Jewish Messiah had passed over into the Greek Logos, the two systems preserved their separation in no small measure, Philo being the most conspicuous mediator. He was familiar with the mystic, transcendent concept of Deity extracted, thanks to long misinterpretation, from Plato\'s cosmogonic dialogue, Timaeus. Here God was elevated above the world. His conception of the presence, or immanence, of the Deity in the world came from the Stoics. The Jewish religion gave him the doctrine of a righteous (pure) Deity, whose moral inwardness made relations with men possible. Moreover, contemporary angelology and demonology enabled him to devise a scheme whereby the pure Deity could be linked with the gross world, notwithstanding its ineradicable evil. Little wonder, then, that he compassed an amalgamation only, and this in consonance with theosophical drift of the age. Nevertheless, he counteracted the deistic tendencies of rabbinical speculation by reference to Hellenistic pantheism, and, at the same time, counteracted this pantheism by the inward moralism of his national faith. The logical symmetry of the Greek mind was reinforced by Hebraic religious intuition. The consequence was a ferment rather than a system, but a ferment that cast up the clamant problem in unmistakable fashion. The crux was this: Man must surmount his own fragmentary experience and rise to an absolute Being; but, its absoluteness notwithstanding, this Being must be brought into direct contact with the finite. Philo was unable to reconcile the two demands, because he could not rise above them; but the effort after reconciliation controls all his thought. As a result, he concentrated upon three main subjects of inquiry:<P>(1) the conception of God;<P>(2) the manner of God\'s relation to the world;<P>(3) human nature.<P>5. Three Subjects of Inquiry:<P>(1) The Conception of God:<P>Philo\'s doctrine of God, like that of the neo-Platonic school, which he heralded, is thoroughly dualistic. No doubt, it is determined largely by certain human analogies. For example, God\'s existence is necessary for the control of the world, just in the same way as man\'s mind must exist to furnish the principle of all human action; and, as matter is not self-determined, a principle, analogous to mind, is demanded, to be its first cause. Further, as the permanent soul remains unchanged throughout the vicissitudes of a human life, so, behind the ceaseless play of phenomena, there must reside a self-existent Being. Nevertheless, the human analogy never extends to God in His actual Being. No human traits can attach to the Deity. Language may indicate such parallelism, nay the Scriptures are full of instances, but we must view them as concessions to mortal weakness. These accommodations eliminated, it becomes evident that man can never know God positively. Any adjective used to describe Him can do no more than point the contrast between His relationless Being and the dependence of finite things. That God is, Philo is fully persuaded; what He is, no man can ever tell. He is one and immutable, simple and immeasurable and eternal, just as man is not. "For he is unchangeable, requiring nothing else at all, so that all things belong to Him, but He, speaking strictly, belongs to nothing." This doctrine of the transcendence of Deity was an essential postulate of Philonic thought. For, seeing that He expels all the imperfections of the world, God is precisely in that condition of Being for which the whole creation then yearned. In a word, the dualism, so far from being a bar to salvation, was rather a condition without which the problem of salvation could neither be stated nor solved. Men stood in necessary relation to this Being, but, as yet, He stood in no relation whatever to them. Yet, men must return to God, but He abides so remote, in the realm of pure contemplation and completion, that He cannot approach them. Philo\'s familiarity with logical Greek thought debarred him from surmounting the difficulty after the manner of Jewish religion. An otiose reference to "God\'s choice," as distinct from His nature, could not suffice a mind trained in Hellenic methods. The question therefore was, How could mediation be effected?<P>(2) God\'s Relation to the World.<P>At this point Philo\'s thought assumes a phase of great interest to readers of the New Testament. God, being above created things, is incomprehensible and immaterial. Accordingly, He cannot be connected with the world directly. Therefore He created it and sustains it by intermediate powers. These agencies were suggested to Philo by the Platonic Ideas. But he personalized them more or less and, as a characteristic addition, included them in the Logos. He substituted the term "Logos" for the Platonic term "Idea" on the basis of the Scripture phrase, "Word of God." The conception was influenced further by his Hellenistic psychological notion, that a word is a "shadow" of a deed. Accordingly, the Logos is the "shadow of God"—God being the "deed" whereby the "shadow" is cast. As a direct issue, the Logos presents two aspects. On the one side it is internal and indwelling; on the other, it is external and mediating. The scope of this distinction is indicated very well by the epithets which Philo applies to each aspect respectively. The internal Logos is the "Firstborn," the "Second God," the "Mediator" the "Ransom," the "Image of God" "Member of the Trinity," "High Priest." The external Logos "abides in man," is the "Prophet," "Shepherd," "Ambassador," "Artist," "EIder," "Interpreter," "Shadow of God." The former represents Philo\'s conception of the unity of the Logos with God, the latter his provision for the manifestation of the Logos in created things. He thus tries to preserve the transcendence of God equally with His immanence. No doubt, in previous times, the mysteriousness of the Divine nature had impressed itself upon men with at least as much force as now. But with one of two consequences. Either the particular finites and the Deity were mixed in inextricable confusion, as by oriental pantheism, or God was banished from the world, as by the extreme developments within Greek dualism. Philo attempted to combine the two tendencies, and was able consequently to face the obvious contradiction between the idea of an absolute Being and the cloudy conception of a multiplicity of phenomena in which this Being ought to be present somehow, despite transcendence. He demands a God who, in His exaltation, shall be a worthy Deity; this is the Jew in him. But he also demands a definite relation between this God and His creation; this is the Greek and, in part, the Oriental, in him. Thanks to the former, he could not be satisfied with mere naturalism; thanks to the latter, no fable or picture could suffice. A real mediator was required, who would link the world and its heart\'s desire. But Philo could not surmount one difficulty peculiar to contemporary thought. He was unable to connect God directly with creation and preserve His purity unsullied. Hence, the obscurity which surrounds his conception of the Logos, likewise his vacillation with respect to its personality. So we find the different intellectual forces which he inherited playing upon him—now one, now another. Sometimes the Platonic theory of Ideas dominates him; sometimes he leans to Stoicism, with its immanent world-reason; and here he even seems to foreshadow the doctrine of the Trinity; again, the ramifications of rabbinical lore cause him to bestow upon the Logos a priestly function or an atoning office. No single aspect achieves supremacy, although on the whole mystical Platonism may be said to predominate. Thus, "The world of Ideas has its place in the Divine Logos, just as the plan of a city is in, the soul of the master-builder." Accordingly, God\'s thought may take its place in the world by being impressed upon things; yet, on account of its subjective nature, it must be apprehended subjectively, that is, by one who is capable of entering this sphere. The Logos thus seems to exist entirely in the same realm as Deity; thus, it can mediate between Him and creation only if an element proper to Deity be discernible in mundane things. In other words, the Logos mediates between God and the world, but partakes of the Divine nature only. This, in any case, is the inner logic of Philo\'s view. It accounts for creation, but has no power to persuade man to overpass the limitations placed upon him by his bodily prison. Thus the question of the personality of the Logos is never cleared. In so far as Philo needs Logos to connect God with the world, he inclines to a doctrine of personality. In so far as he makes it the principle of all activities within the world, he inclines away from personality. In short, we have a "world-soul." And, as a consequence, there is an inherent tendency to reduce all finite being to illusion. Indeed, one might term the Logos a reply in some sort to Aristotle\'s question—which of the Platonic Ideas could connect the other Ideas with sensible things? Salvation is conceived as wrought out, not by a person, but by an abstract essence flowing from Deity, an essence that found due expression rather in the cosmic order than in a person. While, therefore, Philo thinks in a cultural perspective akin to that characteristic of the author of the Fourth Gospel, two vast differences sway his doctrine. On the one hand, it is speculative, not ethically personal. On the other hand, it fails completely to determine the nature of his mediator in itself, vacillating in a manner which shows how vague and fluid the conception really was.<P>(3) Doctrine of Man.<P>This appears further in the doctrine of man. Following current interpretations of Plato, Philo makes man partake in the rational nature of God, but denies that he embodies the highest species of reason. That is, the ideal man and the man known to us in common experience are distinguished. The former is rational as God is. The latter is partly rational, partly irrational. The body vitiates the original angelic purity of the soul and, similarly, reason is alloyed. And yet, although the higher nature becomes more and more debased as the years lapse, a seed of Divinity is present, ready to burst forth. Thus man must crush the flesh and its desires. At this point we note the effect of the Stoic ideal of imperturbability. When he has attained this apathy, man can enjoy the life of contemplation. This, in its turn, culminates in ecstasy, when the human soul attains sudden and momentary union with the Divine. For a "fair moment" man escapes the thralldom of sense. Yet the doctrine remains intellectual even here. He "who escapes from his own mind flies to the mind of the universe, confessing that all the things of the human mind are vain and unreal, and attributing everything to God." Philo\'s anthropology therefore ends in contempt for this life, which is in no wise worth while, and in a counsel of perfection available only for a select elite. Accordingly, the conclusion of the whole matter is, that he never saw how the divine and the human can be united, although he stated the factors of the problem with great clearness, and felt profoundly the urgency of a solution. His gospel was for the children of culture. He saw the eternal in the temporal, and hoped that good might lurk in evil. But he never understood that "love for a Divine Person" might be so diffused throughout a human soul as to render evil and unreality the means to the attainment of good and to the revelation of truth. The salvation he contemplated was from self, not in self. Hence, as he asserts himself, harmony with God "is an incomprehensible mystery to the multitude, and is to be imparted to the instructed only." Nor is this wonderful. For a God who is the reasonable "form" of the world; a "matter" which begins as an indistinguishable mass and ends as a "second principle"; and objects of sense rendered apparent by the operation of many curious intermediate forces, ranging from "angel-words" to the human soul, constitute a combination beyond the reach of any save the "initiate." More practicable is Philo\'s conception of the moral life—as a warfare of the soul against passion, pleasure and sensuality. Yet, even this contest is hopeless unless it be waged with the equipment of the "philosopher athlete." Escape from the "prison-house" of flesh would seem to be consequent only upon profound knowledge.<P>6. Philo\'s Works:<P>The probability is that Philo\'s works were written previous to his Roman embassy. They show how he tried to apply Greek philosophical conceptions to Jewish beliefs, history, and usages exclusively. The voluminous remains which have come down to us appear to belong to three commentaries on the Pentateuch and the Mosaic Law. In all likelihood, they are portions of Philo\'s popular presentation, written for the instruction and information of educated Hellenistic circles rather than for the trained "initiate." The treatises most important for Philo\'s religio-philosophical views are as follows: On the Creation of the World; On the Allegories of the Sacred Laws; On the Unchangeableness of God; On the Confusion of Languages; On the Migration of Abraham; On the Meeting for the Sake of Receiving Instruction; On the Life of the Wise Man Made Perfect by Instruction; The Unwritten Law; Abraham; On Special Laws; On Rewards and Punishments; That Every Man Who Is Virtuous Is Also Free; Concerning the World; and the Fragments. Some 8 works attributed to Philo are in dispute. Most conspicuous of these is Concerning the Contemplative Life, with its ascetic view of morality, and its description of the ideal community of the Therapeutae.<P>LITERATURE.<P>E. Schurer, A History of the Jewish People in the Time of Jesus Christ, Division II, Volume III, pp. 321f (Edinburgh, 1886); E. Schurer, "Philo" in EB; James Drummond, Philo Judaeus, or, The Jewish-Alexandrian Philosophy in Its Development and Completion (2 volumes, London, 1888); R. M. Wenley, Socrates and Christ: a Study in the Philosophy of Religion, chapters vii, viii (Edinburgh, 1889); H. Ewald, The History of Israel, VII, 194f (London, 1885); A. Haursrath, A History of New Testament Times, division II, volume I, chapters iv through vi (London, 1885); H. Graetz, History of the Jews from the Earliest Times to the Present Day, II, 183f; 206f (London, 1891); E. Caird, The Evolution of Theology in the Greek Philosophers, II, lectures xx-xxi, xxvii (Glasgow, 1904); article "Philo" in Jewish Encyclopedia; Ernest F. Scott, The Fourth Gospel, Its Purpose and Theology, 54f; 145f (2nd edition, Edinburgh, 1908); F.C. Conybeare, Philo: About the Contemplative Life (Oxford, 1895). An English translation has been made by C.D. Yonge in the Bohn Library (London, G. Bell and Sons). The text cited usually is that of T. Mangey. The best modern text is that of Cohn and Wendland.``190';
|
|
isbe[6909]='Philologus`fi-lol\'-o-gus (Philologos, "fond of learning," "learned"): The name of a Roman Christian to whom Paul sent greetings (<a onClick="return mV(\'Rom\',16,15);">Ro 16:15</a>). His name is coupled with that of Julia, who was probably his wife or sister. Philologus and those united with him in this salutation formed by themselves one of the "house churches" or groups in the Christian community. The name is found in inscriptions connected with the imperial household, with reference to one of which Bishop Lightfoot has the following note: "It has been supposed that the name Philologus was given by the master to the freedman mentioned in this inscription, as being appropriate to his office (Friedlander I, 89, 160)....If so, some light is thrown on the probable occupation of the Philologus of Paul" (Phil, 177, note 1).``78';
|
|
isbe[6910]='Philometor`fil-o-me\'-tor.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=PTOLEMY+VI">PTOLEMY, VI</a>`1';
|
|
isbe[6911]='Philosophy`fi-los\'-o-fi (philosophia):<P>1. Definition and Scope<P class="in15">(1) Intuitive Philosophy Is Universal<P class="in15">(2) Speculative Philosophy Belongs Mainly to Western Thought<P>2. Greek Philosophy<P>3. Philosophy in Old Testament and Judaism<P>(1) Of Nature<P>(2) Of History<P class="in15">(3) Post-exilic<P class="in15">(4) Alexandrian<P>4. Philosophy in the New Testament<P class="in15">(1) The Teaching of Jesus Christ<P class="in15">(2) Apostolic Teaching<P class="in15">(3) Attitude of New Testament Writers toward Philosophy<P>LITERATURE<hr /><P>1. Definition and Scope: Only found in <a onClick="return mV(\'Col\',2,8);">Col 2:8</a>; literally, the love and pursuit of wisdom and knowledge. In its technical sense, the term is now used for the conscious endeavor of thought, by speculative process, to interpret the whole of human experience, as a consistent and systematic unity, which would be the ultimate truth of all that may be known. The term is also used, in a wider sense, of all interpretations of experience, or parts of experience, however obtained, whether by revelation, intuition or unconscious speculation. No hard-and-fast line can be drawn between the two kinds of philosophy. Some of the ruling conceptions of speculation, such as God, spirit, order, causation, true and false, good and evil, were not discovered by reason, but given in experience.<P>(1) Intuitive Philosophy Is Universal.<P>The human mind has always and everywhere furnished itself with some kind of explanation of the universe. From the lowest animism and fetishism up to the higher religions, ideas are found which served men as explanations of those features of experience which attracted their attention. They were often regarded as given by vision, intuition or some other method of revelation. In the higher religions, the mind reflected upon these ideas, and elaborated them into systems of thought that bear some resemblance to the speculative theories of western thought. In China, both Confucianism and Taoism developed theories of human life and destiny that bear some resemblance to Stoicism. The religions of Assyria and Babylonia enshrined in their legends theories of the world and of man and his institutions. In India, men\'s belief in the Nature-gods gradually developed into pantheistic Brahmanism, which reduced the multiplicity of experience into one ultimate being, Brahma. But the desire for moral salvation and the sense of pain and evil produced a reaction, and led to the pessimistic and nihilistic philosophy of Buddhism. In Persia, the moral consciousness awoke earlier, and the attempt to systematize the multiplicity of polytheism issued in the dualistic philosophy of later Zoroastrianism. The whole realm of being was divided into two kingdoms, created and ruled by two lords: Ahura Mazda, the creator of light and life, law, order and goodness, and Anro Mainyus, the author of darkness, evil and death. Each was surrounded by a court of spiritual beings kindred to himself, his messengers and agents in the world (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=PERSIAN+RELIGION+(ANCIENT)">PERSIAN RELIGION (ANCIENT)</a>). Of all these religious philosophies, only those of Assyria and Babylonia, and of Persia, are likely to have come into any contact with Biblical thought. The former have some affinity with the accounts of creation and the flood in Genesis; and the influence of the latter may be traced in the dualism and angelology and demonology of later Judaism, and again in the Gnostic systems that grew up in the Christian church, and through both channels it was perpetuated, as a dualistic influence, in the lower strata of Christian thought down through the Middle Ages.<P>(2) Speculative Philosophy Belongs Mainly to Western Thought.<P>It arose in Greece about the beginning of the 6th century BC. It began with the problem of the general nature of being, or ontology. But it was soon forced to consider the conditions of knowing anything at all, or to epistemology. These two studies constitute metaphysics, a term often used as synonymous with philosophy in the stricter sense. Speculation about ideal truth again led to inquiries as to the ultimate nature of the kindred ideas of the good (ethics) and the beautiful (aesthetics). And as these ideas were related to society as well as to the individual, the Greeks developed theories of the ideal organization of society on the basis of the true, the good and the beautiful, or politics and pedagogics. The only branch of speculation to which the Greeks made no appreciable contribution was the philosophy of religion, which is a modern development.<P>The progress of philosophy in history divides itself naturally into three main periods: (a) ancient, from the 6th century BC to the 3rd century AD, when it is almost exclusively Greek, with some practical adaptations of Greek thought by Roman writers; (b) medieval, from the 3rd to the 16th century, where some of the ruling conceptions of Greek thought were utilized for the systematization of Christian dogma, but speculation was mainly confined within the limits of ecclesiastical orthodoxy; there were, however, some independent Arabian and Jewish speculations; (c) modern, from the 16th century to the present time, in which thought becomes free again to speculate upon all the problems presented by experience, though it only realized its liberty fully in the hands of Locke, Hume and Kant.<P>2. Greek Philosophy:<P>Greek philosophy was the only speculative system that could have had any influence upon Biblical thought. Its main development was contemporaneous with the later Old Testament writers, but the two peoples were in every way so remote one another that no interchange of ideas was probable.<P>During the last two centuries BC, Greek thought spread so widely that it came to dominate the cultured thought of the world into which Christianity entered, and it would have been strange if no trace of its influence were found in the New Testament. In the first stage of its development, from Thales to Socrates, it was concerned almost entirely with attempts to explain the nature of reality by reducing the phenomenal world into some one of its elements. Socrates changed its center of gravity, and definitely raised the problems of morality and knowledge to the position of first importance. His principles were developed by Plato into a complex and many-sided system which, more than any other, has influenced all subsequent thought. He united ultimate reality and the highest good into one supreme principle or idea which he called the Good, and also God. It was the essence, archetype and origin of all wisdom, goodness and beauty. It communicated itself as intermediary archerypal ideas to produce all individual things. So that the formative principles of all existence were moral and spiritual. But it had to make all things out of preexisting matter, which is essentially evil, and which therefore was refractory and hostile to the Good. That is why it did not make a perfect world. Plato\'s system was therefore rent by an irreconcilable dualism of mind and body, spirit and matter, good and evil. And his mediating ideas could not bridge the gulf, because they belonged only to the side of the ideal. Aristotle was Plato\'s disciple, and he started from Plato\'s idealistic presuppositions, but endeavored to transcend his dualism. He thus applied himself to a closer and more accurate study of actual experience, and added much to the knowledge of the physical world. He organized and classified the methods and contents of knowledge and created the science of logic, which in the Christian Middle Ages became the chief instrument of the great systematic theologians of the church. He tried to bring Plato\'s ideas "down from heaven," and to represent them as the creative and formative principles within the world, which he conceived as a system of development, rising by spiritual gradations from the lower to the higher forms, and culminating in God, who is the uncaused cause of all things. But underneath all the forms still remained matter as an antithetical element, and Aristotle rather concealed than solved the dualism of Plato.<P>Meanwhile, the moral principles of Socrates were being developed with a more directly ethical interest, by the Cyrenaics and Epicureans, into a system of Hedonism, and, by the Cynics and Stoics, into a doctrine of intuitive right and duty, resting inconsistently upon a pantheistic and materialistic view of the universe. But the spiritual and ethical elements in Stoicism became only second to Platonism in the preparation of the Greek world for Christianity. During the last two and a half centuries BC, Greek philosophy showed signs of rapid decline. On the one hand, Pyrrho and his school propounded a thoroughgoing skepticism which denied the possibility of all knowledge whatsoever. On the other hand, the older schools, no longer served by creative minds, tended to merge their ideas into a common eclecticism which its teachers reduced into an empty and formal dogmatism. The most fruitful and fateful product of Greek thought in this period was its amalgamation with Jewish and oriental ideas in the great cosmopolitan centers of the Greek world. There are evidences that this process was going on in the cities of Asia, Syria and Egypt, but the only extensive account of it remaining is found in the works of Philo, the Jewish philosopher of Alexandria (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=PHILO,+JUDAEUS">PHILO, JUDAEUS</a>). He tried to graft Plato\'s idealism upon Hebrew monotheism.<P>He starts with Plato\'s two principles, pure being or God, and preexisting matter. In his endeavor to bridge the gulf between them, he interposed between God and the world the powers of God, goodness and justice; and to gather these into a final unity, he created his conception of the Loges of God. In the formation of this conception, he merged together the Platonic idea of the good, the Stoic world-reason, and a number of Jewish ideas, the glory, the word, the name, of God, the heavenly man and the great high priest, and personified the whole as the one mediator between God and the world. Christian thought laid hold of this idea, and employed it as its master-category for the interpretation of the person of Christ.<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=LOGOS">LOGOS</a>.<P>3. Philosophy in Old Testament and Judaism:<P>There is no speculative philosophy in the Old Testament nor any certain trace of its influence. Its writers and actors never set themselves to pursue knowledge in the abstract and for its own sake. They always wrought for moral purposes. But moral activity proceeds on the intellectual presuppositions and interpretations of the experiences within which it acts. Hence, we find in the Old Testament accounts of the origin and course of nature, a philosophy of history and its institutions, and interpretations of men\'s moral and religious experiences. They all center in God, issue from His sovereign will, and express the realization of His purpose of righteousness in the world.<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=GOD">GOD</a>.<P>(1) Of Nature:<P>All nature originated in God\'s creative act (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',2,\'1-\');">Ge 2</a>) or word (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',1,\'1-\');">Ge 1</a>). In later literature the whole course and order of Nature, its beauty and bounty, as well as its wonders and terrors, are represented as the acts of God\'s will (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',40,\'1-\');">Isa 40</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',41,\'1-\');">41</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',42,\'1-\');">42</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',43,\'1-\');">43</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',44,\'1-\');">44</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',45,\'1-\');">45</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',8,\'1-\');">Ps 8</A>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',19,\'1-\');">19; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',29,1);">29</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',50,1);">50</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',65,1);">65</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',68,1);">68</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',104,1);">104</a>, etc.). But His action in Nature is always subordinated to His moral ends.<P>(2) Of History:<P>Similarly, the course and events of the history of Israel and her neighbors are the acts of Yahweh\'s will (<a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',1,\'1-\');">Am 1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',2,\'1-\');">2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',41,2);">Isa 41:2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',43,3);">43:3</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',45,9,10,14);">45:9,10,14</a>) In the historical Books of Samuel and Kings, and still more of Chronicles, all the events of history are represented as the acts of God\'s moral government. In a more general way, the whole of history is set forth as a series of covenants that God, of His free grace, made with man (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=COVENANT">COVENANT</a>). The Noachic covenant fixed the order of Nature. The covenant with Abraham, Isaac and Jacob accounted for the origin and choice of Israel. The covenants with Moses and Aaron established the Law and the priesthood, and that with David, the kingship. And the hope of the future lies in the new covenant (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',31,\'31-35\');">Jer 31:31-35</a>). God\'s covenants were all acts of His sovereign and gracious will.<P>(3) Post-exilic:<P>In post-exilic times, new experiences, and perhaps new intellectual influences, drove the Jews to probe deeper into the problem of existence. They adhered to the cardinal principle of He thought, that God\'s sovereign will, working out His purpose of righteousness, was the first cause of all things (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=RIGHTEOUSNESS">RIGHTEOUSNESS</a>). But they found it difficult to coordinate this belief with their other ideas, in two ways. Ethical monotheism tended to become an abstract deism which removed God altogether out of the world. And the catastrophes that befell the nation, in the exile and after, raised the problem of suffering and evil over against God\'s goodness and righteousness. Therefore in the Wisdom literature we find some conscious speculation on these subjects.<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=WISDOM">WISDOM</a>.<P>(a) The Book of Job discusses the problem of evil, and repudiates the idea that life and history are the process of God\'s rewards and punishments.<P>(b) Ecclesiastes comes to the conclusion that all phenomenal experience is vanity. Yet its ultimate philosophy is not pessimistic, for it finds an abiding reality and hope in the fear of God and in the moral life (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ecc\',12,13,14);">12:13,14</A>). The same type of thought appears in Ecclesiasticus. Both books have been attributed to the circle of the Sadducees. Some would find in them traces of the influence of Epicureanism.<P>(c) In Proverbs a more optimistic side prevails. Wisdom is gathered up into a conception or personification which is at once God\'s friend, His agent in creation, His vicegerent in the world, and man\'s instructress and guide (chapter <a onClick="return mV(\'Pro\',8,\'1-\');">8</a>).<P>(d) The teaching of the Pharisees especially reveals the tendency to dualism or deism in later Judaism; they interposed between God and the world various agents of mediation, the law, the word, the name, the glory of God and a host of angels, good and bad. They also fostered a new hope of the future, under the double form of the Messianic kingdom, and of resurrection and immortality. How far these tendencies were due to the influence of Persian dualism cannot here be considered.<P>(e) Essenism represents another effort to get from the world to God by a crude kind of mysticism and asceticism, combined with an extensive angelology.<P>(4) Alexandrian:<P>Among the Hellenistic Jews in Alexandria, Aristobulus, the authors of The Wisdom of Solomon and 4 Maccabees, and preeminently Philo, all deal with the two chief problems of Judaism, dualism and evil. But they approach them under the direct influence of Greek thought. The Hebrew idea of wisdom was merged into the Greek conception of the Logos, and so it becomes the mediator of God\'s thought and activity in the world.<P>4. Philosophy in the New Testament:<P>Philosophy appears in the New Testament as intuitive, speculative and eclectic.<P>(1) The Teaching of Jesus Christ:<P>Jesus Christ came to fulfill the law and the prophets, and, out of His filial consciousness of God, He propounded answers to the practical demands of His time. His doctrine of God the Father was a philosophy of Nature and life which transcended all dualism. In the kingdom of heaven, the good would ultimately prevail over the evil. The law of love expressed the ideal of conduct for man as individual, and in his relation to society and to God, the supreme and ultimate reality. This teaching was given in the form of revelation, without any trace of speculation.<P>(2) Apostolic Teaching:<P>The apostolic writings built upon the teaching and person of Jesus Christ. Their ruling ideas are the doctrines which He taught and embodied. In Paul and John, they are realized as mystical experiences which are expressed in doctrines of universal love. But we may also discover in the apostolic writings at least three strands of speculative philosophy.<P>(a) Paul employed arguments from natural theology, similar to those of the Stoics (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',14,\'15-17\');">Ac 14:15-17</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',17,\'22-31\');">17:22-31</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Rom\',1,19);">Ro 1:19</a>), which involved the principles of the cosmological and teleological arguments.<P>(b) John employs the Philonic term "Logos" to interpret the person of Christ in His universal relation to God, man and the world; and the main elements of Philo\'s scheme are clearly present in his doctrine, though here it is no abstract conception standing between God and man, but a living person uniting both (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',1,\'1-18\');">Joh 1:1-18</a>). Although the term "Logos" is not mentioned, in this sense, in Paul or Hebrews, the Philonic conception has been employed by both writers (<a onClick="return mV(\'Rom\',5,8);">Ro 5:8</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Rom\',8,29);">8:29</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',15,24,25);">1Co 15:24,25</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',5,18,19);">2Co 5:18,19</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',2,6);">Php 2:6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Col\',1,\'15-17\');">Col 1:15-17</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Col\',2,9,10);">2:9,10</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Hbr\',1,\'1-3\',5,6);">Heb 1:1-3,5,6</a>). Paul also expresses his conception of Christ as the manifestation of God under the category of wisdom (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',1,20);">1Co 1:20</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',2,7);">2:7</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Eph\',1,8);">Eph 1:8</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Col\',2,3);">Col 2:3</a>).<P>(c) Both in Paul and He appear original speculations designed to interpret individual experience and human history as they culminate in Christ. Paul\'s interpretation consists of a series of parallel antitheses, flesh and spirit, sin and righteousness, law and grace, works and faith, Adam and Christ. But the author of He adopts the Platonic view that the world of history and phenomena is but the shadow or suggestion of the spiritual and eternal reality which lies behind it, and which partially expresses itself through it.<P>(3) Attitude of New Testament Writers toward Philosophy:<P>In the one place in which the term philosophy appears in the New Testament (<a onClick="return mV(\'Col\',2,8);">Col 2:8</a>), it seems to mean "subtle dialectics and profitless speculation...combined with a mystic cosmogony and angelology" (Lightfoot, at the place), the first beginnings of Gnosticism in the Christian church. Paul warns his readers against it, as he also does the Corinthians against the "wisdom" of the Greeks (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',1,19);">1Co 1:19</a>ff; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',2,5,6);">2:5,6</a>). A similar tendency may be in view in the warning to Timothy against false doctrines (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ti\',1,4);">1Ti 1:4</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ti\',4,3);">4:3</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ti\',1,14,16;">2Ti 1:14,16</a>). But with the true spirit of philosophy, as the pursuit of truth, and the endeavor to express more fully and clearly the nature of reality, the spirit and work of the New Testament writers were in complete accord.<P>LITERATURE.<P>Introductions to philosophy by Kulpe, Paulsen, Hoffding, Watson and Mackenzie. Histories of Greek philosophy by Ritter and Preller, Burnet, and Zeller, and of general philosophy by Erdmann, Ueberweg, Windelband and Rogers; E. Caird, The Evolution of Theology in the Greek Philosophies; Hists of the Jews by Schurer, Graetz and Kent; Old Testament Theologies by Schultz and Davidson; New Testament Theologies by Beyschlag and Weinel; Philo\'s works and treatises thereon by Dahne, Gfrorer and Drummond; Harnack, What Is Christianity? Bigg, The Christian Platonists of Alexandria; Lightfoot, Colossians.``145';
|
|
isbe[6912]='Phinees`fin\'-e-es (Phinees; Codex Vaticanus (Swete), Pheinees (1Esdras 8:2)):<P>(1) Phinehas, son of Eleazar, son of Aaron (1Esdras 5:5; 8:2,29; 2Esdras 1:2; 1Macc 2:26; Sirach 45:23).<P>(2) The father of Achias and son of Hell (Eli), a descendant of (1), and one of Ezra\'s progenitors (2Esdras 1:2); but this link is not found in Ezra\'s genealogy (1Esdras 8:1f), nor in <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',7,1);">Ezr 7:1</a>ff; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',6,\'1-\');">1Ch 6</a>, and its insertion in 2Esdras 1:2 is a mistake, since Ezra\'s descent was from Eleazar, while this Phinees (Phinehas) was a descendant of Ithamar, the youngest son of Aaron.<P>(3) A Levite, the father of Eleazar (1Esdras 8:63) equals "Phinehas" of <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',8,33);">Ezr 8:33</a>. But it is just possible that the well-known Eleazar (1) is referred to here, and so not another and different Phinees.<P>(4) The King James Version equals the Revised Version (British and American) "Phinoe" (1Esdras 5:31).``5';
|
|
isbe[6913]='Phinehas`fin\'-e-as, -az, fin\'-e-has, -haz (pinechac, "mouth of brass"):<P>(1) Son of Eleazar and grandson of Aaron (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',6,25);">Ex 6:25</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',6,4);">1Ch 6:4</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',7,5);">Ezr 7:5</a>, where he is seen to be an ancestor of Ezra). He took a leading part in cleansing Israel from whoredom at Shittim. He there punished the brazen licentiousness of Zimri, prince of Sirecon, by slaying both him and the Midianite woman he had brought into camp (<a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',25,\'6-18\');">Nu 25:6-18</a>). This incident is referred to in <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',106,30,31);">Ps 106:30,31</a> (compare 1Macc 2:26,54; Sirach 45:23,24). As priest he accompanied the expedition sent by Moses against Midjan (<a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',31,6);">Nu 31:6</a>). He was chief of the Korahite Levites (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',9,20);">1Ch 9:20</a>), and succeeded his father as high priest. While he was in that office the civil war with Benjamin occurred, and it was he who delivered the oracle\'s decision to fight Benjamin (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',20,28);">Jud 20:28</a>). His faithful services secured to his house the succession of the priesthood (<a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',25,\'11-13\');">Nu 25:11-13</a>). He was sent as ambassador to inquire into the reported idolatry of Reuben, Gad and part of Manasseh (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',22,13,30,31,32);">Jos 22:13ff, 30-32</a>). According to Septuagint he was buried with his father in Ephraim on the hill Gibeah Phinehas (see <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',24,33);">Jos 24:33</a>). His character was marked with strong moral indignation and fine integrity.<P>(2) The younger son of Eli (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',1,3);">1Sa 1:3</a>; 2Esdras 1:2, "Phinees").<P>(3) Father of a priest named Eleazar (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',8,33);">Ezr 8:33</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',8,2);">Ezr 8:2</a>; 1Esdras 8:63, "Phinees").`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=HOPHNI+AND+PHINEHAS">HOPHNI AND PHINEHAS</a>`186';
|
|
isbe[6914]='Phinoe`fin\'-o-e (Phinoe; the King James Version Phinees): Name of one of the families of temple-servants who went up from Babylon with Zerubbabel (1Esdras 5:31) equals "Paseah" of <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',2,49);">Ezr 2:49</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',7,51);">Ne 7:51</a>.``1';
|
|
isbe[6915]='Phlegon`fle\'-gon, fleg\'-on (Phlegan): The name of a Roman Christian to whom Paul sent greetings (<a onClick="return mV(\'Rom\',16,14);">Ro 16:14</a>). Of him nothing is known.``1';
|
|
isbe[6916]='Phoebe`fe\'-be (Phoibe; the King James Version Phebe): Described by Paul as (1) "our sister," (2) "who is a servant of the church that is at Cenchrea," (3) "a helper of many, and of mine own self" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Rom\',16,1,2);">Ro 16:1,2</a>).<P>(1) "Our (Christian) sister": Paul calls the believing husband and wife "the brother or the sister" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',7,15);">1Co 7:15</a>), and also asks, "Have we no right to lead about a wife that is a sister?" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',9,5);">1Co 9:5</a> margin). The church was a family.<P>(2) The Greek word translated "servant" is diakonos. "Servant" is vague, and "deaconess" is too technical. In the later church there was an order of deaconesses for special work among women, owing to the peculiar circumstances of oriental life, but we have no reason to believe there was such an order at this early period. If Phoebe had voluntarily devoted herself "to minister unto the saints" by means of charity and hospitality, she would be called diakonos.<P>(3) The Greek word prostatis translated "helper" is better "patroness." The masculine is "the title of a citizen in Athens who took charge of the interests of clients and persons without civic rights" (Denney). Many of the early Christian communities had the appearance of clients under a patron, and probably the community of Cenchrea met in the house of Phoebe. She also devoted her influence and means to the assistance of "brethren" landing at that port. Paul was among those whom she benefited. Gifford thinks some special occasion is meant, and that Paul refers to this in <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',18,18);">Ac 18:18</a>. The vow "seems to point to a deliverance from danger or sickness" in which Phoebe may have attended on him.<P>It is generally assumed that this letter was taken to Rome by Phoebe, these verses introducing her to the Christian community. In commending her, Paul asks that the Roman Christians "receive her in the Lord," i.e. give her a Christian welcome, and that they "assist her in whatsoever matter she may have need" of them (<a onClick="return mV(\'Rom\',16,1,2);">Ro 16:1,2</a>).``78';
|
|
isbe[6917]='Phoenice`fe-ni\'-se (Phoinix).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=PHOENIX">PHOENIX</a>`1';
|
|
isbe[6918]='Phoenicia; Phoenicians`fe-nish\'-i-a, fe-nish\'-anz:<P>1. The Land<P>2. The Colonies<P>3. The People<P>4. Arts and Manufactures<P>5. Commerce and Trade<P>6. Language and Culture<P>7. Religion<P>8. History<P>LITERATURE<hr /><P>1. The Land:<P>The term "Phoenicia" is Greek (Phoinike, "land of dates, or palm trees," from phoinix, "the date-palm"). It occurs in the Bible only in Acts (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',11,19);">11:19</A>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',15,3);">15:3</A>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',21,2);">21:2</A>), the land being generally designated as the "coast" or "borders of Tyre and Sidon" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',15,21);">Mt 15:21</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',7,24,31);">Mr 7:24,31</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',6,17);">Lu 6:17</a>). In the Old Testament we find it included in the land belonging to the Canaanites or to Sidon (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',10,19);">Ge 10:19</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',49,13);">49:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',11,8);">Jos 11:8</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',17,9);">1Ki 17:9</a>). The limits of Phoenicia were indefinite also. It is sometimes used by classic writers as including the coast line from Mt. Cassius on the north to Gaza or beyond on the south, a distance of some 380 miles, or about 400 miles if we include the sweep of indentations and bays and the outstretching of the promontories. But in the stricter sense, it did not extend beyond Gabala (modern Jebleh) on the north, and Mt. Carmel on the south, or some 150 miles. The name was probably first applied to the region opposite Cyprus, from Gabala to Aradus and Marathus, where the date-palm was observed, and then, as it was found in still greater abundance farther south, it was applied to that region also. The palm tree is common on the coins of both Aradus and Tyre, and it still grows on the coast, though not in great abundance. The width of the land also was indefinite, not extending inland beyond the crest of the two ranges of mountains, the Bargylus (Nusairi Mountains) and the Lebanon, which run parallel to the coast and leave but little space between them and the sea for the greater portion of their length. It is doubtful whether the Phoenicians occupied the mountain tracts, but they must have dominated them on the western slopes, since they derived from them timber for their ships and temples. The width of the country probably did not exceed 25 or 30 miles at the most, and in many places it was much less, a very small territory, in fact, but one that played a distinguished role in ancient times.<P>There are few harbors on the whole coast, none in the modern sense, since what few bays and inlets there are afford but slight shelter to modern ships, but those of the ancients found sufficient protection in a number of places, especially by means of artificial harbors, and the facility with which they could be drawn out upon the sandy beach in winter when navigation was suspended. The promontories are few and do not project far into the sea, such as Theu-prosopon south of Tripolis, Ras Beirut and the broad projection south of Tyre including Ras el-\'Abyadh and Ras en-Naqura and Ras el-Musheirifeh (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=LADDER+OF+TYRE">LADDER OF TYRE</a>). The promontory of Carmel is rather more marked than the others, and forms quite an extensive bay, which extends to Acre. The promontory rises to a height of 500 ft. or more near the sea and to more than double that elevation in its course to the southeast.<P>Mt. Lebanon, which forms the background of Phoenicia for about 100 miles, is a most striking feature of the landscape. It rises to a height of 10,200 ft. in the highest point, east of Tripolis, and to 8,500 in Jebel Sunnin, east of Beirut, and the average elevation is from 5,000 to 6,000 ft. It is rent by deep gorges where the numerous streams have cut their way to the sea, furnishing most varied and picturesque scenery. It was originally heavily wooded with cedar, oak, and pine trees, which are still found in considerable numbers, but by far the larger part of the mountain has been denuded of forests, and the slopes have been extensively terraced for the cultivation of vines and fruit trees and the mulberry for silk culture. The plains along the coast are not extensive, but generally very fertile and bear abundant crops of wheat, barley and other cereals, where not given to the culture of the mulberry, orange, lemon, fig, apricot and other small fruits. In its greatest extent Phoenicia included the broad plain of Sharon and that of Acre, between Carmel and that city, and a portion of the region watered by the Kishon, but the plains of Phoenicia, strictly speaking, are much more restricted. They are: the plain of Tyre, long but narrow, extending from Ras el-\'Abyadh to Sarepta; the plain of Sidon extending from Sarepta to the Bostrenus (Nahr el-\'Auly); the plain of Beirut (Berytus) between the extensive sand dunes along the shore and the rocky cape on the west and the foot of Lebanon, 10 or 12 miles long but only one or two wide, containing one of the largest olive groves in Syria; the very small plain of Tripolis, including that city and its port; and, the most extensive of all, the plain of Marathus, extending from Arka to Aradus or even beyond, including the river Eleutherus (Nahr el-Kebir). These plains furnished only a portion of the food needed by the inhabitants who were more or less dependent on their neighbors for it (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',5,11);">1Ki 5:11</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',12,20);">Ac 12:20</a>).<P>The rivers of Phoenicia are comparatively short and small; the Litany rises in the Buka\', between Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon, and finds its way in a deep and narrow gorge between Lebanon and Mt. Hermon to the south, and finally turns westward and reaches the sea a few miles north of Tyre, where it is called the Kasimiyeh. About 12 miles north of Beirut is the Dog River (Lycus), a very short stream but noted for the famous pass at its mouth, where Egyptian Assyrian and Babylonian kings engraved their monuments; and a few miles south of Jebail (Gebal) is the Adonis (Nahr Ibrahim), which comes down from \'Afqa (Apheca equals Aphek, <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',13,4);">Jos 13:4</a>), noted for the rites of Venus and Adonis (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TAMMUZ">TAMMUZ</a>); and the Eleutherus, already mentioned, which runs through the valley between Bargylus and Lebanon and provides the pass between these two mountains into the interior. The other rivers are very short, but furnish a perennial water-supply to the coast dwellers.<P>The products of the land, as well as the climate, are very varied on account of the difference in elevation of the tracts suitable to culture, ranging in temperature from the semi-tropical to Alpine. How far the ancients cultivated the mountain sides we do not know, but they certainly profited largely by the forests of cedar and pine, especially the former, which was the most valuable for shipbuilding and architectural purposes, and was highly prized, not only by the Phoenicians, but by Egyptians, Assyrians and Babylonians, who transported it to their own countries for buildings. The mineral products are few, and the Phoenicians depended on their colonies and other lands for what they needed of these.<P>2. The Colonies:<P>The narrowness of the land and the difficulty of expansion on account of the lofty mountain ranges and the hostility of the tribes of the interior led the Phoenicians to turn seaward for an outlet to their increasing population. We have only one instance of their attempt to colonize the Hinterland, and that ended in disaster (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',18,\'1-\');">Jud 18</a>). Hiram, king of Tyre, was not pleased with Solomon\'s gift of 20 cities in Galilee, probably not desiring to assume responsibility for their defense. The people early became mariners, and the dominion of the sea was more inviting to them, and they found room for expansion in the islands and on the coast of the Mediterranean, where they established colonies far and wide. Their first over-sea possessions were in Cyprus, the coasts of which they occupied in the 2nd millennium BC, probably about 1500. On the southern coast they planted various colonies, such as Citium (Larnaca), Amathus, Curium and Paphos, and on the eastern, Salamis, Ammachosta and Soli, and, in the interior, Idalium and Golgi, besides other less important settlements. The evidences of the Phoenician occupation of Cyprus are numerous. The southern portion of Asia Minor also attracted them at an early date, especially the rich plains of Cilicia, and Tarsus became the most important of their colonies there. Its coins bear Phoenician types and legends, among which Baal is conspicuous. Other points along the coast were occupied, and the island of Rhodes as well as certain ports on the south coast of Crete, and most of the islands of the Aegean. Their presence in Attica is vouched for by inscriptions, and legend connects Thebes with them in the person of Cadmus, the reputed son of Agenor, king of Phoenicia. But it is doubtful whether they really colonized the mainland of Greece. They were more attracted by the lands farther to the west.<P>The greatest of their colonies was in Africa. They occupied Utica first, probably in the 12th century BC, and others in the same region until in the 9th century. Great Carthage was founded, which was destined to become the richest and most powerful of all and the dreaded rival of Rome. All are familiar with the story of Elisa, or Dido, the reputed Tyrian queen who led her followers to the place and founded the city. The story is perhaps legendary, but that Carthage was a colony of Tyre there is no reason to doubt. Other colonists occupied portions of Sicily, such as Motya, Erix, Soli and Panormus (Palermo). They also crossed over to Sardinia and the Balearic Isles, and planted colonies on the south coast of Spain and the northwestern coast of Africa, within and beyond the straits of Gibraltar. Of their settlements in Spain Gades (Cades) and Tartessus were the most noted, the latter being probably the Tarshish of Scripture (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',10,22);">1Ki 10:22</a>). Malaca (Malaga) and Abdera, within the straits, were likewise important settlements, and there were others of less note.<P>The colonial enterprise of the Phoenicians was remarkable for the age, and was only surpassed in ancient times by the Greeks who came later, the former being the pioneers. The energy and daring of the Phoenicians in pushing out into unknown seas, with the imperfect means at their disposal, is evidence of the enterprise of this people. Their chief object, however, was trade. Their colonies were mostly factories for the exchange of their manufactured articles for the products of the lands they visited. They cared little about building up new states or for extending their civilization and molding barbarous tribes and imparting to them their culture. In this they were far surpassed by the Greeks whose colonies profoundly modified the peoples and lands with which they came in contact.<P>3. The People:<P>The Phoenicians were the same as the Canaanites, under which name they are known in the Old Testament, as well as Sidonians (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',10,19);">Ge 10:19</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',13,29);">Nu 13:29</a>). They were of Semitic stock, if we may judge by their language and characteristics. It is true that in <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',10,6);">Ge 10:6</a> Canaan is called a son of Ham, but it is also true that the language of Canaan is identified with Hebrew (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',19,18);">Isa 19:18</a>). If the early Phoenicians spoke a different tongue, they entirely lost it before their contact with the Hebrews. Their writings and all the references to them in ancient authorities show that their language was purely Semitic. As to their origin and the time of their migration to the Syrian coast, it is more difficult to determine. Herodotus (i.2; vii.89) says that they lived at first on the Erythraean Sea, which is identified with the Persian Gulf, and modern authorities have not found evidence to refute the statement. It is quite certain that they were not the aborigines of the country, and must have come in with some of the various migrations from the East, which we know, from Egyptian and Babylonian monuments, occurred in the 3rd, perhaps in the 4th, millennium BC. Semites are found in Syria as early as the IVth Egyptian Dynasty, about 3000 BC, and we may fairly conjecture that the Canaanites were in possession of the seacoast as early as 2500 BC. It is possible that they were among the Hyksos invaders of Egypt (Paton, Syria and Palestine, 67).<P>That the Phoenicians took to the sea at a very early date and became the most skillful mariners of the ancient world is certain. Their enterprise in this direction is attested by classic writers, and the references to it in the Old Testament are numerous. This was coupled with great industry and skill in the manufacture of the various articles which furnished the materials of their extended commerce. They exhibited a boldness and audacity in braving the perils of the sea in their little ships, which, for the age, demands our admiration. They were the first who dared to push out of sight of land in their voyages and sail beyond the Pillars of Hercules into the ocean. But in their commercial dealings they were often unscrupulous, and their greed of gain often led them to take unfair advantage of the barbarous races with whom they came in contact. The purchase of the land on which the citadel of Carthage was built may illustrate the opinion of the ancients regarding them, but we ought to remember that trickery and deceit are charged against them by their enemies, who alone have handed down accounts of them. The Hebrew prophets speak of their pride and vanity (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',28,17);">Eze 28:17</a>), and violence (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',28,16);">Eze 28:16</a>), and Amos hints at a traffic in captives taken in war, but whether of Hebrews or not is not clear (<a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',1,9);">Am 1:9</a>). Slaves were among the articles of merchandise in which they traded (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',27,13);">Eze 27:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Joe\',3,6);">Joe 3:6</a>), but this could hardly be charged against them as a great sin when slavery was universal. The chief reason for their being denounced by the prophets was their corrupt practices in worship and the baleful influence of the Baal and Astarte cult introduced by them into Israel through Ahab\'s marriage with Jezebel (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',16,\'31-33\');">1Ki 16:31-33</a>). This evil influence was felt even after the captivity when the rites of the Phoenician Tammuz were practiced in Jerusalem (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',8,14);">Eze 8:14</a>). But the earlier relations of the Phoenicians with Israel in the days of David and Solomon were friendly and mutually beneficial. On the whole the judgment of history assigns to this people a high position for their enterprise and skill in carrying on their trade, and in being the pioneers of civilization in many of the Mediterranean lands, especially by their introduction of alphabetical writing, which was by far the most valuable of all their contributions to the culture of the ancient world.<P>4. Arts and Manufactures:<P>(1) Textile Fabrics:<P>The Phoenicians were celebrated for their textile fabrics of silk, wool, linen and cotton. The materials of the last three were obtained from Syria and Egypt, but the silk came from the Far East through Persia. The dyeing of these fabrics was by a process invented by the Phoenicians, and the luster and permanence of color were unequaled by the ancients and made the Tyrian purple famous throughout the world. The finer qualities of it were so precious that only the very wealthy, or kings and princes, could obtain it, and it became at last a synonym of royalty. This dye was obtained from the shell-fish which was abundant in the Mediterranean, especially along the Phoenician coast, species of the Murex and the Buccinum. The mode of manufacture is not definitely known and was probably kept a secret by the Phoenicians. At least they had a monopoly of the business.<P>(2) Glass:<P>Glass was another well-known product of the country, and although not invented by the Phoeniclans as formerly supposed, it was made in large quantities and exported to all countries about the sea.<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=GLASS">GLASS</a>.<P>(3) Pottery:<P>Pottery was also an article of manufacture and export, and some of the examples of their work found in Cyprus show considerable skill in the art of decoration as well as making. In this, however, they were far surpassed by the Greeks.<P>(4) Bronze:<P>Bronze was a specialty of the Phoenicians, and they were for centuries the leading producers, since they controlled the sources of supply of the copper and tin used in its manufacture. The remains of their bronze manufactures are numerous, such as arms for offense and defense, knives, toilet articles, axes, sickles, cups, paterae, and various other household utensils. Articles for artistic purposes are not of high value, although the pillars named Jachin and Boaz, the molten sea, the bases, layers and other articles cast by Hiram of Tyre for the temple of Solomon must have exhibited considerable artistic merit. Their bronze was of good quality and was tempered so as to serve well for edged tools. The composition was about 9 parts copper to 1 part of tin. They seem also to have made iron (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',2,14);">2Ch 2:14</a>), and some specimens have come down to us, but we cannot judge from their scarcity as to the extent of their manufactures in this metal, since most of the articles have perished by corrosion.<P>Aesthetic art among the Phoenicians was of low grade, as it was among the Semites generally, and where we find some works of moderate merit they undoubtedly manifest the influence of Greek art, such as those found in Cyprus by General Di Cesnola and others. In Phoenicia proper very little of artistic value has come to light that can be ascribed to native artists. In sculpture the style is stiff and conventional, much of it exceedingly rude, and lacks expression. The animal forms are generally grotesque, often absurd, reminding one of children\'s attempts at plastic article The anthropoid sarcophagi discovered at Sidon were modeled after the Egyptian and the magnificent ones, of different design, from the same place, now in the Museum of Constantinople, were certainly the work of Greek artists of the age of Alexander the Great.<P>The architecture of the Phoenicians was characterized by massiveness, rather than elegance. The substructures of some of their temples and castles are cyclopean, like those of the temple at Jerusalem (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',7,10);">1Ki 7:10</a>), and other examples are found at Sidon, Gebal, Marathus and other places in Phoenicia itself. Their work seems lacking in symmetry and grace, showing a want of aesthetic taste.<P>5. Commerce and Trade:<P>Trade was the very life of Phoenicia. The contracted limits of the land forbade any extensive agriculture, and the people were forced to get their living by other means. They applied themselves to industrial arts, and this led them to seek the means for distributing their wares. Trade was essential to them, and they sought outlets for it by sea and land. Their position was especially favorable for commerce. In the very center of the ancient world, with the great rich and populous nations of antiquity at their back and on either side, they faced the young, vigorous and growing nations of the West, and they served them all as carriers and producers. Their caravans threaded all the well-beaten routes of the East, the deserts of Arabia and the mountain defiles of Armenia and Asia Minor, and their ships pushed boldly out to sea and explored the Mediterranean and the Euxine and did not hesitate to brave the unknown dangers of the Atlantic and perhaps even penetrated to the Baltic, emulating the mariners of a later day in their zeal for discovery and search for new avenues of trade. Could we find a detailed account of their voyages and discoveries, it would be a most interesting document, but we have little except what others have written about them, which, however, gives us a pretty fair idea of the extent of their commercial enterprise. The prophet Ezekiel has given us a remarkable catalogue of the wares of Tyre and of the countries with which she traded (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',27,1);">Eze 27</a>). There we have mention of nearly all the regions of Western Asia, Egypt, Greece and the islands, and Spain, indicated by the names of races, tribes and countries. The materials of their traffic include the most important known to the ancient world, the products of agriculture, such as wool, linen, oil, balm, spices, frankincense, wine, corn, etc.; of metals, such as gold, silver, copper (brass), tin, iron, lead, etc.; precious stones and the articles of manufacture, the "multitude of handiworks," which they were so skillful in producing. They traded in animals also, horses, mules, lambs, rams and goats, and, what is less to their credit, in the persons of men (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',27,13);">Eze 27:13</a>). The range of their trade was much wider than is indicated by Ezekiel. We know they reached the Scilly Isles in Britain, and probably the Baltic, whither they went for amber, though this might have been brought overland to the Adriatic and received into their ships there. They passed along the western coast of Africa as far as Cape Non, and perhaps farther, for Herodotus tells us that Pharaohnecoh dispatched a crew of Phoenician sailors to circumnavigate Africa, which they accomplished in 3 years.<P>We know that they had a fleet in the Red Sea sailing from Elath or Ezion-geber (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',9,26,27);">1Ki 9:26,27</a>), and it is quite possible that they were allowed by some of the kings of Egypt to avail themselves of ports on the other branch of the Red Sea. They must have visited the eastern shore of Africa and perhaps struck across the Indian Ocean, after skirting the coast of Arabia, and thus carried on trade with India. The Ophir mentioned in connection with these voyages has not been definitely located, but was perhaps in Southern Arabia, though possibly in Southeast Africa.<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=GOLD">GOLD</a>.<P>The ships in which the Phoenicians made these voyages were small as compared with the great vessels of the present day, but the largest known in their age, as we may infer from the long voyages they made. Their superiority is testified to by classical writers. In the famous expedition of Xerxes to Greece the Phoenician ships excelled all others in speed, and the king chose one of them when he embarked upon the sea (Herodotus vii.100). These ships were impelled both by sails and oars, as we know from illustrations upon the coins.<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=COINS">COINS</a>.<P>6. Language and Culture:<P>The ancients attributed the invention of the alphabet to the Phoenicians. This is now regarded as doubtful, and there are no reliable data for determining what people first analyzed speech to its ultimate elements, but to the Phoenicians belongs the merit of bringing the invention to the knowledge of the western world. It is quite certain that the alphabets of Western Asia and those of Europe were derived from the Phoenician characters. This is what we should have expected from their wide commercial relations. The alphabetic writing was in fact one of their exports and was by far, the most important of them all. The world owes a great debt to this people for this invaluable aid to literature, science and culture.<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ALPHABET">ALPHABET</a>.<P>The Phoenician alphabet comprises 22 letters and is deficient in signs to indicate vowels, which were left to be supplied by the reader. This defect is common to the Semitic alphabets, but was soon remedied when the Greeks adopted the Phoenician. Some of the letters have to serve for two sounds, such as the signs for "s" and "sh", for "p" and "ph", for "t" and "th"; besides, there is a redundant sign for the sound of "s". Also the sounds of "y" and "w" are unrepresented. The origin of the letters is probably to be found in the hieroglyphic signs for words and syllables used by the Egyptians and others, since the similarity of some of them to these signs is evident, but in some cases it is more likely that the Phoenicians adopted hieroglyphics of their own. Thus the first letter, \'aleph, which means "ox," was evidently derived from the picture of an ox\'s head and then reduced to a conventional form.<P>The Phoenician alphabet and language were common to the Canaanitish tribes and the Hebrews, as we know from the many inscriptions found in Western Asia. The Moabite Stone testifies to their use east of the Jordan, and the Siloam Inscription likewise for Israel, and the same characters have been found in Northern Syria. This would be natural, for people of these regions had become largely Semitic by the 9th century BC, when we suppose that the Phoenician alphabet was in general use.<P>It is strange that the Phoenicians, who had an alphabet so early, and made it so widely known to the world, made so little use of it for literature. The remains of their language are very scanty, mostly inscriptions, and these generally very brief. The longest ones in Phoenician proper are those from Sidon, the most famous of which is that of Esmunazer, king of Sidon, comprising 298 words. Some few others, pertaining to the same dynasty, have been discovered in tombs and on the walls of the temple of Asmun, and show the Phoenician character and style in its best form. Only two works of any length are known to us by translation or references in Greek authors. The first is the Phoenician History of Sanchoniathon, of Beirut, which Philo of Byblus claims to have translated from the Phoenician original. This, however, is doubted, and both the author and the history are suspected to be mythical. The other work is genuine; the short account of the voyage of a Carthaginian king beyond the Pillars of Hercules, called the Periplus of Hanno, is not without merit as a narrative, and indicates that the Carthaginian branch of the Phoenician race, at least, may have had a literature of some value, but it is unfortunately lost. We cannot suppose, however, that it was very extensive or very important, as more of it would then have been preserved. The conclusion is natural that the Phoenicians were so absorbed in commercial enterprise and the pursuit of wealth that they neglected the nobler uses of the invaluable instrument of culture they had found in alphabetic writing.<P>7. Religion:<P>A very prominent role was assigned to religion in the life of the Phoenicians. As a Semitic people, such a characteristic was but natural and they seem to have possessed it in large measure. Their religious ideas are important on account of the influence they had on the Hebrews, which is so apparent in the Old Testament. The worship of the Canaanitish Baal and Ashtoreth, or Astarte, led the Israelites astray and produced most disastrous results.<P>There can be little doubt that the chief deities of the Phoenicians, as well as the forms of their cult, were derived from Babylonia, brought with them probably when they migrated to the west, but afterward modified by contact with Egypt and Greece. Some regard the earliest conception of the deity among the Semites to have been monotheism, and we find traces of this in the attributes ascribed by the Phoenicians to their chief god. He is Baal, "lord" or "master"; Baal-samin, "lord of heaven"; Eliun, "supreme," etc. These terms imply either one God or one who is supreme among the gods and their ruler. But this belief was changed before the Phoenicians came into contact with the Hebrews, and polytheism took its place, though their gods were less numerous than among most polytheistic races. One of the most corrupting tendencies we notice was the ascription of sexual characteristics to the chief deities of their pantheon, such as Baal and Ashtoreth, which led to licentious rites of the most abominable character.<P>Baal ba\'al; the Phoenician Baal was the chief deity and was universally worshipped, being usually designated by the locality in each place: Baal of Tyre or Baal-Tsur, Baal-Sidon, Baal-Tars (Tarsus), Baal-bek, etc. He was regarded as the god of the generative principle in Nature, and his statues were sometimes flanked by bulls. He was identified with Zeus, and he appears on the coins under the Greek type of Zeus, seated on a throne, holding an eagle in the outstretched right hand and a scepter in the left. Sometimes his head is encircled with rays showing him to be the sun-god.<P>Ashtoreth (Phoenician \'ashtoreth) was the great Nature-goddess, the Magna Mater, queen of heaven (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',7,18);">Jer 7:18</a>), and as Baal was the solar deity, so she was often represented under the lunar aspect, Ashteroth-karnaim, "Ashteroth of the two horns" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',14,5);">Ge 14:5</a>). Sometimes she is represented holding the dove, the symbol of fecundity, of which she was the goddess. She was commonly identified with Aphrodite or Venus. She, like Baal, had temples everywhere, and kings were sometimes her high priests, and her worship was too often accompanied with orgies of the most corrupt kind, as at Apheca.<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ASHTORETH">ASHTORETH</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TAMMUZ">TAMMUZ</a>.<P>Among the other gods we may mention: El, or Il (\'el originally the designation of the supreme God, but afterward a subordinate deity who became the special divinity of Byblus (Gebal), and was regarded by the Greeks as the same as Kronos. Melqarth (melqarth, "king of the city") originally was the same as Baal, representing one aspect of that god, but later a separate deity, the patron god of Tyre whose head appears on many of its coins, as well as his symbol, the club, since he was identified with Hercules. Herodotus describes his temple at Tyre to which he attributes great antiquity, 2,300 years before his time. Dagon (daghon) seems to have been the tutelary deity of Aradus, his head appearing on the early autonomous coins of that city. He seems to have been regarded as the god of agriculture by the Phoenicians, rather than of fishing as generally supposed. Adonis (\'adhon, "lord") was regarded as the son of Cinyras, a mythic king of Gebal and the husband of Ashtoreth. The myth of his death by the wild boar led to the peculiar rites celebrating it, instituted by the women of Gebal at Apheca and on the river named after him (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TAMMUZ">TAMMUZ</a>). Esmun (\'esmun) one of the sons of Siddik, the father of the Cabiri, was especially honored at Sidon and Beirut. At Sidon a great temple was built in his honor, the ruins of which have been recently explored and various inscriptions found dedicating it to him. His name signifies "the eighth," i.e. the eighth son of Siddik, the others being the Cabiri, or Great Ones, who were regarded as presiding over ships and navigation, and as such were worshipped in many places, although their special seat was Beirut. Although they were called "Great" they are represented as dwarfs, and an image of one of them was placed on the prow, or stern, of each Phoenician war galley. The goddess Tanith (tanith) occupied a lofty place in the pantheon, since in inscriptions she takes the precedence over Baal when the two names occur together. She was especially honored at Carthage and to her most exalted names are given, such as "the parent of all"; "the highest of the gods"; "the mistress of the elements," etc. Besides some other gods of less note originally worshipped by the Phoenicians, they introduced some foreign deities into their pantheon. Thus Poseidon appears frequently on the coins of Beirut and became its patron deity in Roman times; Isis and her temple at Gebal are likewise represented on its coins, the Dioscuri or their symbols on those of Tripolis and Beirut, etc. The corrupt nature of the Phoenician worship has been referred to. It was also cruel, the custom of human sacrifices being common and carried to an extent unheard of among other peoples, such as the horrible sacrifice of 200 noble youths at Carthage when besieged by Agathocles. The sacrifice was by burning, the victim being placed in the arms of the statue of the god, heated for the purpose. In Phoenicia this god was Melqarth, or Molech, and the custom is denounced in the Old Testament (<a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',20,\'2-5\');">Le 20:2-5</a>), but other gods were also honored in this way. The religious feeling of the Phoenicians was undoubtedly deep, but sadly corrupt and depraved.<P>8. History:<P>The political history of Phoenicia is that of the towns and cities belonging to it. The country as a whole had no centralized government, but the chief towns exercised a sort of hegemony, at times, over some of the lesser ones. This was especially the case with Sidon and Tyre, but every city had its king and its local government. The land is never referred to in ancient documents, but the people are designated by their cities. Thus, we find in <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',10,17);">Ge 10:17</a>f the mention of Sidon, the Arvadite, the Arkite, etc., and, in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',13,4);">Jos 13:4</a>, the Gebalites and the Sidonians in connection with the land of the Canaanites. In the same way the inscriptions of Egypt, Babylonia and Assyria refer to the people of the different cities, but not to the land as a political unit, which it never was.<P>The cities first come into notice in the period of the Egyptian domination, beginning in the 16th century BC under Thothmes III. This king subdued most of the Phoenician cities, or received their submission, in his numerous campaigns to Syria, and the Egyptian rule continued with more or less interruption until the decline of Egypt under the XXth Dynasty, or about 300 years. During this time Arvad seems to have exercised the hegemony in the north, and Sidon in the south, with Gebal controlling the middle region. The Tell el-Amarna Letters reveal many facts concerning the condition of things while the Egyptian power was declining in the latter part of the XVIIIth Dynasty, especially in the reign of Amenhotep IV (Ikhnaton). The rise of the Amorite and Hittite power in the north threatened these cities, which were under Egyptian governors, and they called upon their suzerain for aid, which was not given, and they fell, one after another, into the hands of the enemy. Rameses II restored Egyptian rule, but his successors of the XXth Dynasty could not maintain it, and the invasion of tribes from the west and north, called the Peleset, or Philistines, by land and sea, though repelled by Rameses III, continued to increase until the Egyptian domination was broken, and the coast towns resumed their independence about the middle of the 12th century BC. Sidon came to the front as the chief city of Phoenicia, and it is referred to by Joshua as "Great Sidon" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',11,8);">Jos 11:8</a>). Homer also mentions Sidon frequently, but makes no reference to Tyre. The latter city was certainly in existence in his day, but had not come to the front as the leading city in the mind of the Greeks. Yet it was a fortified city in the time of Joshua (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',19,29);">19:29</a>), and the king of Tyre is among the correspondents mentioned in the Tell el-Amarna Letters. It seems to have taken precedence of Sidon when the latter was attacked by the Philistines of Askelon, and the inhabitants were compelled to flee for safety to Tyre. At all events Tyre exercised the hegemony in Phoenicia by the time David came to the throne, and had probably obtained it a century or two before, and held it until Phoenicia became subject to Assyria in the 9th century BC. Asshur-nazir-pal first came into contact with Phoenicia, which submitted to tribute, between 877 and 860 BC, and this subjection continued until the downfall of Assyria in the latter part of the 7th century BC. The subjection was nominal only for more than a century, the cities retaining their kings and managing their own affairs with no interference from the Assyrians as long as they paid the tribute. But with the advent of Tiglath-pileser in Syria, about 740 BC, conditions changed, and the Phoenician towns were subjected to severe treatment, and some of the dynasties were driven from their cities and Assyrian governors appointed in their places. Their oppression caused revolts, and Elulaeus of Tyre united Sidon and the cities to the south in a league to resist the encroachments of Tiglath-pileser and his successor Shalmaneser IV, whom he successfully resisted, although the Assyrian gained over to his side Sidon, Acre, and some other towns and had the assistance of their fleets to make an attack upon the island city. The attack failed completely, and Shalmaneser left Elulaeus to his independence, which he maintained for a quarter of a century, regaining control of the towns that had fallen away and also of Cyprus. Sargon (722-705 BC) let Phoenicia alone, but Sennacherib (705-681) determined to punish the king of Tyre and prepared an army of 200,000 men for the war with Phoenicia. Elulaeus was afraid and fled to Cyprus, but his towns dared to resist and Sennacherib had to reduce them one after another, but did not succeed in taking Tyre itself. He set over the conquered territory a certain Tubaal, probably a Phoenician who paid him tribute. He also took tribute from Gebal and Aradus, which indicates that all of Phoenicia was subject to him, as these two cities probably controlled all that was not under Tyre. In the reign of Esarhaddon (681-668) Sidon revolted under Abd-Melkarth, who was caught and beheaded, the city sacked, and the inhabitants either killed or carried into captivity, and it was re-peopled by captives from the East. At a later date (672), when Esarhaddon was preparing to invade Egypt, Baal, the vassal king of Tyre, revolted and refused to aid him, but afterward submitted either to Esarhaddon or to his son Ashurbanipal and assisted the latter in his invasion of Egypt, 668 BC. Four years later, however, we find the Assyrian king besieging Tyre and punishing Baal by making him give his daughter to be a member of the Assyrian\'s harem. Baal himself was left on his throne. The same fate was the lot of the king of Aradus, and Accho (Acre) was also punished.<P>The frequent rebellions of the Phoenician towns show their love of independence and a sturdy resistance to oppression. They became freed from the yoke of Assyria probably about 630 BC, when the Medes attacked Nineveh and the Scythic hordes overran all Western Asia. The Phoenician cities were fortitled and did not suffer very much from the barbarian invasion, and, as Assyria was broken, they resumed their independence. In the struggle which followed between Egypt and Babylon for the mastery of Syria, Phoenicia fell, for a time, under the sway of Egypt, but was not oppressed, and her towns prospered, and it was in this period that Tyre attained great wealth and renown as reflected in the Book of Ezekiel. When Nebuchadnezzar laid siege to it, a resistance of 13 years showed its strength and resources, and although the town on the mainland was destroyed, it is doubtful whether the king of Babylon took the island city, but it must have submitted to pay tribute (585 BC). Phoenicia remained subject to Babylon until that empire fell into the hands of the Persians (538), and then accepted the yoke of the latter in the days of Cambyses, if not earlier, but the Persian king does not seem to have used force to gain the adherence of the Phoenicians. He needed their fleets to assist in the attack upon Egypt and secured them without difficulty. They aided him in the conquest of Egypt, but when he asked them to proceed against Carthage they refused, and he had to desist. The navy of Phoenicia was too necessary for him to run any risk of alienating it.<P>This navy was the strongest sea power of the Persians in all their coming wars with Greece. Without its assistance Darius and his successors could with difficulty have invaded that country or held in subjection the western coasts of Asia Minor. Phoenicia remained faithful to her Persian rulers about 150 years, but when the general revolt of the western satraps occurred in 362 BC, Phoenicia seems to have favored them, but no open rebellion broke out until 351, when Sidon, under her king Tabnit II (Tennes), boldly declared her independence and induced most of the Phoenician cities to do the same. The Persian garrisons were massacred or driven out. Ochus, the king of Persia, marched with an army of 300,000 infantry and 30,000 horse to punish the rebels, and Tabnit, in cowardly alarm, betrayed Sidon into his hands, but the citizens set fire to the city and destroyed themselves rather than fall into the hands of Ochus, who, as treacherous as Tabnit, slew the traitor (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=SIDON">SIDON</a>). The other cities then submitted, and Phoenicia remained subject to Persia until the time of Alexander the Great. When this conqueror invaded the dominions of Persia and had defeated Darius at Issus, 333 BC, he demanded the submission of the Phoenician towns, and all yielded save Tyre. Alexander was obliged to lay siege to it, which cost him 7 months of the severest labor, such was the valor and skill of the Tyrians. The capture of Tyre is reckoned as one of the greatest exploits of this mighty conqueror who stained his record by his cruel treatment of the brave defenders. He massacred the male prisoners and sold the remainder of the inhabitants, to the number of 30,000, into slavery (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TYRE">TYRE</a>). After the death of Alexander the Phoenician cities were subject to the Ptolemies of Egypt and the Seleucids of Syria, the latter finally obtaining control of all by the victory of Antiochus III over Scopas in 198 BC. From this time on Phoenicia formed a part of the Seleucid kingdom until it passed, together with Syria and Palestine, into the hands of the Romans. Its cities became the home of many Greeks and its language became largely Greek, as inscriptions and coins testify. The Romans had also much to do in modifying the character of the people, and some towns, Berytus, especially, became largely Roman. Phoenicia can hardly be said to have had a separate existence after the Greek invasion.<P>LITERATURE.<P>Rawlinson, History of Phoenicia; Kenrick, Phoenicia; Movers, Phonizier; Breasted, History of Egypt, and Ancient Records; Budge, History of Egypt; Rawlinson, Ancient Monarchies; Rogers, Babylonia and Assyria; Bevan, House of Seleucus; Tell el-Amarna Letters; Perrot and Chipiez, Art in Phoenicia.``138';
|
|
isbe[6919]='Phoenix`fe\'-niks (Phoinix; the King James Version Phenice): A harbor in Crete (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',27,12);">Ac 27:12</a>). The Alexandrian corn ship carrying Paul and the author of Acts, after it left Myra in Lycia, was prevented by adverse winds from holding a straight course to Italy, and sailed under the lee of Crete, off the promontory of Salmone (kata Salmonen). The ship was then able to make her way along the south shore of Crete to a harbor called Fair Havens (Kaloi Limenes), near a city Lasea (Lasaia). Thence, in spite of Paul\'s advice to winter in Fair Havens, it was decided to sail to Phoenix (eis Phoinika, limena tes Kretes) bleponta kata liba kai kata choron, a description which has been translated in two ways:<P>(1) "looking toward the southwest wind and toward the northwest wind, i.e. looking southwest and northwest";<P>(2) "looking down the southwest wind and down the northwest wind, i.e. looking northeast and southeast" On the way thither, they were struck by a wind from the northeast, called Euraquilo, and ran before it under the lee of an island, called Cauda or Clauda (Kauda (Codex Sinaiticus (corrected) and Codex Vaticanus and the Old Latin) or Klauda (Codex Sinaiticus and Codex Alexandrinus, etc.)) in <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',27,\'7-17\');">Ac 27:7-17</a>. It will be convenient to discuss those places together. The following account is based on Smith\'s elaborate study in his Voyage and Shipwreck of Paul, which has been followed by all later writers.<P>The ship, when it left Myra was obviously making for Italy (Puteoli or Ostia) by the shortest route, round Cape Malea, but off Cnidus it encountered a northwest wind and had to sail for shelter under the lee of Crete. Salmone, now called Cape Sidero, was the promontory which forms the northeast corner of the island. Thence along the south shore of Crete, as far as Cape Matala, a sailing ship is sheltered by the mountains from the violence of the northwest wind; west of Cape Matala, where the coast turns toward the northwest, there is no such shelter. Fair Havens must therefore be looked for to the east of Cape Matala, and there is a harbor, lying 6 miles east of Cape Matala, which is called Fair Havens by the modern Greek inhabitants of the island. There is no doubt that this is the harbor in which the Alexandrian ship took shelter. It is sheltered only from the north and northwest winds.<P>The ruins of a city which has been identified with Lasea have been found 5 miles east from Fair Havens, and 12 miles south of the important city of Gortyna. It has been suggested that Paul\'s desire to winter at Fair Havens (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',27,10);">Ac 27:10</a>) may have been due to its proximity to Gortyna, and the opportunity which the latter city afforded for missionary work. There were many Jews in Gortyna.<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=CRETE">CRETE</a>.<P>From Fair Havens, against the advice of Paul, it was decided to sail to Phoenix, there to pass the winter. While the ship was on its way thither, it was struck by a violent northeast wind from the mountains, called Euraquilo, and carried under the lee of an islet called Cauda or Clauda. When this happened, the ship was evidently crossing the Bay of Messariah, and from this point a northeast wind must have carried her under the lee of an island now called Gaudho in Greek and Gozzo in Italian, situated about 23 miles southwest of the center of the Gulf of Messariah. The modern name of the island shows that Cauda (Caudas in the Notitiae Episcopatuum), and not Clauda is the true ancient form.<P>The writer of Acts never saw Phoenix, which must have been a good harbor, as the nautical experts decided to winter there (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',27,11);">Ac 27:11</a>). Now the only safe harbor on the south coast of Crete in which a ship large enough to carry a cargo of corn and 268 souls could moor is the harbor beside Loutro, a village on the south coast of Crete, directly north of Cauda. All the ancient authorities agree in placing Phoenix in this neighborhood. The harbor at Loutro affords shelter from all winds, and its identification with Phoenix seems certain. But a serious difficulty arises on this view. The words describing the harbor of Phoenix ordinarily mean "looking toward the southwest and the northwest," but the harbor beside Loutro looks eastward. This led Bishop Wordsworth to identify Phoenix with an open roadstead on the western side of the isthmus on which Loutro stands. But this roadstead is not a suitable place for wintering in, and it is better either to take the words to mean, in sailor\'s language, "looking down the southwest and northwest winds"—a description which exactly fits the harbor at Loutro—or to assume that the reporter of the discussion referred to in <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',27,\'10-12\');">Ac 27:10-12</a> or the writer of Acts made a mistake in describing a place which he had never seen. An inscription belonging to the reign of Trajan found at Loutro shows that Egyptian corn ships were wont to lie up there for the winter.``20';
|
|
isbe[6920]='Phoros`fo\'-ros (Phoros; Codex Vaticanus (Swete) Phares (1Esdras 8:30, where the King James Version Pharez)): Name of one of the families, part of whom went up from the exile with Zerubbabel (1Esdras 5:9) and part with Ezra (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',8,30);">8:30</a> the Revised Version (British and American)) equals "Parosh" of <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',2,3);">Ezr 2:3</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',8,3);">8:3</a>, and some members of which had taken "strange wives" (1Esdras 9:26).``1';
|
|
isbe[6921]='Phrurai`fru\'-ri, fru\'-ra-i (Phrourai; also in Codex Sinaiticus and Codex Alexandrinus as Phrouraia and Phrourim; the King James Version Phurim): In Additions to Esther 11:1, "the epistle of Phrurai" means the preceding Book of Esther.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=PURIM">PURIM</a>`1';
|
|
isbe[6922]='Phrygia`frij\'-i-a (Phrugia): A large ancient country of Central Asia Minor, very mountainous and with table-lands reaching 4,000 ft. in height. Its name is derived from Phryges, a tribe from Thrace, which in early times invaded the country and drove out or absorbed the earlier Asiatic inhabitants, among whom were the Hittites. Thus, the Phrygians borrowed much of oriental civilization, especially of art and mythology which they transferred to Europe. To define the boundaries of Phrygia would be exceedingly difficult, for as in the case of other Asia Minor countries, they were always vague and they shifted with nearly every age. The entire country abounds with ruins of former cities and with almost countless rock-hewn tombs, some of which are of very great antiquity. Among the most interesting of the rock sculptures are the beautiful tombs of the kings bearing the names Midas and Gordius, with which classical tradition has made us familiar. It seems that at one period the country may have extended to the Hellespont, even including Troy, but later the Phrygians were driven toward the interior. In Roman times, however, when Paul journeyed there, the country was divided into two parts, one of which was known as Galatian Phrygia, and the other as Asian Phrygia, because it was a part of the Roman province of Asia, but the line between them was never sharply drawn. The Asian Phrygia was the larger of the two divisions, including the greater part of the older country; Galatian Phrygia was small, extending along the Pisidian Mountains, but among its important cities were Antioch, Iconium and Apollonia. About 295 AD, when the province of Asia was no longer kept together, its different parts were known as Phrygia Prima and Phrygia Secunda. That part of Asia Minor is now ruled by a Turkish wall or governor whose residence is in Konia, the ancient Iconium. The population consists not only of Turks, but of Greeks, Armenians, Jews, Kurds and many small tribes of uncertain ancestry, and of peculiar customs and religious practices. The people live mostly in small villages which are scattered throughout the picturesque country. Sheep and goat raising are the leading industries; brigandage is common. According to <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',2,10);">Ac 2:10</a>, Jews from Phrygia went to Jerusalem, and in <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',18,23);">Ac 18:23</a> we learn that many of them were influential and perhaps fanatical. According to <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,6);">Ac 16:6</a>, Paul traversed the country while on his way from Lystra to Iconium and Antioch in Galatian Phrygia. Twice he entered Phrygia in Asia, but on his 2nd journey he was forbidden to preach there. Christianity was introduced into Phrygia by Paul and Barnabas, as we learn from <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',13,4);">Ac 13:4</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,\'1-6\');">16:1-6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',18,23);">18:23</a>, yet it did not spread there rapidly. Churches were later founded, perhaps by Timothy or by John, at Colosse, Laodicea and Hierapolis.``7';
|
|
isbe[6923]='Phurah`fu\'-ra (purah, "branch").`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=PURAH">PURAH</a>`1';
|
|
isbe[6924]='Phut`fut (put).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=PUT">PUT</a>`1';
|
|
isbe[6925]='Phuvah`fu\'-va.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=PUAH">PUAH</a>`1';
|
|
isbe[6926]='Phygelus; Phygellus`fi-je\'-lus, fi-jel\'-us (Phugellos; Tischendorf and Westcott and Hort, The New Testament in Greek, with others, read Phugelos, Phygellus or Phygelus (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ti\',1,15);">2Ti 1:15</a>); the King James Version): One of the Christians who deserted Paul at the time of his 2nd imprisonment at Rome. Paul mentions him, along with Hermogenes, as being among those "that are in Asia," who turned away from him then. What is meant may be that Phygelus and Hermogenes, along with other native Christians from proconsular Asia, were in Rome when he was brought before the emperor\'s tribunal the second time, and that they had not merely taken no measures to stand by and support him, but that they had deserted him.<P>The meaning, however, may be that the turning away of Phygelus and Hermogenes from Paul took place, not in Rome, but in Asia itself.<P>The times during and immediately following the Neronic persecution were more dreadful than can easily be conceived, and the temptation was strong to forsake the Christian name, and to do so in a wholesale fashion. A great community like the Christian church in Ephesus or in Rome felt the terrible pressure of those times, when for a mere word—a word, however, denying the Lord who bought them—men were at once set free from persecution, from the loss of property or of home, and from death. 1 Peter records how the aftermath of the Neronic persecution had extended far indeed from Rome, where it had originated. Peter asks the Christians not to give way under "the fiery trial" which is trying them (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Pe\',4,12);">1Pe 4:12</a>), and those whom he thus addresses were the members of the church throughout Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia and Bithynia (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Pe\',1,1);">1Pe 1:1</a>). The epistles to the seven churches in Asia in the Apocalypse also show how sorely persecution had raged throughout that province.<P>But in addition to the temptation to deny Christ\'s name and to go back to heathenism or to Judaism, there was also another which pressed upon some of the churches, the temptation to repudiate the authority of Paul. Many passages in the New Testament show how the name of Paul was sometimes very lightly esteemed, and how his authority was repudiated, e.g. by persons in Corinth, and in the churches of Galatia.<P>What is said here is, that among the Christians of proconsular Asia, i.e. of Ephesus and the churches in the valley of the Cayster, there was a widespread defection from that loyalty to Paul which was to be expected from those who owed to him all that they possessed of the knowledge of Christ\'s salvation. "All that are in Asia turned away from me; of whom are Phygelus and Hermogenes." On the whole, all the necessary conditions of these words are satisfied by a reference to Rome and to Paul\'s environment there, and perhaps this is the more probable meaning.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=HERMOGENES">HERMOGENES</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=PERSECUTION">PERSECUTION</a>`155';
|
|
isbe[6927]='Phylactery`fi-lak\'-ter-i (phulakterion, "guard"):<P>1. Bible References:<P>This word is found only in <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',23,5);">Mt 23:5</a> in our Lord\'s denunciation of the Pharisees, who, in order that their works might "be seen of men," and in their zeal for the forms of religion, "make broad their phylacteries and enlarge the borders of their garments." The corresponding word in the Old Testament, Totaphoth (Kennedy in HDB suggests pointing as the segholate feminine singular, Totepheth), is fonnd in three passages (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',13,16);">Ex 13:16</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',6,8);">De 6:8</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',11,18);">11:18</a>), where it is translated "frontlets." This rendering, however, is not at all certain, and may have been read into the text from its later interpretation. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',13,9);">Ex 13:9</a> the corresponding word to the Totaphoth of <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',13,16);">13:16</A> is zikkaron, "memorial" or "reminder"; and in the parallel clauses of both verses the corresponding word is \'oth, "a sign" upon the hand, also used for the "sign" which Yahweh appointed for Cain (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',4,15);">Ge 4:15</a>). It may be rendered then as a mark or ornament or jewel, and used figuratively of Yahweh\'s Law as an ornament or jewel to the forehead of the Israelite, a reference to the charm or amulet worn by the pagan. The word used in the Talmud for the phylactery is tephillah, "prayer," or "prayer-band" (plural tephillin), indicating its use theoretically as a reminder of the Law, although practically it might be esteemed as an automatic and ever-present charm against evil: an aid within toward the keeping of the Law, a guard without against the approach of evil; a degradation of an Old Testament figurative and idealistic phrase to the materialistic and superstitious practices of the pagans.<P>2. Description:<P>The phylactery was a leather box, cube-shaped, closed with an attached flap and bound to the person by a leather band. There were two kinds:<P>(1) one to be bound to the inner side of the left arm, and near the elbow, so that with the bending of the arm it would rest over the heart, the knot fastening it to the arm being in the form of the Hebrew letter yodh (y), and the end of the string, or band, finally wound around the middle finger of the hand, "a sign upon thy hand" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',6,8);">De 6:8</a>). This box had one compartment containing one or all of the four passages given above. The writer in his youth found one of these in a comparatively remote locality, evidently lost by a Jewish peddler, which contained only the 2nd text (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',13,\'11-16\');">Ex 13:11-16</a>) in unpointed Hebrew.<P>(2) Another was to be bound in the center of the forehead, "between thine eyes" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',6,8);">De 6:8</a>), the knot of the band being in the form of the Hebrew letter daleth (d), with the Hebrew letter shin (sh) upon each end of the box, which was divided into four compartments with one of the four passages in each.<P>These two Hebrew letters, with the yodh (y) of the arm-phylactery (see (1) above), formed the divine name shadday, "Almighty." Quite elaborate ceremonial accompanied the "laying" on of the phylacteries, that of the arm being bound on first, and that of the head next, quotations from Scripture or Talmud being repeated at each stage of the binding. They were to be worn by every male over 13 years old at the time of morning prayer, except on Sabbaths and festal days, such days being in themselves sufficient reminders of "the commandment, the statutes, and the ordinances" of Yahweh (<a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',6,1);">De 6:1</a>).<P>3. Interpretation of Old Testament Passages:<P>The passages on which the wearing of the phylacteries is based are as follows: "It (i.e. the feast of unleavened bread) shall be for a sign unto thee upon thy hand, and for a memorial between thine eyes, that the law of Yahweh may be in thy mouth" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',13,9);">Ex 13:9</a>); "And it (i.e. sacrifice of the firstborn) shall be for a sign upon thy hand, and for frontlets between thine eyes" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',13,16);">Ex 13:16</a>); "thou shalt bind them (i.e. the words of Yahweh) for a sign upon thy hand, and they shall be for frontlets between thine eyes" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',6,8);">De 6:8</a>); "therefore shall ye lay up these my words in your heart and in your soul; and ye shall bind them for a sign upon your hand, and they shall be for frontlets between your eyes" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',11,18);">De 11:18</a>). It is evident that the words in Exodus are beyond all question used figuratively; a careful reading of the verses in Deuteronomy in close relation to their contexts, in which are other figures of speech not to be taken literally, is sufficient proof of their purely figurative intention also. Only the formalism of later ages could distort these figures into the gross and materialistic practice of the phylactery. Just when this practice began cannot accurately be determined. While the Talmud attempts to trace it back to the primitive, even Mosaic, times, it probably did not long antedate the birth of Christ. In conservative Jewish circles it has been maintained through the centuries, and at present is faithfully followed by orthodox Judaism. Every male, who at the age of 13 becomes a "son of the Law" (bar mitswah), must wear the phylactery and perform the accompanying ceremonial.<P>In the New Testament passage (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',23,5);">Mt 23:5</a>) our Lord rebukes the Pharisees, who make more pronounced the un-Scriptural formalism and the crude literalism of the phylacteries by making them obtrusively large, as they also seek notoriety for their religiosity by the enlarged fringes, or "borders."<P>LITERATURE.<P>The various commentaries on Exodus and Deuteronomy: tractate Tephillin; the comprehensive article by A. R. S. Kennedy in HDB; articles in Encyclopedia Biblica and Jewish Encyclopedia.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=FRINGES">FRINGES</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=FRONTLETS">FRONTLETS</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=PHARISEES">PHARISEES</a>`109';
|
|
isbe[6928]='Phylarch`fi\'-lark (phularches): Given in the King James Version of 2Macc 8:32 as a proper name "Philarches," but in the Revised Version (British and American) "the phylarch of Timotheus\'s forces"; "probably the captain of an irregular auxiliary force" (Revised Version margin), rather than a cavalry officer.``1';
|
|
isbe[6929]='Phylarches`fi-lar\'-kez (the King James Version Philarches).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=PHYLARCH">PHYLARCH</a>`1';
|
|
isbe[6930]='Physician`fi-zish\'-an (rophi; iatros): To the pious Jew at all times God was the healer (<a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',32,39);">De 32:39</a>): "It was neither herb nor mollifying plaister that cured them, but thy word, O Lord, which healeth all things" (<span class="noTag">The Wisdom of Solomon 16:12</span>). The first physicians mentioned in Scripture are those of Egypt. Long before the sojourn of the Hebrews in that land, Egypt had a priestly class of physicians (snu) and a god of healing (Imchtp). From the ancient medical papyri which have been preserved, the largest of which is the Papyrus Ebers, we know that the medical knowledge of these physicians was purely empirical, largely magical and wholly unscientific. In spite of their ample opportunities they knew next to nothing of human anatomy, their descriptions of diseases are hopelessly crude, and three-fourths of the hundreds of prescriptions in the papyri are wholly inert. Even their art of embalming was so imperfect that few of their mummies would have remained in any other climate than that of Egypt. Physicians of this kind who were Joseph\'s servants embalmed Jacob (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',50,2);">Ge 50:2</a>) and Joseph (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',50,26);">Ge 50:26</a>). It was not until the foundation of the School of Alexandria, which was purely Greek, that Egypt became a place of medical education and research.<P>There is no evidence that at any time the priests of Israel were reputed to be the possessors of medical knowledge or tradition. In the ceremonial law they had explicit instructions as to the isolation of those suffering from skin eruptions, so that they might recognize certain obstinate and infectious forms which caused ceremonial uncleanness, but with this duty as sanitary police their function ended and they used no means to cure these diseases. There is, as far as I know, no record or tradition of a priest-physician in Bible times. The records of cure by the prophets, especially Elisha, are mostly recorded as miracles, not as cures by treatment. The salt which cured the noxious water at Jericho and the meal by which the poisonous gourds were rendered innoxious, like the manipulation of the Shunammite\'s son, can scarcely be regarded as adequate remedies. There is an implied reference to a healer of wounds in <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',21,19);">Ex 21:19</a>, as also in <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',3,7);">Isa 3:7</a>, and it is recorded in Pesachim, iv.9 that there was in existence in the time of the monarchy a book of cures, cepher rephu\'oth, supposed to have been written by Solomon, but withdrawn from public use by Hezekiah. The first specific mention of Hebrew physicians is <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',16,12);">2Ch 16:12</a>, but Asa is obviously regarded by the Chronicler as reprehensible in trusting to their skill. In <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',8,29);">2Ki 8:29</a> Joram, king of Israel, is said to have gone to Jezreel to be healed. Not far from this, across the Jordan, was Gilead, which possibly may also have been a place resorted to by those needing medical treatment, as indicated by Jeremiah\'s query: "Is there no balm in Gilead? is there no physician there?" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',8,22);">Jer 8:22</a>). Job, irritated by the platitudes of his friends, calls them physicians of no value (<a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',13,4);">13:4</A>).<P>In the New Testament our Lord\'s saying, "They that are whole have no need of a physician," etc., shows that there were physicians in Galilee (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',9,12);">Mt 9:12</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',2,17);">Mr 2:17</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',5,31);">Lu 5:31</a>), and in Nazareth He quotes what seems to have been a proverb: "Physician, heal thyself" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',4,23);">Lu 4:23</a>). There were physicians in Galilee who received fees from the woman of Caesarca Philippi who had the issue of blood (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',5,26);">Mr 5:26</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',8,43);">Lu 8:43</a>). Of her there is a curious story told in Eusebius (VII, 18).<P>There are several Talmudic references to physicians; in Sheqalim ii 1, it is said that there was a physician at the temple to attend to the priests. A physician was appointed in every city (Gittin 12b) who was required to have a license from the local authorities (Babha\' Bathra\' 21a). The familiar passage in Ecclesiasticus 38:1-15 the Revised Version (British and American) in praise of the physician gives him but limited credit for his skill: "There is a time when in their very hands is the issue for good," and later, "He that sinneth before his Maker, Let him fall into the hands of the physician."<P>Luke, called "the beloved physician" in <a onClick="return mV(\'Col\',4,14);">Col 4:14</a>, is said by Eusebius to have been a native of Antioch and a physician by profession. According to Origen he was the unnamed "brother whose praise in the gospel is spread through all the churches" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',8,18);">2Co 8:18</a>). There are evidences of his professional studies in the language of his writings, though of this probably more has been made by Hobart and others than it really merits. Had we not known of his profession it is doubtful whether it could have been conjectured from his choice of words. Sir W. Ramsay calls attention to the two words used of the healings at Melita in <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',28,\'8-10\');">Ac 28:8-10</a>: for the cure of Publius\' father the word used is iasato, but for the healing of those who came later it is etherapeuonto, which he renders "received medical treatment." From this he infers that Luke helped Paul with these (Ramsay, Luke the Physician, 1908).``107';
|
|
isbe[6931]='Pi-Beseth`pi-be\'-seth (pi-be\'seth; (pi-bheceth; Septuagint Bubastos; Egyptian Pi-Basht, "the house of Basht," the cat-headed goddess; the Egyptian form is usually Ha-Basht; it is doubtful if the form Pi-Basht has yet been found): A city of ancient Egypt. The only occurrence of the name of this place in the Old Testament is in <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',30,17);">Eze 30:17</a>; where it is coupled with Aven, i.e. On (Heliopolis).<P>1. Location:<P>Pi-beseth was on the western bank of the Pelusiac branch of the Nile, about 40 miles north of Memphis, about 15 miles northeast of On. Herodotus found the city of Bubastis very beautiful in his day. The annual festival of the goddess, Basht, was celebrated here with revolting license, similar to that of the festival of Syyid el-Bedawer now kept in Tanta.<P>2. Exploration:<P>Pi-beseth was explored by Professor Naville under the Egyptian Exploration Society in 1887-90. There were uncovered ruins of Egypt from the IVth Dynasty of the Old Empire, from the Middle Empire, an important Hyksos settlement, and ruins from the New Empire down to the end, and even from Roman times. The most unique discovery at Pi-beseth, one of the most unique in all Egypt, is the cemetery of cats. These cats, the animal sacred to Basht, were mummified at other places in Egypt, but at Pibeseth they were burned and the ashes and bones gathered and buried in great pits lined with brick or hardened clay. Bones of the ichneumon were also found mixed with those of the cats in these pits (Egypt Exploration Fund Report, 1891).``93';
|
|
isbe[6932]='Pi-Hahiroth`pi-ha-hi\'-roth (pi-ha-chiroth (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',14,\'2-9\');">Ex 14:2-9</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',33,\'7-8\');">Nu 33:7-8</a>)):<P>1. Meaning of Name:<P>Nothing is known of the meaning of the name. Pi-Hahiroth Some attempts toward an Egyptian etymology for it have been made, but without much success. Since the meaning of the name is unknown and no description of the place or its use is given, it is impossible to determine anything concerning the character of Pi-Hahiroth, whether a city, a sanctuary, a fortress, or some natural feature of the landscape.<P>2. Location:<P>Neither Pi-Hahiroth nor any other place mentioned with it can be exactly located. A recent discovery of manuscripts in Egypt furnishes a mention of this place, but affords very little assistance in locating it, nothing comparable to the account in the Bible itself. If any one of the places mentioned in connection with the crossing of the Red Sea could be located approximately, all the others could, also, be similarly located by the description given in the account in Exodus. The route beyond the Sea has been made out with almost positive certainty. A journey along the way is so convincing that hardly anything can shake the conviction which it produces. This identification of the route of the exodus beyond the Sea requires the place of the crossing to be within 3 days\' journey of Marah, which puts it somewhere near the modern Suez. It may be anywhere within 10 miles of that point. This approximately locates all the other places mentioned in connection with the crossing: Migdol must be Ras \'Ataqah, or some other high point in the mountains of the western deserts, where might be placed a watchtower. Pi-Hahiroth is between this point and the Sea and Baal-zephon near the opposite eastern shore. This puts Pi-Hahiroth at some point along the old shore line of the Sea within 10 miles of the site of modern Suez.``93';
|
|
isbe[6933]='Picture`pik\'-tur: This word (in the plural) is found 3 times in the King James Version, namely, <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',33,52);">Nu 33:52</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',2,16);">Isa 2:16</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Pro\',25,11);">Pr 25:11</a>. In Numbers and Proverbs "pictures" represents the Hebrew word maskith, "showpiece" "figure." The context in Numbers suggests that the "pictures" or "carved figures" (the Revised Version (British and American) "figured stones") which the Israelites were to destroy were symbols of Canaanite worship and therefore foreign to the religion of Yahweh. In Proverbs for the King James Version "pictures of silver," the English Revised Version has "baskets (the American Standard Revised Version "network") of silver," but a more probable translation is "carvings of silver." "Pictures" stands for a slightly different word (but from the same root) in Isaiah, namely, sekhuyoth; the Revised Version (British and American) renders "imagery" (the Revised Version margin "watchtowers"). The prophet probably alludes to carved figures (of gods in animal or human shapes) on the prows of vessels.``103';
|
|
isbe[6934]='Piece`pes: In the King James Version the word (singular and plural) represents a large number of different Hebrew words, many of which have more or less the same significance, e.g. piece of meat or flesh (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',15,10);">Ge 15:10</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',6,19);">2Sa 6:19</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',24,4);">Eze 24:4</a>); of bread or cake (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',2,36);">1Sa 2:36</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',30,12);">30:12</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',37,21);">Jer 37:21</a>); of ground or land (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',23,11);">2Sa 23:11</a>); of wall (<a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',3,11,19);">Ne 3:11,19</a>); of an ear (<a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',3,12);">Am 3:12</a>); of cloth or garment (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',11,30);">1Ki 11:30</a>); of millstone (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',9,53);">Jud 9:53</a>). It is used frequently in paraphrastic renderings of various Hebrew verbs: "break," "tear," "cut," etc., in pieces (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',44,28);">Ge 44:28</a>, etc.).<P>In the New Testament "piece" renders epiblema, "piece" or "patch of cloth" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',9,16);">Mt 9:16</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',2,21);">Mr 2:21</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',5,36);">Lu 5:36</a>). It is also found in paraphrastic renderings—broken in pieces (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',5,4);">Mr 5:4</a>), pulled in pieces (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',23,10);">Ac 23:10</a>).``103';
|
|
isbe[6935]='Piece of Gold`The word "pieces" is supplied in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',5,5);">2Ki 5:5</a> (story of Naaman), "6,000 pieces of gold," where the Revised Version margin more correctly suggests "shekels" (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',10,16);">1Ki 10:16</a>).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=MONEY">MONEY</a>`1';
|
|
isbe[6936]='Piece of Money`Two words are thus rendered in the King James Version (qesitah; stater). the Revised Version (British and American) gives only the first this rendering (<a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',42,11);">Job 42:11</a>). It is supposed to be from Arabic qassaT, "to divide equally by weight," and hence, something weighed; a piece of silver weighed for money, and perhaps stamped with its weight. The stater is the well-known Greek weight and coin (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',17,27);">Mt 17:27</a> the King James Version, margin, "stater," the Revised Version (British and American) "shekel"). In gold it was equal to about a guinea or five dollars, but in silver only to about 66 cents (in 1915).``1';
|
|
isbe[6937]='Piece of Silver`Two words are thus rendered in the Old Testament (ratstse-khaceph, and qesitah) and two in the New Testament argurion, and drachme). The first expression means pieces of silver broken off from bars or larger pieces (<a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',68,30);">Ps 68:30</a>). The second is used for money in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',24,32);">Jos 24:32</a>, and is so rendered in the Revised Version (British and American). The pieces were not coins, but perhaps bore a stamp. See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=MONEY">MONEY</a>. In other passages of the Old Testament where pieces of silver are mentioned, the Hebrew has simply a numeral joined with keteph, "silver," as in the account of the selling of Joseph (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',37,28);">Ge 37:28</a>). In <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',7,23);">Isa 7:23</a> the word silverlings means small pieces of silver, and they were no doubt shekels. In the New Testament the Greek arguria (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',26,15);">Mt 26:15</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',27,\'3-9\');">27:3-9</a>), is translated as pieces of silver, but probably means shekels. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',19,19);">Ac 19:19</a> the same word occurs, but in this case the reference is probably to the denarius or drachma (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',15,8);">Lu 15:8</a>f). Thus, the 30 pieces of Matthew would be equal to about 4 British pounds or $20 (in 1915), and the 50,000 of Acts to about 2,000 British pounds or $10,000 (in 1915).``138';
|
|
isbe[6938]='Piety`pi\'-e-ti: Only in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ti\',5,4);">1Ti 5:4</a>: "Let them learn first to show piety toward their own family," where "let them show piety" represents a single Greek verb (eusebeo), in its only other occurrence (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',17,23);">Ac 17:23</a>) being rendered "worship." In Elizabethan English "piety" (like the Latin pietas) could be used of devotion to one\'s parents (as still in the phrase "filial piety"), as well as of devotion to God. Hence, there is no explicit statement here that filial devotion is one form of divine worship.``1';
|
|
isbe[6939]='Pigeon`pij\'-un (yonah; peristera; Latin pipire): A bird of the family Columbidae. See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=DOVE">DOVE</a>. The Hebrew yonah seems to be translated either pigeon or dove, yet almost every reference made to these birds proves that there were distinct branches of the family recognized, and one or the other or both are designated. On the other hand, some of the translations read doves, where the remainder of the text makes it very clear that pigeons were the birds intended, The Latin pipire means "to cheep," and refers to the unusually clamorous young in the nest. The old birds coo, moan and wail as doves. The birds are almost 12 inches long, have full, plump bodies that are delicious food, and beautifully marked and shaded plumage. They feed principally on grain, seeds, small buds and fruit. Beyond question wild pigeons were the first birds domesticated and taught to home with man. They appeared in a state of such complete domestication, that they flew free, yet homed and bred in places provided by man at the time of the very first attempts at keeping records of history. At the time the earliest Biblical accounts were written, pigeons were so domesticated that in all known countries of the East they were reckoned when an estimate was made of a man\'s wealth.<P>The rich provided large and expensive cotes of molded pottery for their birds, each section big enough for the home of one pair of birds, the regular rows of openings resembling lattice work, so that Isaiah refers to them as "windows" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',60,8);">Isa 60:8</a>). Septuagint reads sun nossois, literally, "with young" or "fledglings" (see below). The middle classes modeled cotes of oven-baked clay, and the very poor cut holes in the walls, over the doors, and allowed the birds to enter and live with the family.<P>In wild estate, rock and wood pigeons swarmed in countless numbers through rocky caves and caverns and over the plains of Gennesaret, the forests of Gilead and the woody slopes of Carmel. They remained throughout the season, breeding at all times. The doves were migratory, and were kept in confinement only as caged pets or to be held for sale for sacrifice. For these purposes, it appears that the dove was slightly preferred. When only one bird was to be used, a dove is always specified; where two, almost in every case the dove is mentioned first. Where one or the other will suffice, the dove seems to have been given preference. This may have been because it required greater effort to procure a dove, and so it was considered a greater sacrifice. Everyone having a home of any sort had pigeons they could use, or they could be taken wild at any time. The dove is first mentioned in <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',15,9);">Ge 15:9</a>: "And he said unto him, Take me a heifer three years old, and a she-goat three years old, and a ram three years old, and a turtle-dove, and a young pigeon."<P>It will be observed that the dove is mentioned first, and it is specified that the pigeon was to be young. It is probable that the people protected their domesticated pigeons by using the wild for sacrifice, whenever possible. Young birds could be taken from a nest at almost any time. The old birds, among the wild, were shy creatures and far more difficult to capture in nets or snares than doves that came close to cities and villages to live, and exhibited much less fear of man than the wild pigeons. The next reference is in <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',5,7);">Le 5:7</a>: "And if his means suffice not for a lamb, then he shall bring his trespass-offering for that wherein he hath sinned, two turtle-doves, or two young pigeons, unto Yahweh; one for a sin-offering, and the other for a burnt-offering." Here two birds of each kind were to be offered, if the person making the sacrifice could not afford a lamb. Again in <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',12,6);">Le 12:6</a>: "And when the days of her purifying are fulfilled, for a son, or for a daughter, she shall bring a lamb a year old for a burnt-offering, and a young pigeon, or a turtledove, for a sin offering, unto the door of the tent of meeting, unto the priest." Here is a rare instance where the text or the translators place the pigeon first.<P>"And on the eighth day he shall bring two turtle-doves, or two young pigeons, to the priest, to the door of the tent of meeting" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',6,10);">Nu 6:10</a>). In <a onClick="return mV(\'Sgs\',2,14);">So 2:14</a>:<P class="in15">"O my dove, that art in the clefts of the rock,<br>In the covert of the steep place,<br>Let me see thy countenance,<br>Let me hear thy voice;<br>For sweet is thy voice, and thy countenance is comely."<p>Here the text reads "dove," but the description of the location and the implication of the text prove the bird to have been a rock pigeon—a tender, loving thing, yet shy and timid, that peeps with eyes of bright concern over the rocks of its chosen home, down at the intruder. <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',60,8);">Isa 60:8</a>: "Who are these that fly as a cloud, and as the doves to their windows?" Here is another place where the wrong bird is used. Doves were wild and migratory. They had no "windows." But the tile pots massed in one diamond-shaped cote appeared at a little distance, like latticed windows. This should read "pigeons" instead of "doves." For the same reason see <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',48,28);">Jer 48:28</a>: "O ye inhabitants of Moab, leave the cities and dwell in the rock; and be like the dove that maketh her nest over the mouth of the abyss." Again the bird intended is the rock pigeon. <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',2,24);">Lu 2:24</a>: "A sacrifice according to that which is said in the law of the Lord, A pair of turtledoves, or two young pigeons." This describes the sacrifice offered in the temple by Mary following the birth of Jesus.``167';
|
|
isbe[6940]='Pilate, Acts of``<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=PILATE">PILATE</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=APOCRYPHAL+GOSPELS">APOCRYPHAL GOSPELS</a>`1';
|
|
isbe[6941]='Pilate; Pontius`pi\'-lat, pi\'-lat, pon\'-shi-us (Pontios Peilatos):<P>1. Name and Office<P>2. Pilate\'s Procuratorship<P>3. Pilate and Jesus Christ<P>4. Pilate in Tradition and Legend<P>5. Character of Pilate<P>LITERATURE<hr /><P>1. Name and Office:<P>The nomen Pontius indicates the stock from which Pilate was descended. It was one of the most famous of Samnite names; it was a Pontius who inflicted on a Roman army the disgrace of the Caudine Forks. The name is often met with in Roman history after the Samnites were conquered and absorbed. Lucius Pontius Aquila was a friend of Cicero and one of the assassins of Julius Caesar. The cognomen Pilatus indicates the familia, or branch of the gens Pontius, to which Pilate belonged. It has been derived from pileus, the cap worn by freedmen; this is improbable, as Pilate was of equestrian rank. It has also been derived from pilum, a spear. Probably the name was one that had descended to Pilate from his ancestors, and had long lost its meaning. The praenomen is nowhere mentioned. Pilate was 5th procurator of Judea. The province of Judea had formerly been the kingdom of Archclaus, and was formed when he was deposed (6 AD) Speaking roughly, it took in the southern half of Palestine, including Samaria. Being an imperial province (i.e. under the direct control of the emperor), it was governed by a procurator (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=PROCURATOR">PROCURATOR</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=PROVINCE">PROVINCE</a>). The procurator was the personal servant of the emperor, directly responsible to him, and was primarily concerned with finance. But the powers of procurators varied according to the appointment of the emperor. Pilate was a procurator cum porestate, i.e. he possessed civil, military, and criminal jurisdiction. The procurator of Judea was in some way subordinate to the legate of Syria, but the exact character of the subordination is not known. As a rule a procurator must be of equestrian rank and a man of certain military experience. Under his rule, the Jews were allowed as much self-government as was consistent with the maintenance of imperial authority. The Sanhedrin was allowed to exercise judicial functions, but if they desired to inflict the penalty of death, the sentence had to be confirmed by the procurator.<P>2. Pilate\'s Procuratorship:<P>We have no certain knowledge of Pilate except in connection with his time of rule in Judea. We know nothing of his birth, his origin, or his earlier years. Tacitus, when speaking of the cruel punishments inflicted by Nero upon the Christians, tells us that Christ, from whom the name "Christian" was derived, was put to death when Tiberius was emperor by the procurator Pontius Pilate (Annals xv.44). Apart from this reference and what is told us in the New Testament, all our knowledge of him is derived from two Jewish writers, Josephus the historian and Philo of Alexandria.<P>Pilate was procurator of Judea, in succession to Gratus, and he held office for 10 years. Josephus tells (Ant., XVIII, iv, 2) that he ruled for 10 years; that he was removed from office by Vitellius, the legate of Syria, and traveled in haste to Rome to defend himself before Tiberius against certain complaints. Before he reached Rome the emperor had passed away. Josephus adds that Vitellius came in the year 36 AD to Judea to be present at Jerusalem at the time of the Passover. It has been assumed by most authorities (so HDB and EB) that Pilate had departed before this visit of Vitellius. They accordingly date the procuratorship of Pilate as lasting from 26 to 36 AD. As against this view, yon Dobschutx points out (RE under the word "Pilate") that by this reckoning Pilate must have taken at least a year to get to Rome; for Tiberius died on March. 16, 37 AD. Such delay is inconceivable in view of the circumstances; hence, von Dobschutz rightly dates the period of his procuratorship 27-37 AD. The procurator of Judea had no easy task, nor did Pilate make the task easier by his actions. He was not careful to conciliate the religious prejudices of the Jews, and at times this attitude of his led to violent collisions between ruler and ruled.<P>On one occasion, when the soldiers under his command came to Jerusalem, he caused them to bring with them their ensigns, upon which were the usual images of the emperor. The ensigns were brought in privily by night, put their presence was soon discovered. Immediately multitudes of excited Jews hastened to Caesarea to petition him for the removal of the obnoxious ensigns. For five days he refused to hear them, but on the sixth he took his place on the judgment seat, and when the Jews were admitted he had them surrounded with soldiers and threatened them with instant death unless they ceased to trouble him with the matter. The Jews thereupon flung themselves on the ground and bared their necks, declaring that they preferred death to the violation of their laws. Pilate, unwilling to slay so many, yielded the point and removed the ensigns (Josephus, Ant, XVIII, iii, 1; BJ, II, ix,2,3).<P>At another time he used the sacred treasure of the temple, called corban (qorban), to pay for bringing water into Jerusalem by an aqueduct. A crowd came together and clamored against him; but he had caused soldiers dressed as civilians to mingle with the multitude, and at a given signal they fell upon the rioters and beat them so severely with staves that the riot was quelled (Josephus, Ant, XVIII, iii, 2; BJ, II, ix, 4).<P>Philo tells us (Legatio ad Caium, xxxviii) that on other occasion he dedicated some gilt shields in the palace of Herod in honor of the emperor. On these shields there was no representation of any forbidden thing, but simply an inscription of the name of the donor and of him in whose honor they were set up. The Jews petitioned him to have them removed; when he refused, they appealed to Tiberius, who sent an order that they should be removed to Caesarea.<P>Of the incident, mentioned in <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',13,1);">Lu 13:1</a>, of the Galileans whose blood Pilate mingled with their sacrifices, nothing further is known.<P>Josephus (Ant., XVIII, iv,1,2) gives an account of the incident which led to Pilate\'s downfall. A religious pretender arose in Samaria who promised the Samaritans that if they would assemble at Mt. Gerizim, he would show them the sacred vessels which Moses had hidden there. A great multitude assembled in readiness to ascend the mountain, but before they could accomplish their aim they were attacked by Pilate\'s cavalry, and many of them were slain. The Samaritans thereupon sent an embassy to Vitellius, the legate of Syria, to accuse Pilate of the murder of those who had been slain. Vitellius, who desired to stand well with the Jews, deposed Pilate from office, appointed Marcellus in his place, and ordered Pilate to go to Rome and answer the charges made against him before the emperor. Pilate set out for Rome, but, before he could reach it, Tiberius had died; and it is probable that, in the confusion which followed, Pilate escaped the inquisition with which he was threatened. From this point onward history knows nothing more of Pilate.<P>3. Pilate and Jesus Christ:<P>The shortest and simplest account of Pilate\'s dealings with Jesus Christ is given in the Gospel of Mark. There we are told that Jesus was delivered to Pilate; that Pilate asked Him if He was the king of the Jews, receiving an affirmative answer; that, to Pilate\'s surprise, Jesus answered nothing to the accusations of the chief priests; that Pilate tried to release Jesus according to an ancient custom; that the multitude, in spite of the protest of Pilate, demanded the release of Barabbas, and cried out that Jesus should be crucified; that Pilate scourged Jesus and delivered Him to be crucified; and that Jesus, when He had been scourged and mocked, was led away to be crucified. Mark tells further how Joseph of Arimathea begged of Pilate the body of Jesus. Pilate was surprised that Jesus died so quickly, and questioned the centurion about it. Pilate\'s surprise and question are peculiar to Mark. Being satisfied on this point, Pilate granted the body to Joseph. Matthew adds the dream and message of Pilate\'s wife (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',27,19);">27:19</a>); it also tells how Pilate washed his hands before the people, disclaiming responsibility for the death of Jesus, and how the people accepted the responsibility (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',27,24);">27:24</a>f); also how Pilate granted a guard for the tomb (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',27,\'62-66\');">27:62-66</A>). Luke alone narrates the sending of Jesus to Herod (<a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',27,\'6-12\');">23:6-12</A>), and reports Pilate\'s three times repeated asseveration that he found no fault in Jesus (<a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',23,4,14,22);">23:4,14,22</a>). John gives by far the fullest narrative, which forms a framework into which the more fragmentary accounts of the Synoptics can be fitted with perfect ease. Some critics, holding that Mark alone is trustworthy, dismiss the additional incidents given in Matthew and Luke as apologetic amplifications; and many dismiss the narrative of John as wholly unworthy of credence. Such theories are based on preconceived opinions as to the date, authorship and reliability of the various Gospels. The reader who holds all the Gospels to be, in the main, authentic and trustworthy narratives will have no difficulty in perceiving that all four narratives, when taken together, present a story consistent in all its details and free from all difficulty. See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=GOSPELS">GOSPELS</a>. It should be noted that John evidently had special opportunities of obtaining exacter knowledge than that possessed by the others, as he was present at every stage of the trial; and that his narrative makes clear what is obscure in the accounts of the Synoptics.<P>The parts may be fitted together thus: Jesus is brought to Pilate (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',27,2);">Mt 27:2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',15,1);">Mr 15:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',23,1);">Lu 23:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',18,28);">Joh 18:28</a>). Pilate asks for a specific accusation (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',18,\'29-32\');">Joh 18:29-32</a>). Pilate enters the praetorium, questions Jesus about His alleged kingship, and receives the answer that He rules over the kingdom of truth, and over the hearts of men who acknowledge the truth. Pilate asks: "What is truth?" (reported briefly in <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',27,11);">Mt 27:11</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',15,2);">Mr 15:2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',23,3);">Lu 23:3</a>, and with more detail <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',18,\'33-38\');">Joh 18:33-38</a>). Pilate brings Him forth (this is the only detail that needs to be supplied in order to make the harmony complete, and in itself it is probable enough), and many accusations are made against Him, to which, to Pilate\'s surprise, He makes no reply (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',27,\'12-14\');">Mt 27:12-14</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',15,\'3-5\');">Mr 15:3-5</a>). Pilate affirms His innocence, but the charges are repeated (<a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',23,4);">Lu 23:4</a>f). Pilate sends Him to Herod, who in mockery clothes Him in shining raiment, and sends Him back (<a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',23,\'6-12\');">Lu 23:6-12</a>). Pilate declares that neither Herod or himself can find any fault in Him, and offers to scourge Him and let Him go (<a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',23,\'13-16\');">Lu 23:13-16</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',18,38);">Joh 18:38</a>). Pilate offers to release Jesus in accordance with an ancient custom (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',27,\'15-18\');">Mt 27:15-18</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',15,\'6-10\');">Mr 15:6-10</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',18,39);">Joh 18:39</a>). Pilate\'s wife sends him a message warning him not to harm Jesus because she has suffered many things in a dream because of Him (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',27,19);">Mt 27:19</a>). The people, persuaded thereto by the chief priests and elders, choose Barabbas, and, in spite of the repeated protests of Pilate, demand that Jesus shall be crucified (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',27,\'20-23\');">Mt 27:20-23</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',15,\'11-14\');">Mr 15:11-14</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',23,\'18-23\');">Lu 23:18-23</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',18,40);">Joh 18:40</a>). Pilate washes his hands before the people, and they take the guilt of the deed upon themselves and their children (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',27,24);">Mt 27:24</a>f). Pilate releases Barabbas and orders Jesus to be scourged (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',27,26);">Mt 27:26</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',15,15);">Mr 15:15</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',23,24);">Lu 23:24</a>f). Jesus is scourged and mocked, buffered and spit upon (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',27,\'27-31\');">Mt 27:27-31</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',15,\'16-20\');">Mr 15:16-20</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',19,\'1-3\');">Joh 19:1-3</a>). Pilate again declares the innocence of Jesus, brings Him out, and says: "Behold the man!" The chief priests and officers cry out: "Crucify him!" They accuse Him of making Himself the Son of God. Pilate, becoming more afraid at this saying, once more interviews the prisoner in the praetorium. He again tries to release Him, but is accused of treachery to the emperor. Overborne by this, Pilate sits on the judgment seat (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=GABBATHA">GABBATHA</a>), and says: "Behold your King!" Again the cry goes up: "Away with him, crucify him!" Pilate says: "Shall I crucify your King?" The chief priests answered with a final renunciation of all that God had given them, saying: "We have no king but Caesar" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',19,\'4-15\');">Joh 19:4-15</a>). Pilate sentences Jesus and gives Him up to be crucified, and He is led away (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',27,31);">Mt 27:31</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',15,20);">Mr 15:20</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',23,26);">Lu 23:26</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',19,16);">Joh 19:16</a>). Pilate writes a title for the cross, and refuses to alter it (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',19,\'19-22\');">Joh 19:19-22</a>). The Jews ask of Pilate that the legs of the three who were crucified might be broken (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',19,31);">Joh 19:31</a>). Joseph of Arimathea begs the body of Jesus from Pilate (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',27,57,58);">Mt 27:57,58</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',15,42);">Mr 15:42</a>f; <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',23,\'50-52\');">Lu 23:50-52</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',19,38);">Joh 19:38</a>). Pilate is surprised that Jesus has died so soon, and questions the centurion (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',15,44);">Mr 15:44</a>). He gives up to Joseph the body of Jesus (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',27,58);">Mt 27:58</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',15,45);">Mr 15:45</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',19,38);">Joh 19:38</a>). The chief priests and the Pharisees obtain permission from Pilate to take precautions against any theft of the body of Jesus (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',27,\'62-66\');">Mt 27:62-66</a>).<P>Pilate is mentioned three times in Acts: in a speech of Peter (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',3,13);">3:13</a>), in a thanksgiving of the church (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',4,27);">4:27</A>), and in a speech of Paul (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',13,28);">13:28</a>). He is also mentioned in 1 Timothy (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ti\',6,13);">6:13</a>) as the one before whom Christ Jesus witnessed the good confession.<P>4. Pilate in Tradition and Legend:<P>Eusebius, who lived in the 4th centuries, tells us (Historia Ecclesiastica, II) on the authority of certain Greek historians that Pilate fell into such calamities that he committed suicide. Various apocryphal writings have come down to us, written from the 3rd to the 5th centuries, with others of a later date, in which legendary details are given about Pilate. In all these a favorable view is taken of his character; hence, the Coptic church came to believe that he became a Christian, and enrolled him among the number of its saints. His wife, to whom tradition gives the name of Claudia Procula, or Procla, is said to have been a Jewish proselyte at the time of the death of Jesus, and afterward to have become a Christian. Her name is honored along with Pilate\'s in the Coptic church, and in the calendar of saints honored by the Greek church her name is found against the date October 27.<P>We find not unkindly references to Pilate in the recently discovered fragment of the Gospel of Peter, which was composed in the 2nd century. In the so-called Gospel of Nicodemus, which belongs to the 4th or 5th century, we find in the first part, called the Acts of Pilate, a long account of the trial of Jesus. It tells how the standards in the hall of judgment bowed down before Jesus, in spite of the efforts of the standard-bearers, and others who attempted it, to hold them erect. It tells also how many of those who had been healed by Jesus bore testimony to Him at the trial (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=APOCRYPHAL+GOSPELS">APOCRYPHAL GOSPELS</a>). There has also come down to us, in various forms (e.g. in the Acts of Peter and Paul), a letter, supposed to be the report of Pilate to Tiberius, narrating the proceedings of the trial, and speaking of Jesus in the highest terms of praise. Eusebius, when he mentions this letter, avers that Tiberius, on perusing it, was incensed against the Jews who had sought the death of Jesus (Historia Ecclesiastica, II, 2). Elsewhere (Historia Ecclesiastica, IX, 5) he recounts that under Maximin forged Acts of Pilate, containing blasphemies against Christ, were circulated with consent of the emperor. None of these, if they ever existed, have come down to us. In the Paradosis Pilati we read that Caesar, being angry with Pilate for what he had done, brought him to Rome as a prisoner, and examined him. When the Christ was named, all the gods in the senate-chamber fell down and were broken. Caesar ordered war to be made on the Jews, and Pilate, after praying to Jesus, was beheaded. The head was taken away by an angel, and Procla, seeing this, died of joy. Another narrative, of late date, recounts that Pilate, at his trial, wore the seamless robe of Jesus; for this reason Caesar, though filled with anger, could not so much as say a harsh word to Pilate; but when the robe was taken off, he condemned Pilate to death. On hearing this, Pilate committed suicide. The body was sunk in the Tiber, but such storms were raised by demons on account of this that it was taken up and sunk in the Rhone at Vienne. The same trouble recurred there, and the body was finally buried in the territory of Losania (Lausanne). Tradition connects Mt. Pilatus with his name, although it is probable that the derivation is from pileatus, i.e. the mountain with a cloud-cap.<P>5. Character of Pilate:<P>Philo (Legatio ad Caium, xxxviii) speaks of Pilate in terms of the severest condemnation. According to him, Pilate was a man of a very inflexible disposition, and very merciless as well as obstinate. Philo calls him a man of most ferocious passions, and speaks of his corruption, his acts of insolence, his rapine, his habit of insulting people, his cruelty, his continual murders of people untried and uncondemned, and his never-ending and most grievous inhumanity. This is very highly colored and probably much exaggerated; certainly the instances given do not bear out this description of the man. Much of what he says of Pilate is in direct opposition to what we learn of him in the Gospels. There he appears to us as a man who, in spite of many undoubted faults, tries hard to conduct the trial with fairness. Pilate had the ethics of his class, and obviously tried to act up to the standard which he had formed. There was in him, however, no deep moral basis of character, as is shown by the utter skepticism of his question, "What is truth?" When he found that the doing of strict justice threatened to endanger his position, he reluctantly and with a great deal of shame gave way to the demands of the Jews. He sent Jesus to the cross, but not before he had exhausted every expedient for saving Him, except the simple and straightforward one of dismissing the case. He had the haughtiness of the dominant race, and a profound contempt for the people over which he ruled. This contempt, as we have seen, continually brought him into trouble. He felt deeply humiliated at having to give way to those whom he utterly despised, and, in the manner of a small mind, revenged himself on them by calling Christ their king, and by refusing to alter the mocking inscription on the cross. It is certain that Pilate, in condemning Jesus, acted, and knew that he acted against his conscience. He knew what was right, but for selfish and cowardly reasons refused to do it. He was faced by a great moral emergency, and he failed. We rest on the judgment of our Lord, that he was guilty, but not so guilty as the leaders of the chosen people.<P>LITERATURE.<P>The Gospels; Philo, Legatio ad Caium; Josephus, Josephus, Antiquities and BJ; the Annals of Tacitus; Eusebius, HE; Walker, Apocryphal Gospels, Acts, and Revelations in the "Ante-Nicene Christian Library," and for the Gospel according to Peter, volume IX of the same series err, New Testament Apocryphal Writings ("Temple Bible Series"), gives the text of the Gospel of Nicodemus and the Gospel of Peter.<P>There is a great mass of literature on the subject, but there is no English monograph on Pontius Pilate. In German there is G.A. Muller, Pontius Pilatus der funfe Prokurator von Judaa (Stuttgart, 1888). See also the various articles on Pilate in books of reference on the New Testament, notably RE (von Dobschiitz), HDB (G. T. Purves), DCG (A. Souter), and Encyclopedia Biblica (W. J. Woodhouse). For the name of-Pilate see the articles on "Pontius Pilatus et les Pontii" by Ollivier in Review Biblical, volume V. For the Apocryphal Gospels see article on "Gospel of Nicodemus" in HDB, also article "Apocryphal Gospels," in the supplementary volume of HDB; Orr, New Testament Apocryphal Writings; Zahn, Geschichte des New Testament Kanons; Harnack, Altchristliche Litteraturgeschichte. For the trial of Jesus see Lives of Christ by Keim, Edersheim, Stalker, Andrews and others; Taylor Innes, Trial of Jesus Christ, a Legal Monograph, 1899; and for the historical background, Schurer, HJP.``195';
|
|
isbe[6942]='Pildash`pil\'-dash (pildash, "steely"): Nephew of Abram (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',22,22);">Ge 22:22</a>).``1';
|
|
isbe[6943]='Pile`pil (medhurah, from dur, "heap up"): <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',30,33);">Isa 30:33</a>, "The pile thereof is fire and much wood"; <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',24,9,10);">Eze 24:9,10</a>, "I also will make the pile great. Heap on the wood, make the fire hot." <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',30,33);">Isa 30:33</a> may be paraphrased, \'the pyre thereof is of much wood, burning fiercely.\'`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TOPHETH">TOPHETH</a>`1';
|
|
isbe[6944]='Pileha`pil\'-e-ha, pi\'-le-ha.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=PILHA">PILHA</a>`1';
|
|
isbe[6945]='Pilgrim; Pilgrimage`pil\'-grim, pil\'-grimaj: "Pilgrim" in English Versions of the Bible for parepidemos (<a onClick="return mV(\'Hbr\',11,13);">Heb 11:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Pe\',2,11);">1Pe 2:11</a>). "Pilgrimage" for maghor (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',47,9);">Ge 47:9</a> (the Revised Version margin "sojournings"); <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',119,54);">Ps 119:54</a>; and (the King James Version) <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',6,4);">Ex 6:4</a> (the Revised Version (British and American) "sojournings")). Both the Hebrew (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=GER">GER</a>) and Greek words contain the idea of foreign residence, but it is the residence and not travel that is implied. Consequently "pilgrim" is a poor translation, and "sojourner," "sojourning" should have been used throughout. In the New Testament passages heaven is thought of as the contrasted permanent dwelling-place, while the Old Testament usages seem to be without a contrast definitely in mind.``1';
|
|
isbe[6946]='Pilha`pil\'-ha (pilcha\', "ploughman" (plowman); the King James Version Pileha): One of those who signed Nehemiah\'s covenant (<a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',10,24);">Ne 10:24</a>)``1';
|
|
isbe[6947]='Pill``<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=PEEL">PEEL</a>`1';
|
|
isbe[6948]='Pillar`pil\'-ar (matstsebhah, \'ammudh; stulos): In a good many cases the Revised Version (British and American) substitutes "pillars" for the King James Version "images" (matstsebhoth, <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',34,13);">Ex 34:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',7,5);">De 7:5</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',14,23);">1Ki 14:23</a>, etc.). In <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',19,26);">Ge 19:26</a>, where "pillar of salt" is given, the word is netsibh; in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',2,8);">1Sa 2:8</a> it is matsuq; while in most other single uses the Revised Version margin gives variant renderings, as in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',9,6);">Jud 9:6</a> (mutstsabh), the Revised Version margin "garrison"; in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',10,12);">1Ki 10:12</a> (mic\'adh), the Revised Version margin "\'a railing,\' Hebrew \'a prop\'"; in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',18,16);">2Ki 18:16</a> (\'omenoth), the Revised Version margin "doorposts." The matstsebhoth were (1) memorial pillars, as in the "pillars" of Jacob at Bethel (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',28,18,22);">Ge 28:18,22</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',31,13);">Ge 31:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',35,14);">35:14</a>), in covenant with Laban (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',31,45);">Ge 31:45</a>), at Rachel\'s grave (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',35,20);">Ge 35:20</a>); Absalom\'s pillar (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',18,18);">2Sa 18:18</a>). Such pillars were legitimate (theory of a fetishistic character is not grounded); it is predicted in <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',19,19);">Isa 19:19</a> that such a pillar would be set up to Yahweh at the border of Egypt. (2) Idolatrous pillars, in Canaanitish and other heathen worships. These were to be ruthlessly broken down (the King James Version "images," see above; <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',23,24);">Ex 23:24</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',34,13);">34:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',7,5);">De 7:5</a>, etc.; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',26,1);">Le 26:1</a>). See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=IMAGES">IMAGES</a>. The other word, \'ammudh, is used of the pillar of cloud and fire (see below); of the pillars of the tabernacle and temple (see under the word); of the two pillars <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=JACHIN+AND+BOAZ">JACHIN AND BOAZ</a> (which see); poetically of the "pillars" of heaven, of earth (<a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',9,6);">Job 9:6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',26,11);">26:11</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',75,3);">Ps 75:3</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',99,7);">99:7</a>), etc. In the few instances of the word in the New Testament, the use is figurative. James, Cephas and John were reputed to be pillars" of the church at Jerusalem (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gal\',2,9);">Ga 2:9</a>); the church is "the pillar and ground of the truth" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ti\',3,15);">1Ti 3:15</a>); he that overcomes is made "a pillar" in the temple of God (<a onClick="return mV(\'Rev\',3,12);">Re 3:12</a>); a strong angel had feet "as pillars of fire" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Rev\',10,1);">Re 10:1</a>).<P>Pillar of Cloud and Fire:<P>The visible manifestation of the divine presence in the journeyings of Israel at the time of the Exodus. Yahweh, it is narrated, went before the people "by day in a pillar of cloud, to lead them the way, and by night in a pillar of fire, to give them light ..... The pillar of cloud by day, and the pillar of fire by night, departed not from before the people" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',13,21,22);">Ex 13:21,22</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',14,19,24);">Ex 14:19,24</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',14,14);">Nu 14:14</a>). When the congregation was at rest, the cloud abode over the tabernacle (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',40,36);">Ex 40:36</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',9,17);">Nu 9:17</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',14,14);">14:14</a>). When Yahweh wished to communicate His will to Moses, the pillar descended to the door of the Tent of Meeting (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',33,\'9-11\');">Ex 33:9-11</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',12,5);">Nu 12:5</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',31,15);">De 31:15</a>). These descriptions are not to be rationalistically explained; what is depicted is a true theophany. Criticism has sought to establish discrepancies between the allusions to the cloud in the JE and the P parts of the narrative, but these are not made out without straining; e.g. it is not the case that JE alone represents Yahweh as speaking with Moses in the cloud at the door of the tabernacle. The same representation is found in <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',29,42,43);">Ex 29:42,43</a>, ascribed to Pillar. An acute discussion of the alleged discrepancies may be seen in H.M. Wiener, Essays in Pentateuchal Criticism, 82ff.``132';
|
|
isbe[6949]='Pillar of Salt``<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=SLIME">SLIME</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=LOT">LOT</a>`1';
|
|
isbe[6950]='Pillar, Plain of the``<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=PLAIN+OF+THE+PILLAR">PLAIN OF THE PILLAR</a>`1';
|
|
isbe[6951]='Pillars of the Earth``<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ASTRONOMY">ASTRONOMY</a>`1';
|
|
isbe[6952]='Pillow`pil\'-o.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=BOLSTER">BOLSTER</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=CUSHION">CUSHION</a>`1';
|
|
isbe[6953]='Pilot`pi\'-lot.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=SHIPS+AND+BOATS">SHIPS AND BOATS</a>`1';
|
|
isbe[6954]='Piltai`pil\'-ti, pil-ta\'-i (piltay, probably "Yahweh delivers"): One of the priests, described as "the chiefs of the fathers," in the days of Joiakim (<a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',12,17);">Ne 12:17</a>).``1';
|
|
isbe[6955]='Pin`(yathedh, from yathadh, "to drive in a peg"(?)): A cylindrical piece of wood or metal (e.g. brass, <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',27,19);">Ex 27:19</a>) such as that used by weavers in beating up the woof in the loom (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',16,14);">Jud 16:14</a>, where Delilah fastened Samson\'s hair with the "pin"); or as a peg for hanging (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',15,3);">Eze 15:3</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',22,23);">Isa 22:23</a>f; <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',9,8);">Ezr 9:8</a>); or as a tent-pin, such as those used in the tabernacle (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',27,19);">Ex 27:19</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',35,18);">35:18</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',38,20,31);">38:20,31</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',39,40);">39:40</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',3,37);">Nu 3:37</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',4,32);">4:32</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',4,21);">Jud 4:21</a>, where the King James Version translates "nail," the Revised Version (British and American) "tent-pin"; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',5,26);">Jud 5:26</a>, where Hebrew has the same word, English Versions of the Bible "nail"). The tent-pin, like that of today, was probably sharpened at one end (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',4,21);">Jud 4:21</a>) and so shaped at the other as to permit the attaching of the cords so frequently mentioned in the same connection (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',35,18);">Ex 35:18</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',39,40);">39:40</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',3,37);">Nu 3:37</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',4,32);">4:32</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',33,20);">Isa 33:20</a>). From the acts of driving in the tent-pin (Taqa\') and pulling it out (nasa\') are derived the technical Hebrew terms for pitching a tent and for breaking camp.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=CRISPING+PINS">CRISPING PINS</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=STAKE">STAKE</a>`81';
|
|
isbe[6956]='Pine`pin.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=PINING+SICKNESS">PINING SICKNESS</a>`1';
|
|
isbe[6957]='Pine Tree`pin tre: (1) \'ets shemen, translated the Revised Version (British and American) "wild olive," the King James Version "pine" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',8,15);">Ne 8:15</a>); the Revised Version (British and American) "oil-tree," m "oleaster" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',41,19);">Isa 41:19</a>); "olive-wood" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',6,23);">1Ki 6:23</a>,<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',6,\'31-33\');">31-33</a>). See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=OIL+TREE">OIL TREE</a>. (2) tidhhar (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',41,19);">Isa 41:19</a>, margin "plane"; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',60,13);">Isa 60:13</a>); peuke, "fir." Lagarde, from similarity of tidhhar to the Syriac deddar, usually the "elm," considers this the best translation. Symmachus also translated tidhhar (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',41,19);">Isa 41:19</a>) by ptelea, the "elm." The elm, Ulmus campestris, is rare in Palestine and the Lebanon, though it is found today N. of Aleppo. Post (HDB, III, 592-93) considers that<P>(1) should be translated as "pine," which he describes as a "fat wood tree"; it is perhaps as probably a correct translation for<P>(2), but great uncertainty remains.<P>Two species of pine are plentiful in the Lebanon and flourish in most parts of Palestine when given a chance. These are the stone pine, Pinus pinea, and the Aleppo pine, P. halepensis; all the highlands looking toward the sea are suited to their growth.``117';
|
|
isbe[6958]='Pining Sickness`pin\'-ing, sik\'-nes: In the account of the epileptic boy in <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',9,18);">Mr 9:18</a> it is said that "he pineth away." The verb used here (xeraino) means "to dry up," and is the same which is used of the withering of plants, but seldom used in this metaphorical sense. The English word is from the Anglo-Saxon pinjan and is often found in the Elizabethan literature, occurring 13 times in Shakespeare. In the Old Testament it is found in <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',26,39);">Le 26:39</a> (bis) and in <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',24,23);">Eze 24:23</a> and <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',33,10);">33:10</A>. In the Revised Version (British and American) it replaces "consume" in <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',4,17);">Eze 4:17</a>. In all these passages it is the rendering of the Hebrew maqaq, and means expressly being wasted on account of sin. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',26,16);">Le 26:16</a> "pine away" is used in the Revised Version (British and American) to replace "cause sorrow of heart," and is the translation of the Hebrew dubh; and in <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',28,65);">De 28:65</a> "sorrow of mind" is also replaced in the Revised Version (British and American) by "pining of soul," the word so rendered being de\'abhon, which in these two passages is expressive of homesickness. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',24,16);">Isa 24:16</a> the reduplicated exclamation, "my leanness," of the King James Version is changed into "I pine away," the word being razi. The starving people in <a onClick="return mV(\'Lam\',4,9);">La 4:9</a> are said to pine away, the word so translated being zubh. All these Hebrew words have a general meaning of to dry or to waste or wear away, or to be exhausted by morbid discharges.<P>Pining sickness in <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',38,12);">Isa 38:12</a> the King James Version is a mistranslation, the word so rendered, dallah, meaning here the thrum by which the web is tied to the loom. The figure in the verse is that Hezekiah\'s life is being removed from the earth by his sickness as the web is removed from the loom by having the thrums cut, and being then rolled up. Both the King James Version margin and the Revised Version margin have the correct reading, "from the thrum." Septuagint has erithou eggizouses ektemein, and Vulgate (Jerome\'s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) dum adhuc ordirer, succidit me. The other reading is due to another interpretation of the word which in a few passages, as <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',52,15);">Jer 52:15</a>, like its root dal, means something small, poor, and decaying or weak, such as the lean kine of Pharaoh\'s dream (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',41,19);">Ge 41:19</a>).``107';
|
|
isbe[6959]='Pinion`pin\'-yun (\'ebher, \'ebhrah): the Revised Version (British and American) has translated these Hebrew words uniformly by "pinion," where the King James Version uses either "wing" or "feathers," with which words they stand in parallelism in all passages. The shorter Hebrew word is found only once, in Yahweh\'s parable to Ezekiel: "A great eagle with great wings and long pinions (the King James Version "longwinged"), full of feathers, which had divers colors, came unto Lebanon, and took the top of the cedar" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',17,3);">Eze 17:3</a>). The feminine form (\'ebhrah) is used of the wings of the dove (<a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',68,13);">Ps 68:13</a>), of the ostrich (<a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',39,13);">Job 39:13</a>) and of the eagle (<a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',32,11);">De 32:11</a>). Once (<a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',91,4);">Ps 91:4</a>) it stands in a figurative expression for the protective care of Yahweh, which is bestowed on those that trust in Him.``106';
|
|
isbe[6960]='Pinnacle`pin\'-a-k\'-l (pterugion (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',4,5);">Mt 4:5</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',4,9);">Lu 4:9</a>, the Revised Version margin "wing")) "The pinnacle of the temple" is named as the place to which the devil took Jesus, and there tempted Him to cast Himself down. It is not known what precise elevated spot is meant, whether a part of the roof of the temple itself, or some high point in the adjacent buildings overlooking the deep ravine. It was more probably the latter.``1';
|
|
isbe[6961]='Pinon`pi\'-non (pinon, "darkness"): One of the "chiefs of Edom" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',36,41);">Ge 36:41</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',1,52);">1Ch 1:52</a>).``1';
|
|
isbe[6962]='Pipe`pip.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=CANDLESTICK">CANDLESTICK</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=LAMP">LAMP</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=MUSIC">MUSIC</a>`1';
|
|
isbe[6963]='Pira`pi\'-ra (hoi ek Peirds (1Esdras 5:19)): Thought to be a repetition of <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=CAPHIRA">CAPHIRA</a> (which see) earlier in the verse.``1';
|
|
isbe[6964]='Piram`pi\'-ram (pir\'am, "indomitable"): King of Jarmuth, one of the five Amorite kings who leagued themselves against Joshua\'s invasion (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',10,3);">Jos 10:3</a>).``1';
|
|
isbe[6965]='Pirathon; Pirathonite`pir\'-a-thon, pir\'-a-thon-it (pir\'athon, pir\'athoni; Codex Vaticanus Pharathom; Codex Alexandrinus Phraathom, Pharathuneites): The home of Abdon the son of Hillel the Pirathonite (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',12,13);">Jud 12:13</a> the King James Version), where also he was buried, "in the land of Ephraim in the mount of the Amalekites." The latter name may have clung to a district which at some former time had been held by the Amalekites. From this town also came Benaiah, one of David\'s chief captains (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',23,30);">2Sa 23:30</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',11,31);">1Ch 11:31</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',27,14);">27:14</a>). It is probably to be identified with Fer\'ata, about 6 miles southwest of Nablus. A possible rival is Fir\'on, 15 miles west of Nablus. G.A. Smith suggests a position at the head of Wady Far\'ah (HGHL, 355). Moore thinks it may have been in Benjamin, Abdon being a Benjamite family (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',8,23,30);">1Ch 8:23,30</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',9,36);">9:36</a>). It is just possible that the place may be identical with Pharathon, one of the towns fortified by Bacchides (1Macc 9:50).``54';
|
|
isbe[6966]='Pisgah`piz\'-ga (ha-picgah; Phasga, to lelaxeumenon, he laxeute): This name, which has always the definite article, appears only in combination either with ro\'sh, "head," "top," or \'ashdoth, not translated in the King James Version save in <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',4,49);">De 4:49</a>, where it is rendered "springs" the Revised Version (British and American) uniformly "slopes," the Revised Version margin "springs."<P>Pisgah is identified with Nebo in <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',34,1);">De 34:1</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',3,27);">3:27</a>. "The top of Pisgah, which looketh down upon the desert" marks a stage in the march of the host of Israel (<a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',21,20);">Nu 21:20</a>). Hither Balak brought Balaam to the field of Zophim (<a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',23,14);">Nu 23:14</a>). Here Moses obtained his view of the Promised Land, and died. See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=NEBO">NEBO</a>. Many scholars (e.g. Buhl, GAP, 122; Gray, "Numbers," ICC, 291) take Pisgah as the name applying to the mountain range in which the Moab plateau terminates to the west, the "top" or "head" of Pisgah being the point in which the ridge running out westward from the main mass culminates. The summit commands a wide view, and looks down upon the desert. The identification is made surer by the name Tal\'at es-Sufa found here, which seems to correspond with the field of Zophim.<p>\'Ashdoth is the construct plural of \'ashedhah (singular form not found), from \'eshedh, "foundation," "bottom," "lower part" (slope); compare Assyrian ishdu, "foundation." Some would, derive it from Aramaic \'ashadh, "to pour," whence "fall" or "slope" (OHL, under the word). Ashdoth-pisgah overlooked the Dead Sea from the east (<a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',3,17);">De 3:17</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',4,49);">4:49</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',12,3);">Jos 12:3</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',13,20);">13:20</a>). There can be no reasonable doubt that Ashdoth-pisgah signifies the steep slopes of the mountain descending into the contiguous valleys.<P>It is worthy of note that Septuagint does not uniformly render Pisgah by a proper name, but sometimes by a derivative of laxeuo, "to hew" or "to dress stone" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',21,20);">Nu 21:20</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',23,14);">23:14</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',3,27);">De 3:27</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',4,49);">4:49</a>). Jerome (Onomasticon, under the word Asedoth) gives abscisum as the Latin equivalent of Fasga. He derives Pisgah from pacagh, which, in new Hebrew, means "to split," "to cut off." This suggests a mountain the steep sides of which give it the appearance of having been "cut out." This description applies perfectly to Jebel Neba as viewed from the Dead Sea.``54';
|
|
isbe[6967]='Pishon; Pison`pi\'-shon pi\'-son (pishon; the King James Version): A river of <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=EDEN">EDEN</a> (which see), said to compass the whole land of Havilah where there is gold, bdellium and onyx stone (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',2,11);">Ge 2:11</a>), most probably identified with the Karun River which comes down from the mountains of Media and formerly emptied into the Persian Gulf.``1';
|
|
isbe[6968]='Pisidia`pi-sid\'-i-a (ten Pisidian (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',14,24);">Ac 14:24</a>); in <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',13,14);">Ac 13:14</a>, Codices Sinaitica, Alexandrinus, Vaticanus, Ephraemi give Antiocheian ten Pisidian, "the Pisidian Antioch," the other manuscripts, Antiocheian tes Pisidias, "Antioch of Pisidia." The former, but not the latter, reading correctly describes the condition of affairs at the time when Paul traveled in the country; see below):<P>1. Situation and History:<P>Pisidia, as a strict geographical term, was the name given to the huge block of mountain country stretching northward from the Taurus range where the latter overlooked the Pamphylian coast land, to the valleys which connected Apamea with Antioch, and Antioch with Iconium. It was bounded by Lycia on the west, by the Phrygian country on the north, and by Isauria on the east; but there is no natural boundary between Pisidia and Isauria, and the frontier was never strictly drawn. The name is used in its geographical sense in the Anabasis of Xenophon, who informs us that the Pisidians were independent of the king of Persia at the end of the 5th century BC. Alexander the Great had difficulty in reducing the Pisidian cities, and throughout ancient history we find the Pisidian mountains described as the home of a turbulent and warlike people, given to robbery and pillage. The task of subjugating them was entrusted by the Romans to the Galatian king Amyntas, and, at his death in 25 BC, Pisidia passed with the rest of his possessions into the Roman province Galatia. Augustus now took seriously in hand the pacification of Pisidia and the Isaurian mountains on the east Five military colonies were founded in Pisidia and the eastern mountains—Cremna, Comama, Olbasa, Parlais and Lystra—and all were connected by military roads with the main garrison city Antioch, which lay in Galatian Phrygia, near the northern border of Pisidia. An inscription discovered in 1912 shows that Quirinius, who is mentioned in <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',2,2);">Lu 2:2</a> as governor of Syria in the year of Christ\'s birth, was an honorary magistrate of the colony of Antioch; his connection with Antioch dates from his campaign against the Homonades—who had resisted and killed Amyntas—about 8 BC (see Ramsay in The Expositor, November, 1912, 385ff, 406). The military system set up in Pisidia was based on that of Antioch, and from this fact, and from its proximity to Pisidia, Antioch derived its title "the Pisidian," which served to distinguish it from the other cities called Antioch. It is by a mistake arising from confusion with a later political arrangement that Antioch is designated "of Pisidia" in the majority of the manuscripts.<P>Pisidia remained part of the province Galatia till 74 AD, when the greater (southern) part of it was assigned to the new double province Lycia-Pamphylia, and the cities in this portion of Pisidia now ranked as Pamphylian. The northern part of Pisidia continued to belong to Galatia, until, in the time of Diocletian, the southern part of the province Galatia (including the cities of Antioch and Iconium), with parts of Lycaonia and Asia, were formed Into a province called Pisidia, with Antioch as capital. Antioch was now for the first time correctly described as a city "of Pisidia," although there is reason to believe that the term "Pisidia" had already been extended northward in popular usage to include part at least of the Phrygian region of Galatia. This perhaps explains the reading "Antioch of Pisidia" in the Codex Bezae, whose readings usually reflect the conditions of the 2nd century of our era in Asia Minor. This use of the term was of course political and administrative; Antioch continued to be a city of Phrygia in the ethnical sense and a recently discovered inscription proves that the Phrygian language was spoken in the neighborhood of Antioch as late as the 3rd century of our era (see also Calder in Journal of Roman Studies, 1912, 84).<P>2. Paul in Pisidia:<P>Paul crossed Pisidia on the journey from Perga to Antioch referred to in <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',13,14);">Ac 13:14</a>, and again on the return journey, <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',14,24);">Ac 14:24</a>. Of those journeys no details are recorded in Acts, but it has been suggested by Conybeare and Howson that the "perils of rivers" and "perils of robbers" mentioned by Paul in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',11,26);">2Co 11:26</a> refer to his journeys across Pisidia, and Ramsay has pointed out in confirmation of this view that a considerable number of Pisidian inscriptions refer to the armed policemen and soldiers who kept the peace in this region, while others refer to a conflict with robbers, or to an escape from drowning in a river (The Church in the Roman Empire, 23f; compare Journal of Roman Studies,1912, 82f). Adada, a city off Paul\'s route from Perga to Antioch, is called by the Turks Kara Baulo; "Baulo" is the Turkish pronunciation of "Paulos," and the name is doubtless reminiscent of an early tradition connecting the city with Paul. Pisidia had remained unaffected by Hellenic civilization, and the Roman occupation at the time of Paul was purely military. It is therefore unlikely that Paul preached in Pisidia. Except on the extreme northwest, none of the Christian inscriptions of Pisidia—in glaring contrast with those of Phrygia—date before the legal recognition of Christianity under Constantine.<P>LITERATURE.<P>Murray, Handbook of Asia Minor, 150ff; Ramsay, The Church in the Roman Empire, 18ff; Lanckoronski, Stadte Pamphyliens und Pisidiens; Sterrett, Epigraphical Journey and Wolfe Expedition. A few inscriptions containing Pisidian names with native inflections have been published by Ramsay in Revue des universites du midi,1895, 353ff.``20';
|
|
isbe[6969]='Pison`pi\'-son.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=PISHON">PISHON</a>`1';
|
|
isbe[6970]='Pispa`pis\'-pa (picpa\', "dipersion," the King James Version Pispah): A son of Jether, an Asherite (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',7,38);">1Ch 7:38</a>).``1';
|
|
isbe[6971]='Pit`The word translates different Hebrew words of which the most important are:<P>(1) bor, "pit" or "cistern," made by digging, (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',37,20);">Ge 37:20</a>); hence, "dungeon" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',38,6);">Jer 38:6</a>, margin "pit");<P>(2) be\'er, "pit" or "well" made by digging (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',21,25);">Ge 21:25</a>);<P>(3) she\'ol, generally rendered "hell" in the King James Version (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=HELL">HELL</a>);<P>(4) shachath, a pit in the ground to catch wild animals. (1), (2) and (4) above are used metaphorically of the pit of the "grave" or of "sheol" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',28,1);">Ps 28:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',30,3);">30:3</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',33,24);">Job 33:24</a>). the King James Version sometimes incorrectly renders (4) by "corruption."<P>(5) pachath, "pit," literally (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',17,9);">2Sa 17:9</a>), and figuratively (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',48,43);">Jer 48:43</a>).<P>In the New Testament "pit" renders bothunos (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',15,14);">Mt 15:14</a>), which means any kind of hole in the ground. In the corresponding passage Luke (<a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',14,15);">14:5</a> the King James Version) has phrear, "well," the same as (2) above. For "bottomless pit" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Rev\',9,1);">Re 9:1</a>, the King James Version, etc.).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ABYSS">ABYSS</a>`103';
|
|
isbe[6972]='Pitch`pich: The translation of the noun kopher, and the verb kaphar, in <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',6,14);">Ge 6:14</a> and of the noun zepheth, in <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',2,3);">Ex 2:3</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',34,9);">Isa 34:9</a>. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',6,14);">Ge 6:14</a> the words are the ordinary forms for "covering," "cover," so that the translation "pitch" is largely guesswork, aided by the Septuagint, which reads asphaltos, "bitumen," here, and by the fact that pitch is a usual "covering" for vessels. The meaning of zepheth, however, is fixed by the obvious Dead Sea imagery of <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',34,\'9-15\');">Isa 34:9-15</a>—the streams and land of Edom are to become burning bitumen, like the sites of Sodom and Gomorrah. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',2,3);">Ex 2:3</a> zepheth is combined with chemar, which also means bitumen (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',14,10);">Ge 14:10</a>; see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=SLIME">SLIME</a>), and the distinction between the words (different consistencies of the same substance?) is not clear.``48';
|
|
isbe[6973]='Pitcher`pich\'-er (kadh; keramion): The word is found chiefly in the Old Testament in the story of Rebekah in <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',24,13);">Ge 24:13</a>ff; but Gideon\'s men also had their lamps in pitchers (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',7,16,19);">Jud 7:16,19</a>). Ecclesiastes speaks of the pitcher broken at the fountain (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ecc\',12,6);">12:6</a>). The single use in the New Testament is in <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',14,13);">Mr 14:13</a> parallel <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',22,10);">Lu 22:10</a>. The pitcher was an earthenware vessel (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Lam\',4,2);">La 4:2</a>, nebhel), with one or two handles, used for carrying water, and commonly borne upon the head or shoulder (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',24,1);">Ge 24</a>).``1';
|
|
isbe[6974]='Pithom`pi\'-thom (pithom; Peitho (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',1,11);">Ex 1:11</a>)):<P>1. Meaning of Name:<P>Champollion (Gesenius, Lexicon, under the word) considered this name to mean "a narrow place" in Coptic, but it is generally explained to be the Egyptian Pa-tum, or "city of the setting sun." It was one of the cities built by the Hebrews (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=RAAMSES">RAAMSES</a>), and according to Wessel was the Thoum of the Antonine Itinerary.<P>Brugsch (History of Egypt,1879,II, 343) says that it was identical with "Heracleopolis Parva, the capital of the Sethroitic nome in the age of the Greeks and Romans...half-way on the great road from Pelusium to Tanis (Zoan), and this indication given on the authority of the itineraries furnishes the sole means of fixing its position." This is, however, disputed. Tum was worshipped at Thebes, at Zoan, and probably at Bubastis, while Heliopolis (Brugsch, Geogr., I, 254) was also called Pa-tum.<P>There were apparently several places of the name; and Herodotus (ii.158) says that the Canal of Darius began a little above Bubastis, "near the Arabian city Patournos," and reached the Red Sea.<P>2. Situation:<P>(1) Dr. Naville\'s Theory.<P>In 1885 Dr. E. Naville discovered a Roman milestone of Maximian and Severus, proving that the site of Heroopolis was at Tell el Machutah ("the walled mound") in Wady Tumeilat. The modern name he gives as Tell el Maskhutah, which was not that heard by the present writer in 1882. This identification had long been supposed probable. Excavations at the site laid bare strong walls and texts showing the worship of Tum. None was found to be older than the time of Rameses II—who, however, is well known to have defaced older inscriptions, and to have substituted his own name for that of earlier builders. A statue of later date, bearing the title "Recorder of Pithom," was also found at this same site. Dr. Naville concluded that this city must be the Old Testament Pithom, and the region round it Succoth—the Egyptian T-k-u (but see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=SUCCOTH">SUCCOTH</a>). Brugsch, on the other hand, says that the old name of Heropolis was Qes (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=GOSHEN">GOSHEN</a>), which recalls the identification of the Septuagint (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',46,28);">Ge 46:28</a>); and elsewhere (following Lepsius) he regards the same site as being "the Pa-Khetam of Rameses II" (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ETHAM">ETHAM</a>), which Lepsius believed to be the Old Testament Rameses (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=RAAMSES">RAAMSES</a>) mentioned with Pithom (Brugsch, Geogr., I,302,262). Silvia in 385 AD was shown the site of Pithom near Heroopolis, but farther east, and she distinguishes the two; but in her time, though Heroopolis was a village, the site of Pithom was probably conjectural. In the time of Minepthah, son of Rameses II (Brugsch, History, II, 128), we have a report that certain nomads from Aduma (or Edom) passed through "the Khetam (or fort) of Minepthah-Hotephima, which is situated in T-k-u, to the lakes (or canals) of the city Pi-tum of Minepthah-Hotephima, which are situated in the land of T-k-u, in order to feed themselves and to feed their herds."<P>(2) Patoumos of Herodotus.<P>These places seem to have been on the eastern border of Egypt, but may have been close to the Bitter Lakes or farther north (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=SUCCOTH">SUCCOTH</a>), whereas Tell el Machutah is about 12 miles west of Ism\'ailieh, and of Lake Timsah. The definition of the Pithom thus noticed as being that of Minepthah suggests that there was more than one place so called, and the Patoumos of Herodotus seems to have been about 30 miles farther west (near Zagazig and Bubastis) than the site of Heropolis, which the Septuagint indentifies with Goshen and not with Pithom. The latter is not noticed as on the route of the Exodus, and is not identified in the Old Testament with Succoth. In the present state of our knowledge of Egyptian topography, the popular impression that the Exodus must have happened in the time of Minepthah, because Pithom was at Heropolis and was not built till the time of Rameses II, must be regarded as very hazardous. See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=EXODUS">EXODUS</a>. The Patoumos of Herodotus may well have been the site, and may still be discovered near the head of Wady Tumeildt or near Bubastis.``28';
|
|
isbe[6975]='Pithon`pi\'-thon (pithon): A grandson of Meribbaal, or Mephibosheth (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',8,35);">1Ch 8:35</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',9,41);">9:41</a>).``1';
|
|
isbe[6976]='Pitiful`pit\'-i-fool: As found in Scripture, means "full of pity"; it is expressed by rachamani, from rachamim (plural of racham), "bowels," "compassion" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Lam\',4,10);">La 4:10</a> the King James Version, its only occurrence in the Old Testament), "The hands of the pitiful women have sodden their own children." In <a onClick="return mV(\'Jam\',5,11);">Jas 5:11</a>, we have the beautiful saying, The Lord is very pitiful (the Revised Version (British and American) "full of pity") and of tender mercy," where "very pitiful" is the translation of polusplagchnos, literally, "of many bowels," a word which does not occur elsewhere; it might be translated "large-hearted" or "tender-hearted." In Ecclesiasticus 2:11, we have "The Lord, is...very, pitiful" (oiktirmon); eusplagchnos, well-hearted," "compassionate," "full of pity," occurs in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Pe\',3,8);">1Pe 3:8</a>, "Love as brethren, be pitiful, be courteous," the Revised Version (British and American) "loving as brethren, tenderhearted, humble-minded." The word is found in The Prayer of Manasseh 7; Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs, Zeb 8 2.``185';
|
|
isbe[6977]='Pity`pit\'-i (chamal, chuc; eleeo): "Pity," probably contracted from "piety," is tender feeling for others in misery or distress. It is allied to <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=COMPASSION">compassion</a> (which see), but differs in respect of the object that causes the distress (or feeling). The feeling of pity is excited chiefly by the weakness, miserable or degraded condition of the object; compassion by his uncontrollable and inevitable misfortunes: "We pity a man of weak understanding who exposes his weakness; we compassionate the man who is reduced to a state of beggary and want" (Crabb, English Synonyms). Pity often becomes allied to contempt; "a pity" is something to be regretted. See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=PITIFUL">PITIFUL</a>. In the Old Testament "pity" is closely akin to "mercy." It is most frequently the translation of chamal, "to pity," "to spare," e.g. in Nathan\'s parable of the poor man\'s one lamb, it is said that the rich man was worthy to die because he had "no pity" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',12,6);">2Sa 12:6</a>).<P>In <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',13,14);">Jer 13:14</a> we have, "I will not pity nor spare, nor have mercy," the Revised Version (British and American) "compassion"; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',21,7);">21:7</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Lam\',2,2);">La 2:2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',5,11);">Eze 5:11</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',7,4);">7:4</a>, in all of which passages "pity" stands in a negative connection; we have it positively attributed to God in <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',36,21);">Eze 36:21</a>, "I had pity for mine holy name," the Revised Version (British and American) "regard"; <a onClick="return mV(\'Joe\',2,18);">Joe 2:18</a>; chuc, probably meaning, primarily, "to cover," "protect," hence, to pity, to spare, is translated "pity" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',7,16);">De 7:16</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',13,8);">13:8</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',16,5);">Eze 16:5</a>, etc., all negative; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jon\',4,10);">Jon 4:10</a>, positive: "Thou hast had pity on the gourd (the Revised Version (British and American) "regard for") and should not I spare (the Revised Version (British and American) "have regard for," chuc) Nineveh," etc.); chanan, "to incline, toward," "be gracious," "pity," is thrice rendered "pity" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',19,21);">Job 19:21</a>, "Have pity upon me, have pity upon me"; <a onClick="return mV(\'Pro\',19,17);">Pr 19:17</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Pro\',28,8);">28:8</a>, "he that hath pity upon the poor"); racham, "to feel warm," "to love," twice (<a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',103,13);">Ps 103:13</a>, "like as a father pitieth his children"; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',13,18);">Isa 13:18</a>, "no pity"); once in plural rachamim (<a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',1,11);">Am 1:11</a>); other words once so translated are chemlah, "pity" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',63,9);">Isa 63:9</a>); checedh, "loving-kindness" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',6,14);">Job 6:14</a>, the Revised Version (British and American) "kindness"); machmal, "object of pity" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',24,21);">Eze 24:21</a>); nudh," to move," "bemoan" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',69,20);">Ps 69:20</a>). In the New Testament "pity" occurs once only as the translation of eleeo, "to be kind," "tender" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',18,33);">Mt 18:33</a>, the Revised Version (British and American) "mercy"). In 2Macc 3:21 we have (the King James Version and the Revised Version (British and American)) "pitied" in the obsolete sense of exciting pity, "Then it would have pitied (eleein) a man to see the multitude," etc.<P>The Revised Version (British and American) has "pity" for "mercy" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Pro\',14,21);">Pr 14:21</a>); "have pity on" for "spare" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',72,13);">Ps 72:13</a>); for "favour" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',109,12);">Ps 109:12</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',102,13,14);">102:13,14</a>), "Have pity upon her dust."`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=MERCY">MERCY</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=COMPASSION">COMPASSION</a>`185';
|
|
isbe[6978]='Place`plas: Normally for maqom, Old Testament, and topos, New Testament, but in the King James Version "place" represents a great number of Hebrew and Greek words, often used with no difference in force (e.g. <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',35,10,15);">2Ch 35:10,15</a>). the Revised Version (British and American) has made few changes, but occasionally has attempted to specialize the meaning (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',40,13);">Ge 40:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',37,8);">Job 37:8</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',8,32);">Ac 8:32</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jam\',3,11);">Jas 3:11</a>, etc.).``1';
|
|
isbe[6979]='Place, Broad; High``<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=CITY">CITY</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=HIGH+PLACE">HIGH PLACE</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=OPEN+PLACE">OPEN PLACE</a>`1';
|
|
isbe[6980]='Plague`plag (negha\', makkah, maggephah; mastix, plege): This word which occurs more than 120 times is applied, like pestilence, to such sudden outbursts of disease as are regarded in the light of divine visitations. It is used in the description of leprosy about 60 times in <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',13,\'1-\');">Le 13</a> and <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',14,\'1-\');">14</a>, as well as in <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',24,8);">De 24:8</a>. In the poetical, prophetic and eschatological books it occurs about 20 times in the general sense of a punitive disaster. The Gospel references (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',3,10);">Mr 3:10</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',5,29,34);">5:29,34</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',7,21);">Lu 7:21</a>) use the word as a synonym for disease.<P>The specific disease now named "plague" has been from the earliest historic times a frequent visitant to Palestine and Egypt. Indeed in the southeast between Gaza and Bubastis it has occurred so frequently that it may almost be regarded as endemic. The suddenness of its attack, the shortness of its incubation period and the rapidity of its course give it the characters which of old have been associated with manifestations of divine anger. In the early days of an epidemic it is no infrequent occurrence that 60 per cent of those attacked die within three days. I have seen a case in which death took place ten hours after the first symptoms. In the filthy and insanitary houses of eastern towns, the disease spreads rapidly. In a recent epidemic in one village of 534 inhabitants 311 died within 21 days, and I once crossed the track of a party of pilgrims to Mecca of whom two-thirds died of plague on the road. Even with modern sanitary activity, it is very difficult to root it out, as our recent experiences in Hong Kong and India have shown.<P>Of the Biblical outbreaks that were not improbably bubonic plague, the first recorded is the slaughter of the firstborn in Egypt—the 10th plague. We have too little information to identify it (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',11,1);">Ex 11:1</a>). The Philistines, however, used the same name, negha\', for the Egyptian plagues (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',4,8);">1Sa 4:8</a>) as is used in Exodus. The next outbreak was at Kibroth-hataavah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',11,33);">Nu 11:33</a>). This was synchronous with the phenomenal flight of quails, and if these were, as is probable, driven by the wind from the plague-stricken Serbonian region, they were equally probably the carriers of the infection. Experience in both India and China has shown that animals of very diverse kinds can carry germs of the disease. A third visitation fell on the spies who brought back an evil report (<a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',14,37);">Nu 14:37</a>). A fourth destroyed those who murmured at the destruction of Korah and his fellow-rebels (<a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',16,47);">Nu 16:47</a>). These may have been recrudescences of the infection brought by the quails. The fifth outbreak was that which followed the gross religious and moral defection at, Baal-peor (<a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',25,8,9,18);">Nu 25:8,9,18</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',26,1);">26:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',31,16);">31:16</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',22,17);">Jos 22:17</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',106,29,30);">Ps 106:29,30</a>). Here the disease was probably conveyed by the Moabites.<P>A later epidemic, which was probably of bubonic plague, was that which avenged the capture of the ark (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',5,6);">1Sa 5:6</a>). We read of the tumors which were probably the glandular enlargements characteristic of this disease; also that at the time there was a plague of rats (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',6,5);">1Sa 6:5</a>)—"mice," in our version, but the word is also used as the name of the rat. The cattle seem to have carried the plague to Beth-shemesh, as has been observed in more than one place in China (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',6,19);">1Sa 6:19</a>). Concerning the three days\' pestilence that followed David\'s census (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',24,15);">2Sa 24:15</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',21,12);">1Ch 21:12</a>), see Josephus, Ant, VII, xiii, 3. The destruction of the army of Sennacherib may have been a sudden outbreak of plague (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',19,35);">2Ki 19:35</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',37,36);">Isa 37:36</a>). It is perhaps worthy of note that in Herodotus\' account of the destruction of this army (ii.141) he refers to the incursion of swarms of mice.<P>One of the latest prophetic mentions of plague is <a onClick="return mV(\'Hsa\',13,14);">Ho 13:14</a>, where the plague (debher, Septuagint dike) of death and the destruction (qatabh, Septuagint kentron) of the grave are mentioned. From this passage Paul quotes his apostrophe at the end of <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',15,55);">1Co 15:55</a>, but the apostle correlates the sting (kentron) with death, and changes the dike into nikos.``107';
|
|
isbe[6981]='Plagues of Egypt`plagz (niphle\'oth, "wonders "from pala\', "to be separate," i.e. in a class by themselves; also called negheph, "plague," from naghaph, "to smite" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',9,14);">Ex 9:14</a>), and negha\', "a stroke," from nagha\', "to touch" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',11,1);">Ex 11:1</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',24,10);">Jos 24:10</a>)):<P><b>INTRODUCTION</b><P><b>I. NATURAL PHENOMENA</b><P class="in15">1. Water Turned to Blood<P class="in15">2. The Plague of Frogs<P class="in15">3. The Plague of Lice<P class="in15">4. The Plague of Flies<P class="in15">5. The Plague of Murrain<P class="in15">6. The Plague of Boils<P class="in15">7. The Plague of Hail<P class="in15">8. The Plague of Locusts<P class="in15">9. The Plague of Darkness<P class="in15">10. Death of the Firstborn<P><b>II. MIRACULOUS USE OF THE PHENOMENA</b><P class="in15">1. Intensification<P class="in15">2. Prediction<P class="in15">3. Discrimination<P class="in15">4. Orderliness and Increasing Severity<P class="in15">5. Arrangement to Accomplish Divine Moral Purpose<P><b>III. DIVINE MORAL PURPOSE</b><P class="in15">1. Discrediting of the gods of Egypt<P class="in15">2. Pharaoh Made to Know that Yahweh Is Lord<P class="in15">3. Revelation of God as Saviour<P class="in15">4. Exhibition of the Divine Use of Evil<P><b>LITERATURE</b><hr /><P>Introduction:<P>The Hebrew words are so used as to give the name "plagues" to all the "wonders" God did against Pharaoh. Thus, it appears that the language in the account in Exodus puts forward the wondrous character of these dealings of Yahweh with Pharaoh. The account of the plagues is found in <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',7,\'8-\');">Ex 7:8-12:31</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',78,\'42-51\');">Ps 78:42-51</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',105,\'27-36\');">105:27-36</a>. These poetical accounts of the plagues have a devotional purpose and do not give a full historical narrative. <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',78,\'1-\');">Ps 78</a> omits plagues 4, 6, 9; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',105,\'1-\');">Ps 105</a> omits plagues 5 and 6. Both psalms change the order of the plagues. Account of the preparation which led up to the plagues is found in the narrative of the burning bush (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=BUSH,+BURNING">BUSH, BURNING</a>), the meeting of Aaron with Moses, the gathering together of the elders of Israel for instruction and the preliminary wonders before Pharaoh (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',3,\'1-\');">Ex 3</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',4,\'1-\');">4</a>). This preparation contemplated two things important to be kept in view in considering the plague, namely, that the consummation of plagues was contemplated from the beginning (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',4,22,23);">Ex 4:22,23</a>), and that the skepticism of Israel concerning Moses authority and power was likewise anticipated (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',4,1);">Ex 4:1</a>). It was thus manifestly not an age of miracles when the Israelites were expecting such "wonders" and ready to receive anything marvelous as a divine interposition. This skepticism of Israel is a valuable asset for the credibility of the account of the "wonders." The immediate occasion of the plagues was the refusal of Pharaoh to let the people have liberty for sacrifice, together with the consequent hardening of Pharaoh\'s heart. No indication of any localizing of the plagues is given except in <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',78,12,43);">Ps 78:12,43</a>, where the "field of Zoan" is mentioned as the scene of the contest between Yahweh and the Egyptians. But this is poetry, and the "field of Zoan" means simply the territory of the great capital Zoan. This expression might be localized in the Delta or it might extend to the whole of Egypt. Discussion of the plagues has brought out various classifications of them, some of which are philosophical, as that of Philo, others fanciful, as that of Origen. Arrangements of the order of the plagues for the purpose of moralizing are entirely useless for historical consideration of the plagues. The only order of any real value is the order of Nature, i.e. the order in which the plagues occurred, which will be found to be the order of the natural phenomena which were the embodiment of the plagues.<P>Much elaborate effort has been made to derive from the description of the plagues evidence for different documents in the narrative. It is pointed out that Moses (E) declared to Pharaoh that he would smite the waters (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',7,17);">Ex 7:17</a>), and then the account, as it proceeds, tells us that Aaron smote the waters (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',7,19,20);">Ex 7:19,20</a>). But this is quite in accord with the preceding statement (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',4,16);">Ex 4:16</a>) that Aaron was to be the spokesman. Moses was to deal with God, Aaron with Pharaoh. Again it is noticed that some of the plagues are ascribed to the immediate agency of Yahweh, some are represented as coming through the mediation of Moses, and still others through the mediation of Moses and Aaron. Certainly this may be an exact statement of facts, and, if the facts were just so, the record of the facts affords no evidence of different documents.<P>An examination of the account of the plagues as it stands will bring them before us in a most graphic and connected story.<P>I. The Natural Phenomena.<P>All the "wonders" represented anywhere in Scripture as done by the power of God are intimately associated with natural phenomena, and necessarily so. Human beings have no other way of perceiving external events than through those senses which only deal with natural phenomena. Accordingly, all theophanies and miraculous doings are embodied in natural events.<P>The presence of Yahweh with the sacrifice by Abraham was manifested by the passing of a "smoking furnace and a burning lamp" between the pieces of the offerings (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',15,17);">Ge 15:17</a> the King James Version). The majesty and power of God at Sinai were manifested in the "cloud" and the "brightness," the "voice" and the "sound of a trumpet" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Hbr\',12,19);">Heb 12:19</a>). The Holy Spirit descended "as a dove" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',3,16);">Mt 3:16</a>). The Deity of Jesus was attested on the mountain by a "voice" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',17,5);">Mt 17:5</a>). Jesus Himself was "God...manifest in the flesh" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ti\',3,16);">1Ti 3:16</a> the King James Version). He was "found in fashion as a man\' (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',2,8);">Php 2:8</a>). And all the miracles of Jesus were coupled with sensible phenomena: He spoke to the sea and it was calm; He touched the leper and he was clean; He called to Lazarus and he came forth.<P>Yet in all these natural events, the miraculous working of God was as clearly seen as the natural phenomena. It is thus to be expected that the "wonders" of God in the land of Pharaoh should also be associated with natural events as well as manifest miraculous elements. The "blood" in the river, the "frogs" hopping about on the land, the "lice," the "flies," the "murrain," the "boils," the "hail," the "locusts," the "darkness," and the "pestilence" are all named as natural phenomena. Long familiarity with the land of Egypt has made it perfectly plain to many intelligent people, also, that nearly, if not quite, all the plagues of Egypt are still in that land as natural phenomena, and occur, when they do occur, very exactly in the order in which we find them recorded in the narrative in Exodus. But natural events in the plagues as in other "wonders" of God embodied miraculous doings.<P>1. Water Turned to Blood:<P>The first of the plagues (dam, from \'adham, "to be red" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',7,\'19-25\');">Ex 7:19-25</a>)) was brought about by the smiting of the water with the rod in the hand of Aaron, and it consisted in the defilement of the water so that it became as "blood." The waters were polluted and the fish died. Even the water in vessels which had been taken from the river became corrupt. The people were forced to get water only from wells in which the river water was filtered through the sand. There are two Egyptian seasons when, at times, the water resembles blood. At the full Nile the water is sometimes of a reddish color, but at that season the water is quite potable and the fish do not die. But a similar phenomenon is witnessed sometimes at the time of the lowest Nile just before the rise begins. Then also the water sometimes becomes defiled and very red, so polluted that the fish die (Bib. Sacra,1905,409). This latter time is evidently the time of the first plague. It would be some time in the month of May. The dreadful severity of the plague constituted the "wonder" in this first plague. The startling character of the plague is apparent when it is remembered that Egypt is the product of the Nile, the very soil being all brought down by it, and its irrigation being constantly dependent upon it. Because of this it became one of the earliest and greatest of the gods (Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Egypt, 3-47; "Hymn to the Nile," Records of the Past, New Series, III, 46-54). The magicians imitated this plague with their enchantments. Their success may have been by means of sleight of hand or other devices of magic, as may be seen in the East today, with claim of supernatural aid, and as used in western lands for entertainment, as mere cleverness. Or it may be, as has been suggested, that they counted upon the continuance of the plague for at least a time, and so took advantage of the materials the "wonder" had provided.<P>2. The Plague of Frogs:<P>Frogs (tsphardeim, probably "marsh-leapers" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',8,\'1-15\');">Ex 8:1-15</a>)) are very abundant just after the high Nile when the waters begin to recede. Spawn in the mud is hatched by the sun, and the marshes are filled with myriads of these creatures. The frog was the hieroglyph for myriads. The frogs usually remain in the marshes, but in this case they came forth to the horror and disgust of the people. "Frogs in the houses, frogs in the beds, frogs baked with the food in the ovens, frogs in the kneading troughs worked up with the flour; frogs with their monotonous croak, frogs with their cold slimy skins, everywhere—from morning to night, from night to morning—frogs." The frog was also associated with Divinity, was the symbol of Heqt, a form of Hathor, and seems also at times to have been worshipped as divinity. This plague created such horror that thus early Pharaoh came to an agreement (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',8,\'8-10\');">Ex 8:8-10</a>). A time was set for the disappearance of the frogs that he might know that "there is none like unto Yahweh our God," but when the frogs were dead, Pharaoh hardened his heart (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',8,15);">Ex 8:15</a>). In this plague "the magicians did in like manner with their enchantments" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',8,7);">Ex 8:7</a>). Frogs were plentiful, and it would not seem to be difficult to claim to have produced some of them.<P>3. The Plague of Lice:<P>It is impossible to determine what particular troublesome insect pest of Egypt is meant by the 3rd plague, whether body-lice or mosquitoes or sandflies or ticks or fleas (kinnim, "gnats" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',8,16);">Ex 8:16</a>)). Those who have experience of these pests in Egypt are quite ready to accept any of them as adequate for the plague. Lice seem rather to be ruled out, unless different kinds of lice were sent, as there is no one kind that torments both man and beast. All the other insect pests appear in incredible numbers out of the "dust" when the pools have dried up after the receding of the waters. The assertion that the account of this plague is not complete, because it is not recorded that Pharaoh asked its removal or that Moses secured it, is amazing. Perhaps Pharaoh did not, in fact, ask its removal. There seems also at this time some difficulty in Moses having access to Pharaoh after this plague (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',8,20);">Ex 8:20</a>). Perhaps the plague was not removed at all. The Egyptians are disposed to think it was not! Certainly that season of the year spent in Egypt, not in a dahabiyeh on the Nile, but in a native village, will furnish very satisfying evidence that stinging and biting insects are a very real plague in Egypt yet. The magicians failed with their enchantments and acknowledged that divine power was at work, and seem to have acknowledged that Yahweh was supreme (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',8,19);">Ex 8:19</a>), but Pharaoh would not heed them.<P>4. The Plague of Flies:<P>As the seasons pass on, after the recession of the waters, the flies (\'arobh, "swarms," probably of flies (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',8,\'20-32\');">Ex 8:20-32</a>)) become more and more numerous until they are almost a plague every year. The increased severity of this plague, and the providential interference to separate between Israel and the Egyptians, drove Pharaoh and his people to such desperation that Pharaoh gave a half-promise of liberty for Israel to sacrifice "in the land." This called out the statement that they would sacrifice the "abomination of the Egyptians." This may have referred to the sacrifice of sheep, which were always held in more or less detestation by Egyptians, or it may have had reference to the sacrifice of heifers, the cow being the animal sacred to the goddess Hathor. The new element of separation between the Israelites and the Egyptians introduced into this plague was another step toward establishing the claims of Yahweh to be the God of all the earth and to have taken Israel under His especial care.<P>5. The Plague of Murrain:<P>In addition to the separation established between Israel and the Egyptians, a definite time is now set for the coming of the 5th plague. It is to be noticed also that diseases of cattle (debher, "destruction" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',9,\'1-7\');">Ex 9:1-7</a>)) and of men follow quickly after the plague of insects. This is in exact accord with the order of Nature as now thoroughly understood through the discovered relation of mosquitoes and flies to the spread of diseases. Rinderpest is still prevalent at times in Egypt, so that beef becomes very scarce in market and is sometimes almost impossible to obtain. It is a fact, also, that the prevalence eft cattle plague, the presence of boils among men (see 6, below) and the appearance of bubonic plague are found to be closely associated together and in this order. The mention of camels as affected by this plague is interesting. It is doubtful if any clear indication of the presence of the camel in Egypt so early as this has yet been found among the monuments of Egypt. There is in the Louvre museum one small antiquity which seems to me to be intended for the camel. But Professor Maspero does not agree that it is so. It would seem likely that the Hyksos, who were Bedouin princes, princes of the desert, would have introduced the beasts of the desert into Egypt. If they did so, that may have been sufficient reason that the Egyptians would not picture it, as the Hyksos and all that was theirs were hated in Egypt.<P>6. The Plague of Boils:<P>In the plague of boils (shechin, and \'abha\'bu\'oth, "boils" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',9,\'8-17\');">Ex 9:8-17</a>)) ashes were used, probably in the same way and to the same end as the clay was used in opening the eyes of the blind man (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',9,6);">Joh 9:6</a>), i.e. to attract attention and to fasten the mind of the observer upon what the Lord was doing. This plague in the order of its coming, immediately after the murrain, and in the description given of it and in the significant warning of the "pestilence" yet to come (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',9,15);">Ex 9:15</a>), appears most likely to have been pestis minor, the milder form of bubonic plague. Virulent rinder-pest among cattle in the East is regarded as the precursor of plague among men and is believed to be of the same nature. It may well be, as has been thought by some, that the great aversion of the ancient Egyptians to the contamination of the soil by decaying animals was from the danger thereby of starting an epidemic of plague among men (Dr. Merrins, Biblical Sacra, 1908, 422-23).<P>7. The Plague of Hail:<P>Hail (baradh, "hail" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',9,\'18-35\');">Ex 9:18-35</a>)) is rare in Egypt, but is not unknown. The writer has himself seen a very little, and has known of one instance when a considerable quantity of hail as large as small marbles fell. Lightning, also, is not as frequent in Egypt as in many semi-tropical countries, yet great electric storms sometimes occur. This plague is quite accurately dated in the seasons of the year (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',9,31,32);">Ex 9:31,32</a>). As the first plague was just before the rising of the Nile, so this one is evidently about 9 months later, when the new crops after the inundation were beginning to mature, January-February. This plague also marks another great step forward in the revelation of Yahweh to Israel and to the Egyptians. First only His power was shown, then His wisdom in the timing of the plagues, and now His mercy appears in the warning to all godly-disposed Egyptians to save themselves, their herds and their servants by keeping all indoors (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',9,\'19-21\');">Ex 9:19-21</a>). Pharaoh also now distinctly acknowledged Yahweh (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',9,27);">Ex 9:27</a>).<P>The plague of locusts (\'arbeh, "locust" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',10,\'1-20\');">Ex 10:1-20</a>)) was threatened, and so frightened were the servants of Pharaoh that they persuaded him to try to make some agreement with Moses, but the attempt of Pharaoh still to limit in some way the going of Israel thwarted the plan (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',10,\'7-10\');">Ex 10:7-10</a>).<P>8. The Plague of Locusts:<P>Then devouring swarms of locusts came up over the land from the eastern desert between the Nile and the Red Sea. They devoured every green thing left by the hail. The desperate situation created by the locusts soon brought Pharaoh again to acknowledgment of Yahweh (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',10,16);">Ex 10:16</a>). This was the greatest profession of repentance yet manifested by Pharaoh, but he soon showed that it was deceitful, and again he would not let the people go. When the wind had swept the locusts away, he hardened his heart once more.<P>9. The Plague of Darkness:<P>The progress of the seasons has been quite marked from the first plague, just before the rising of the waters, on through the year until now the khamsin period (choshekh, "darkness" from any cause (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',10,\'21-29\');">Ex 10:21-29</a>)) has come. When this dreadful scourge comes with its hot sand-laden breath, more impenetrable than a London fog, it is in very truth a "darkness which may be felt." The dreadful horror of this monster from the desert can hardly be exaggerated. Once again Pharaoh said "Go," but this time he wished to retain the flocks and herds, a hostage for the return of the people (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',10,24);">Ex 10:24</a>). Upon Moses\' refusal to accept this condition, he threatened his life. Why had he not done so ere this? Why, indeed, did he let this man Moses come and go with such freedom, defying him and his people in the very palace? Probably Moses\' former career in Egypt explains this. If, as is most probable, he had grown up at court with this Merenptah, and had been known as "the son of Pharaoh\'s daughter," heir to the throne and successor to Rameses II, instead of Merenptah, then this refugee had undoubtedly many friends still in Egypt who would make his death a danger to the reigning Pharaoh.<P>10. Death of the Firstborn:<P>No intimation is given of the exact character of the death inflicted on the firstborn (bekhor, "firstborn," "chief" or "best"; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',18,13);">Job 18:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',14,30);">Isa 14:30</a> (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',11,\'1-\');">Ex 11</A>-<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',12,\'1-36\');">12:36</a>)) by the angel of the Lord, or its appearance. But it is already foretold as the "pestilence" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',9,15);">Ex 9:15</a>). The pestis major or virulent bubonic plague corresponds most nearly in its natural phenomena to this plague. It culminates in a sudden and overwhelming virulence, takes the strongest and best, and then subsides with startling suddenness.<P>Thus, it appears that probably all the plagues were based upon natural phenomena which still exist in Egypt in the same order, and, when they do occur, find place somewhere during the course of one year.<P>II. Miraculous Use of the Phenomena.<P>The miraculous elements in the plagues are no less distinctly manifest than the natural phenomena themselves.<P>1. Intensification:<P>There was an intensification of the effect of the various plagues so much beyond all precedent as to impress everyone as being a special divine manifestation, and it was so. There was national horror of the blood-like water, disgust at the frogs, intolerable torture by the stinging insects and flies, utter ruin of the farmers in the loss of the cattle, the beating down of the crops by the hail, and the devouring of every green thing by the locusts, the sufferings and dread of the inhabitants by reason of the boils, the frightful electric storm, the suffocating darkness and, finally, the crushing disaster of the death of the firstborn. All these calamities may be found in Egypt to the present day, but never any of them, not to say all of them, in such overwhelming severity. That all of them should come in one year and all with such devastation was plainly a divine arrangement. Merely natural events do not arrange themselves so systematically. In this systematic severity were seen miracles of power.<P>2. Prediction:<P>The prediction of the plagues and the fulfillment of the prediction at the exact time to a day, sometimes to an hour (as the cessation of the thunder and lightning): There was first a general prediction (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',3,19,20);">Ex 3:19,20</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',7,3);">7:3</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',9,14,15);">9:14,15</a>) and an indication as the plagues went on that the climax would be pestilence (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',9,15);">Ex 9:15</a>). Then several of the plagues were specifically announced and a time was set for them; e.g. the flies (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',8,23);">Ex 8:23</a>), the murrain (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',9,5);">Ex 9:5</a>), the hail (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',9,18);">Ex 9:18</a>), the locusts (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',10,4);">Ex 10:4</a>), the death of the firstborn (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',11,4);">Ex 11:4</a>). In some cases a time for the removal of the plague was also specified: e.g. the frogs (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',8,10);">Ex 8:10</a>), the thunder and lightning (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',9,29);">Ex 9:29</a>). In every instance these predictions were exactly fulfilled. In some instances careful foresight might seem to supply in part this ability to predict. Perhaps it was by means of such foresight that the magicians "did so with their enchantments" for the first two plagues. The plague being in existence, foresight might safely predict that it would continue for a little time at least, so that, if the magicians sought for bloody water or called for frogs, they would seem to be successful. But the evidence which Yahweh produced went beyond them, and, at the third plague, they were unable to do anything. These things postulate, on the part of Moses and Aaron, knowledge far beyond human ken. Not only magicians could not do so with their enchantments, but modern science and discoveries are no more able so to predict events. Even meteorological phenomena are only predicted within the limits of reasonable foresight. Such wonders as the plagues of Egypt can in no wise be explained as merely natural. The prediction was a miracle of knowledge.<P>3. Discrimination:<P>The discrimination shown in the visitation by the plagues presents another miraculous element more significant and important than either the miracles of power or the miracles of knowledge. God put a difference between the Egyptians and the Israelites, beginning with the plague of flies and continuing, apparently, without exception, until the end. Such miracles of moral purpose admit of no possible explanation but the exercise of a holy will. Merely natural events make no such regular, systematic discriminations.<P>4. Orderliness and Increasing Severity:<P>The orderliness and gradually increasing severity of the plagues with such arrangement as brought "judgment upon the gods of Egypt," vindicating Yahweh as Ruler over all, and educating the people to know Yahweh as Lord of all the earth, present an aspect of events distinctly non-natural. Such method reveals also a divine mind at work.<P>5. Arrangement to Accomplish Divine Moral Purpose:<P>Last of all and most important of all, the plagues were so arranged as to accomplish in particular a great divine moral purpose in the revelation of God to the Israelites, to the Egyptians and to all the world. This is the distinctive mark of every real miracle. And this leads us directly to the consideration of the most important aspect of the plagues.<P>III. Divine Moral Purpose.<P>1. Discrediting of the gods of Egypt:<P>This discrediting of the gods of Egypt is marked at every step of the progress of the plagues, and the accumulated effect of the repeated discrediting of the gods must have had, and, indeed, had, a great influence upon the Egyptians. The plagues did \'execute judgment against the gods of Egypt\' (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',12,12);">Ex 12:12</a>), and the people and princes brought great pressure to bear upon Pharaoh to let the people go (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',10,7);">Ex 10:7</a>). The magicians who claimed to represent the gods of Egypt were defeated, Pharaoh himself, who was accounted divine, was humbled, the great god, the Nile, was polluted, frogs defiled the temples and, at last, the sun, the greatest god of Egypt, was blotted out in darkness.<P>2. Pharaoh Made to Know that Yahweh Is Lord:<P>Pharaoh was made to know that Yahweh is Lord, and acknowledged it (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',9,27);">Ex 9:27</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',10,16);">10:16</a>). To this end the issue was clearly drawn. Pharaoh challenged the right of Yahweh to command him (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',5,2);">Ex 5:2</a>), and God required him then to "stand" to the trial until the evidence could be fully presented, in accordance with the fundamental principle that he who makes a charge is bound to stand to it until either he acknowledges its utter falsity or affords opportunity for full presentation of evidence. So we see God made Pharaoh to "stand" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',9,16);">Ex 9:16</a>) (while the Bible, which speaks in the concrete language of life, calls it the hardening of Pharaoh\'s heart) until the case was tried out (compare Lamb, Miracle of Science, 126-49).<P>3. Revelation of God as Saviour:<P>A more blessed and gracious moral purpose of the plagues was the revelation of God as the Saviour of the world. This began in the revelation at the burning bush, where God, in fire, appeared in the bush, yet the bush was not consumed, but saved. This revelation, thus given to the people, was further evidenced by the separation between Israel and the Egyptians; was made known even to the Egyptians by the warning before the plague of hail, that those Egyptians who had been impressed with the power of God might also learn that He is a God that will save those who give heed unto Him; and, at last, reached its startling climax when the angel of the Lord passed over the blood-marked door the night of the death of the firstborn and the institution of the Passover.<P>4. Exhibition of the Divine Use of Evil:<P>Last of all, the plagues had a great moral purpose in that they embodied the divine use of evil in the experience of men in this world. As the experience of Job illustrates the use of evil in the life of the righteous, so the plagues of Egypt illustrate the same great problem of evil in the lot of the wicked. In the one case, as in the other, the wonders of God are so arranged as "to justify the ways of God to men."<P>The minutely accurate knowledge of life in Egypt displayed by this narrative in the Book of Exodus is inconceivable in an age of so little and difficult intercommunication between nations, except by actual residence of the author in Egypt. This has an important bearing upon the time of the composition of this narrative, and so upon the question of its author.<P>LITERATURE.<P>The literature of this subject is almost endless. It will suffice to refer the reader to all the general comms., and the special commentaries on Exodus, for discussion of doctrinal and critical questions. Two admirable recent discussions of the plagues, in English, are Lamb, Miracle of Science, and Merrins, "The Plagues of Egypt," in Bibliotheca Sacra,1908,July and October.``93';
|
|
isbe[6982]='Plain`plan<P>(1) kikkar, "circle" "talent," or "round loaf";<P>(2) mishor, from yashar, "to be level"; compare Arabic maisur, "that which is easy";<P>(3) biqah; compare Arabic baq\'at, "a plot of ground" or "a wet meadow";<P>(4) \'arabhah;<P>(5) shephelah;<P>(6) topos pedinos (<a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',6,17);">Lu 6:17</a>);<P>(7) \'elon; compare elah, and \'allon "oak" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',35,4,8);">Ge 35:4,8</a>, etc.); also \'elah, "Elah" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',17,2);">1Sa 17:2</a>);<P>(8) \'abhel):<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=NATURAL+FEATURES">NATURAL FEATURES</a>.<P>(1) Kikkar, when meaning "plain" usually refers to the alluvial plain about Jericho near the north end of the Dead Sea: "Plain (the Revised Version margin "circle") of the Jordan" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',13,10,11);">Ge 13:10,11</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',7,46);">1Ki 7:46</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',4,17);">2Ch 4:17</a>); "Plain of the valley of Jericho" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',34,3);">De 34:3</a>); "cities of the Plain" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',13,12);">Ge 13:12</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',19,29);">19:29</a>); "all the Plain" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',19,17,25);">Ge 19:17,25</a>); "by the way of the Plain" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',18,23);">2Sa 18:23</a>); but "the plain round about Jerusalem" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',12,28);">Ne 12:28</a>).<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=CICCAR">CICCAR</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=CIRCLE">CIRCLE</a>.<P>(2) Mishor, English Versions of the Bible "plain," the Revised Version margin usually "table-land," clearly refers in most places to the highlands of Gilead and Moab, east of the Jordan and the Dead Sea; e.g. <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',13,9);">Jos 13:9</a>, "the plain (the Revised Version margin "table-land") of Medeba."<P>(3) Biq\'ah is more often translated "<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=VALLEY">valley</a>" (which see).<P>(4) \'Arabhah is in the Revised Version (British and American) often translated "the Arabah," denoting the whole Jordan-Dead-Sea-Arabah depression equals Arabic Ghaur (Ghor). In <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',11,30);">De 11:30</a>, the King James Version has "<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=CHAMPAIGN">champaign</a>" (which see). The "plains of Moab" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',22,1);">Nu 22:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',26,3,13);">26:3,13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',31,12);">31:12</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',33,48,49,50);">33:48,49,50</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',35,1);">35:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',36,13);">36:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',34,1,8);">De 34:1,8</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',13,32);">Jos 13:32</a>) and "plains of Jericho" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',4,13);">Jos 4:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',5,10);">5:10</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',25,5);">2Ki 25:5</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',39,5);">Jer 39:5</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',52,8);">52:8</a>) are the low plain or ghaur north of the Dead Sea. \'Arabhah is here equivalent to kikkar (see above). Note the distinction between mishor used of the highlands, and kikkar and \'arabhah used of the ghaur.<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ARABAH">ARABAH</a>.<P>(5) Shephelah is by the Revised Version (British and American) throughout translated "<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=LOWLAND">lowland</a>" (which see), and includes the western slopes of the Judean hills and the maritime plain.<P>(6) Topos pedinos occurs only in <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',6,17);">Lu 6:17</a>.<P>(7) \'Elon is translated "plain" in the King James Version: "plain of Moreh" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',12,6);">Ge 12:6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',11,30);">De 11:30</a>); "plain (or plains) of Mamre" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',13,18);">Ge 13:18</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',14,13);">14:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',18,1);">18:1</a>); "plain of Zaanaim" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',4,11);">Jud 4:11</a>); "plain of the pillar" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',9,6);">Jud 9:6</a>); "plain of Meonenim" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',9,37);">Jud 9:37</a>); "plain of Tabor" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',10,3);">1Sa 10:3</a>). the Revised Version (British and American) has throughout "oak," the Revised Version margin "terebinth"; compare "oak" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',35,4,8);">Ge 35:4,8</a>, etc.) and "vale of Elah" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',17,2,19);">1Sa 17:2,19</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',21,9);">21:9</a>).<P>(8) [\'Abhel keramim] (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',11,33);">Jud 11:33</a>) is in the King James Version "the plain of the vineyards," the Revised Version (British and American) "Abel-cheramim," the Revised Version margin "the meadow of vineyards." Elsewhere in English Versions of the Bible \'abhel is "Abel" or "Abel."<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ABEL-CHERAMIM">ABEL-CHERAMIM</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=MEADOW">MEADOW</a>.``37';
|
|
isbe[6983]='Plain of Moab`In <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',1,1);">De 1:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',2,8);">2:8</a>, "plain" is translated in the Revised Version (British and American) "Arabah," and explained, "the deep valley running north and south of the Dead Sea." It was here that Moses delivered his last addresses. Ususally the word is plural (\'arebhoth), the "plains" or steppes of Moab (<a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',22,1);">Nu 22:1</a>, etc.; <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',34,1,8);">De 34:1,8</a>). An interesting description is given in an article on "The Steppes of Moab" by Professor G. B. Gray in The Expositor, January, 1905.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=MOAB">MOAB</a>`1';
|
|
isbe[6984]='Plain of the Pillar` (\'elon mutstsbh; Codex Vaticanus reads pros te balano te heurete tes staseos tes en Sikimois; Codex Alexandrinus omits te heurete, and the second tes): With the Revised Version margin we must read "terebinth of the pillar," the place where the men of Shechem and Beth-millo made Abimelech king (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',9,6);">Jud 9:6</a>). This was one of the sacred trees of which there seem to have been several near Shechem. "The pillar" may possibly have been the great stone which Joshua set up "under the oak that was by the sanctuary of Yahweh" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',24,26);">Jos 24:26</a>).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=MEONENIM,+OAK+OF">MEONENIM, OAK OF</a>`54';
|
|
isbe[6985]='Plain of the Vineyards``<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ABEL-CHERAMIM">ABEL-CHERAMIM</a>`1';
|
|
isbe[6986]='Plain, Cities of the``<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=CITIES+OF+THE+PLAIN">CITIES OF THE PLAIN</a>`1';
|
|
isbe[6987]='Plain; Plainly`plan, plan\'-li: In <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',25,27);">Ge 25:27</a>, the King James Version "plain" represents tam. If a contrast between the vocations of Jacob and Esau is meant, the Revised Version (British and American) ("quiet," margin "harmless") may be right. But elsewhere (<a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',1,1);">Job 1:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',37,37);">Ps 37:37</a>, etc.) the word means "perfect," and so probably here; the failings of the great patriarch did not detract from the general estimate of him (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',8,11);">Mt 8:11</a>). In <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',4,18);">Ezr 4:18</a> "translated" (Revised Version margin) is better than "plainly read."``1';
|
|
isbe[6988]='Plaister`plas\'-ter.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=PLASTER">PLASTER</a>`1';
|
|
isbe[6989]='Plaiting`plat\'-ing, plat\'-ing (from the Old French, pleit, which is from the Latin plicatum, "fold"): An interweaving, a braiding, a knot; an elaborate gathering of the hair into knots; emploke, "outward adorning of plaiting the hair" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Pe\',3,3);">1Pe 3:3</a>). Compare "platted" (crown of thorns) (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',27,29);">Mt 27:29</a> parallel <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',15,17);">Mr 15:17</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',19,2);">Joh 19:2</a>).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=BRAIDED,+BRAIDING">BRAIDED, BRAIDING</a>`1';
|
|
isbe[6990]='Plane`plan (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',44,13);">Isa 44:13</a>).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TOOLS">TOOLS</a>`1';
|
|
isbe[6991]='Plane Tree`plan\'-tre (\'armon; platanos (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',30,37);">Ge 30:37</a>), elate ("pine" or "fir") (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',31,8);">Eze 31:8</a>); the King James Version chestnut): \'Armon is supposed to be derived from the root aram, meaning "to be bare" or "naked"; this is considered a suitable term for the plane, which sheds its bark annually. The chestnut of the King James Version is not an indigenous tree, but the plane (Planus orientalis) is one of the finest trees in Palestine, flourishing especially by water courses (compare Ecclesiasticus 24:14).``1';
|
|
isbe[6992]='Planets`plan\'-ets (mazzaloth).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ASTROLOGY">ASTROLOGY</a>`1';
|
|
isbe[6993]='Plank`plank: Thick beams or pieces of wood, for which several Hebrew words are used. The Revised Version (British and American) changes "planks" (of fir) into "boards" in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',6,15);">1Ki 6:15</a>, and in a few instances substitutes "planks" where the King James Version has "boards" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',27,8);">Ex 27:8</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',38,7);">38:7</a>, the altar; <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',27,5);">Eze 27:5</a>). So in the New Testament in <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',27,44);">Ac 27:44</a>, for sanis.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=SHIPS+AND+BOATS">SHIPS AND BOATS</a>`1';
|
|
isbe[6994]='Plant, Plants``<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=BOTANY">BOTANY</a>`1';
|
|
isbe[6995]='Plaster (1)`plas\'-ter (sidh): In Egypt, now as in ancient times, the buildings are plastered inside and out. The poor quality of the stone commonly used makes this necessary if a smooth attractive surface is desired. Among the poorer classes, clay mixed with straw is used. In Palestine and Syria, where there is a rainy season, the coating on the outside walls, if made of clay, must be frequently renewed. In Egypt burnt gypsum, and in Palestine and Syria burnt limestone (lime) are the commonest materials for making mortar. For the first coat of plastering the lime is mixed with "fat" red sand or with the ash from the bathhouse fires, and the finishing coat is composed of white sand and slaked lime with or without chopped flax straw. The plaster on some of the ancient Egyptian ruins seems to indicate that milk or some similar substance was added to the mortar to give a better surface.<P>The ancients preferred plastered surfaces for decorating, and even the finest granite was covered with stucco on which to paint or carve the decorations (<a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',27,2);">De 27:2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Dan\',5,5);">Da 5:5</a>). Columns were often first stuccoed and then painted.<P>The Arabic word for mortar is Tin, which really means "clay." The Hebrew sidh, literally, "to boil up," refers to the boiling of the water with which the lime is slaked, because of the heat generated during the slaking process. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Dan\',5,5);">Da 5:5</a> occurs gir, i.e. "burned in a kiln," which might mean either lime or gypsum. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',14,42);">Le 14:42</a> occurs Tuach, "to smear."``133';
|
|
isbe[6996]='Plaster (2)`plas\'-ter (marach): Only used in <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',38,21);">Isa 38:21</a> of the application of the cake of figs to the boil from which Hezekiah suffered. In Papyrus Ebers, figs are used as the ingredient in a plaster (xxxv, lxxix, lxxxiii). Dioscorides also recommends figs with other substances as a poultice in some skin diseases.``1';
|
|
isbe[6997]='Plastering`plas\'-ter-ing.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=CRAFTS">CRAFTS</a>`1';
|
|
isbe[6998]='Plate`plat: A term seemingly not used in the Bible for a dish as it is so commonly used at present, but always for a tablet or sheet of metal.<P>(1) tsits (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',28,36);">Ex 28:36</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',39,30);">39:30</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',8,9);">Le 8:9</a>), a plate of gold on the front of the mitre of the high priest. The name seems to have been given because of the radiance of the object.<P>(2) pach (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',39,3);">Ex 39:3</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',16,38);">Nu 16:38</a>), of plates or sheets of metal produced by hammering.<P>(3) luach, used for tablets or tables of stone (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',24,12);">Ex 24:12</a>, etc.), but in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',7,36);">1Ki 7:36</a> for the metal plates on the bases of the lavers in the temple. The word ceren, is rendered "plate" in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',7,30);">1Ki 7:30</a> the King James Version, manifestly incorrectly, the Revised Version (British and American) "axle."``13';
|
|
isbe[6999]='Platter`plat\'-er:<P>(1) qe\'arah, "a deep dish" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',7,13,84,85);">Nu 7:13f; 84,85</a>). In the King James Version and the English Revised Version "charger," the American Standard Revised Version "platter" (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',25,29);">Ex 25:29</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',37,16);">37:16</a>); the Septuagint trublion, and in the New Testament rendered "dish" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',26,23);">Mt 26:23</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',14,20);">Mr 14:20</a>). In <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',1,9);">Ezr 1:9</a>, the American Standard Revised Version aghartal, rendered "platter," the King James Version and the English Revised Version "chargers"; probably a deep dish or basin used in sacrificial slaughter.<P>(2) paropsis, originally a side dish, for relishes, entrees, but of dishes for food, in general, especially meats, fish, etc., used with poterion, "cup" or "drinking vessel" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',23,25);">Mt 23:25</a>f); also pinax, originally a large wooden dish or plate (<a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',11,39);">Lu 11:39</a>); rendered "charger" in <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',14,8,11);">Mt 14:8,11</a> the King James Version, and <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',6,25,28);">Mr 6:25,28</a> the King James Version and the English Revised Version.``137';
|
|
isbe[7000]='Play`pla.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=GAMES">GAMES</a>`1';
|
|
</script>
|
|
<script src="./study/isbe/author.js" type="text/javascript"></script>
|
|
<script src="./study/isbe/isbeDisplay.js" type="text/javascript"></script>
|
|
<script src="./js/MainFooter.js" type="text/javascript"></script>
|
|
|