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isbe[8701]='Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs``<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=APOCALYPTIC+LITERATURE">APOCALYPTIC LITERATURE</a>`1';
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isbe[8702]='Testaments, Between the``<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=BETWEEN+THE+TESTAMENTS">BETWEEN THE TESTAMENTS</a>`1';
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isbe[8703]='Testimony, Ark of the`tes\'-ti-mo-ni (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',25,21);">Ex 25:21</a>f).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ARK+OF+THE+COVENANT">ARK OF THE COVENANT</a>`1';
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isbe[8704]='Teta`te\'-ta.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ATETA">ATETA</a>`1';
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isbe[8705]='Teth`teth (T): The 9th letter of the Hebrew alphabet; transliterated in this Encyclopedia as "T" (a more intense "t"). It came also to be used for the <span class="noTag">number 9</span>; and with waw ("w") for 15, with zayin ("z") for 16 (i.e. 9 plus 6 and 9 plus 7) to avoid forming regular series with the abbreviation for Yahweh.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ALPHABET">ALPHABET</a>`1';
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isbe[8706]='Tetrarch`te\'-trark, tet\'-rark tetrarches): As the name indicates it signifies a prince, who governs one-fourth of a domain or kingdom. The Greeks first used the word. Thus Philip of Macedon divided Thessaly into four "tetrarchies." Later on the Romans adopted the term and applied it to any ruler of a small principality. It is not synonymous with "ethnarch" at least the Romans made a distinction between Herod "tetrarch" of Galilee, Philip "tetrarch" of Trachonitis, Lysanias "tetrarch" of Abilene, and Archelaius "ethnarch" of Judea (BJ, II, vi, 3; Ant, XVII, xi, 4). The title was often conferred on Herodian princes by the Romans, and sometimes it was used courteously as a synonym for king (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',14,9);">Mt 14:9</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',6,14);">Mr 6:14</a>). In the same way a "tetrarchy" was sometimes called a kingdom.``42';
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isbe[8707]='Tetter`tet\'-er (bohaq; alphos): The term "freckled spot" in the King James Version is thus rendered in the Revised Version (British and American). The eruption referred to in <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',13,39);">Le 13:39</a> is a pale white spot on the skin. This is described by Gorraeus as an eruption arising from a diseased state of the system without roughness of skin, scales or ulceration. It did not render the sufferer unclean, although it is difficult of cure. The disease is commonly known by its Latin name vitiligo. Pliny recommended the use of capers and lupins to remove it.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=FRECKLED+SPOT">FRECKLED SPOT</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=LEPROSY">LEPROSY</a>`1';
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isbe[8708]='Text and Manuscripts of the New Testament`<b>I. SOURCES OF EVIDENCE FOR THE TEXT OF THE NEW TESTAMENT</b><P class="in15">1. Autographs of the New Testament Writers<P class="in15">2. Papyrus Fragments of the Greek New Testament<P class="in15">3. Greek Copies or Manuscripts of the New Testament Text<P class="in15">4. List of Manuscripts of the Greek New Testament<P class="in30">(1) Uncials<P class="in30">(2) Minuscules<P class="in15">5. Vernacular Versions<P class="in15">6. Patristic Quotations<P class="in15">7. Lectionaries and Service-Books<P><b>II. NECESSITY OF SIFTING AND CRITICIZING THE EVIDENCE</b><P><b>III. METHODS OF CRITICAL PROCEDURE</b><P><b>IV. HISTORY OF THE PROCESS</b><P><b>LITERATURE</b><hr /><P>The literary evidence to the text of the New Testament is vastly more abundant than that to any other series of writings of like compass in the entire range of ancient letters. Of the sacred books of the Hebrew Bible there is no known copy antedating the 10th century AD. Of Homer there is no complete copy earlier than the 13th century. Of Herodotus there is no manuscript earlier than the 10th century. Of Vergil but one copy is earlier than the 4th century, and but a fragment of all Cicero\'s writings is even as old as this. Of the New Testament, however, we have two splendid manuscripts of the 4th century, at least ten of the 5th, twentyfive of the 6th and in all a total of more than four thousand copies in whole or in part of the Greek New Testament. To these copies of the text itself may be added the very important and even more ancient evidence of the versions of the New Testament in the Latin, Syriac, and Egyptian tongues, and the quotations and clear references to the New Testament readings found in the works of the early Church Fathers, as well as the inscriptions and monumental data in Syria, Asia Minor, Africa, Italy, and Greece, dating from the very age of the apostles and their immediate successors. It thus appears that the documents of the Christian faith are both so many and so widely scattered that these very facts more than any others have embarrassed the final determination of the text. Now however, the science of textual criticism has so far advanced and the textual problems of the Greek Testament have been so well traversed that one may read the Christian writings with an assurance approximating certainty.<P>Professor Eberhard Nestle speaks of the Greek text of the New Testament issued by Westcott and Hort as the "nearest in its approach to the goal." Professor Alexander Souter\'s student\'s edition of the Revisers\' Greek New Testament, Oxford, 1910, no doubt attains even a higher watermark. It is the purpose of the present article to trace, as far as it can be done in a clear and untechnical manner, the process of connection between the original writings and this, one of the latest of the editions of the Greek New Testament.<P>I. Sources of Evidence for the Text of the New Testament.<P>1. Autographs of the New Testament Writers:<P>Until very recent times it has not been customary to take up with any degree of confidence, if at all, the subject of New Testament autographs, but since the researches in particular of Dalman, Deissmann, Moulton (W. F.) and Milligan (George), the task is not only appropriate but incumbent upon the careful student. The whole tendency of recent investigation is to give less place to the oral tradition of Christ\'s life and teaching and to press back the date of the writing of the Synoptic Gospels into the period falling between Pentecost and the destruction of Jerusalem. Sir William M. Ramsay goes so far as to claim that "antecedent probability founded on the general character of personal and contemporary Greek of Gr-Asiatic society" would indicate that the first Christian account of the circumstances connected with the death of Jesus must be presumed to have been written in the year when Jesus died" (Letters to the Seven Churches, 7). W. M. Flinders Petrie argues to the same end and says: "Some generally accepted Gospels must have been in circulation before 60 AD. The mass of briefer records and Logia which the habits and culture of that age would produce must have been welded together within 10 or 20 years by the external necessities" (The Growth of the Gospels, 7).<P>The autographs of the New Testament writers have long been lost, but the discovery during the last few years of contemporary documents enables us to form fairly clear notions as to their general literary character and condition. In the first place papyrus was probably the material employed by all the New Testament writers, even the original Gospel of Matthew and the general Epistle of James, the only books written within Palestine, not being excepted, for the reason that they were not originally written with a view to their liturgical use, in which case vellum might possibly have been employed. Again the evidence of the writings themselves witnesses to the various literary processes followed during the 1st century. Dictation was largely followed by Paul, the names of at least four of his secretaries, Tertius, Sosthenes, Timothy, and Sylvanus, being given, while the master himself, as in many of the Egyptian papyri, appended his own signature, sometimes with a sentence or two at the end. The method of personal research was pursued, as well as compilation of diverse data including folklore and genealogies, together with the grouping of cognate matters in artistic forms and abundant quotation in writings held in high esteem by the readers, as in the First and Third Gospels and the Book of Acts. The presentation copy of one\'s works must have been written with unusual pains in case of their dedication to a patrician patron, as Luke to "most excellent Theophilus." For speculation as to the probable dimensions of the original papyrus rolls of New Testament books, one will find Professor J. Rendel Harris and Sir F. G. Kenyon extremely suggestive, and from opposite viewpoints; compare Kenyon, Handbook of the Textual Criticism of the New Testament; Harris, New Testament Autographs.<P>Comparatively few papyrus fragments of the New Testament are now known to be extant, and no complete book of the New Testament has as yet been found, though the successes in the field of contemporary Greek writings inspire confidence that ere long the rubbish heaps of Egypt will reward the diligent explorer. Of the Septuagint (Greek Old Testament) somewhat more has come to light than the New Testament, while the papyrus copies and fragments of Homer are almost daily increasing.<P>The list below is condensed from that of Sir Frederick G. Kenyon\'s Handbook of the Textual Criticism of the New Testament, 2nd edition,1912,41ff, using Dr. Gregory\'s method of notation.<P>2. Papyrus Fragments of the Greek New Testament:<P>P1 <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',1,\'1-9\',12,\'14-20\');">Mt 1:1-9,12,14-20</a>. 3rd century. Found at Oxyrhynchus in 1896, now in the University of Pennsylvania.<P>See illustration under <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=PAPYRUS">PAPYRUS</a>.<P>P2 <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',12,\'12-15\');">Joh 12:12-15</a> in Greek on the verso, with <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',7,18);">Lu 7:18</a>ff in Sahidic on the recto. 5th or 6th century. In book form, at the Museo Archeologico, Florence.<P>P3 <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',7,\'36-43\');">Lu 7:36-43</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',10,\'38-42\');">10:38-42</a>. 6th century. In book form. In the Rainer Collection, Vienna.<P>P4 <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',1,\'74-80\');">Lu 1:74-80</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',5,\'3-8\',30);">5:3-8,30</a>-<a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',6,\'1-4\');">6:4</a>. 4th century. In book form. Found in Egypt joined to a manuscript of Philo; now in the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris.<P>P5 <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',1,\'23-31\',\'33-41\');">Joh 1:23-31, 33-41</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',20,\'11-17\',\'19-25\');">20:11-17, 19-25</a>. 3rd century. An outer sheet of a single-quire book. Found at Oxyrhynchus and now in the British Museum.<P>P6 <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',11,45);">Joh 11:45</a>. University of Strassburg.<P>P7 <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',4,1,2);">Lu 4:1,2</a>. Archaeological Museum at Kieff.<P>P8 <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',4,\'31-37\');">Ac 4:31-37</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',5,\'2-9\');">5:2-9</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',6,\'1-6\',\'8-15\');">6:1-6,8-15</a>. 4th century. In the Berlin Museum.<P>P9 <a onClick="return mV(\'1Jo\',4,\'11-13\',\'15-17\');">1Joh 4:11-13,15-17</a>. 4th or 5th century. In book form. Found at Oxyrhynchus; now in Harvard University Library.<P>P10 <a onClick="return mV(\'Rom\',1,\'1-7\');">Ro 1:1-7</a>. 4th century. Found at Oxyrhynchus; now in Harvard University Library.<P>P11 <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',1,\'17-20\');">1Co 1:17-20</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',6,\'13-18\');">6:13-18</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',7,3,4,\'10-14\');">7:3,4,10-14</a>. 5th century. In the Imperial Library at Petersburg.<P>P12 <a onClick="return mV(\'Hbr\',1,1);">Heb 1:1</a>. 3d or 4th century. In the Amherst Library.<P>P13 <a onClick="return mV(\'Hbr\',2,\'14-\');">Heb 2:14-5:5</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Hbr\',10,\'8-\');">10:8</A>-<a onClick="return mV(\'Hbr\',11,\'1-13\');">11:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Hbr\',11,\'28-\');">11:28</A>-<a onClick="return mV(\'Hbr\',10,\'1-17\');">12:17</a>. 3rd or 4th century. Found at Oxyrhynchus; now in the British Museum.<P>P14:<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',1,\'25-27\');">1Co 1:25-27</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',2,\'3-8\');">2:3-8</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',3,\'8-10\',20);">3:8-10,20</a>. 5th century. In book form; at Catherine\'s Monastery, Mt. Sinai.<P>P15:<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',7,18);">1Co 7:18-8:4</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',3,\'9-17\');">Php 3:9-17</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',4,\'2-8\');">4:2-8</a>. 4th century. Found at Oxyrhynchus.<P>P16 <a onClick="return mV(\'Rom\',12,\'3-8\');">Ro 12:3-8</a>. 6th or 7th century. Ryland\'s Library, Manchester.<P>P17 <a onClick="return mV(\'Tts\',1,\'11-15\');">Tit 1:11-15</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Tts\',2,\'3-8\');">2:3-8</a>. 3rd century. Ryland\'s Library, Manchester.<P>P18 <a onClick="return mV(\'Hbr\',9,\'12-19\');">Heb 9:12-19</a>. 4th century. Found at Oxyrhynchus.<P>P19 <a onClick="return mV(\'Rev\',1,\'4-7\');">Re 1:4-7</a>. 3rd or 4th century. Found at Oxyrhynchus.<P>3. Greek Copies or Manuscripts of the New Testament Text:<P>Greek copies or manuscripts of the New Testament text have hitherto been and probably will continue to be the chief source of data in this great field. For determining the existence of the text in its most ancient form the autographs are of supreme value. For determining the content or extent of the text the versions are of highest worth. For estimating the meaning and at the same time for gaining additional data, both as to existence and extent of usage of the New Testament, the quotations of its text by the Church Fathers, whether as apologists, preachers, or historians, in Assyria, Greece, Africa, Italy or Gaul, are of exceeding importance. But for determining the readings of the text itself the Greek manuscripts or copies of the original autographs are still the principal evidence of criticism. About 4,000 manuscripts, in whole or in part, of the Greek New Testament are now known. These manuscripts furnish abundant evidence for determining the reading of practically the entire New Testament, while for the Gospels and most important Epistles the evidence is unprecedented for quantity and for clearness. They are usually divided into two classes: Uncial, or large hand, and Minuscule, or small hand, often called Cursive. The term "cursive" is not satisfactory, since it does not coordinate with the term "uncial," nor are so-called cursive features such as ligatures and oval forms confined to minuscule manuscripts. The uncials comprise about 140 copies extending from the 4th to the 10th centuries. The minuscules include the remaining manuscripts and fall between the 9th century and the invention of printing. Herewith is given a brief description of a few of the chief manuscripts, both uncial and minuscule, of the New Testament.<P>4. List of Manuscripts of the Greek New Testament:<P>(1) Uncials.<P>Codex Sinaiticus found by Tischendorf at Catherine\'s Monastery on Mt. Sinai and now in the Imperial Library at Petersburg; 4th century. This is the only uncial which contains the New Testament entire. It also has the Epistle of Barnabas and part of the Shepherd of Hermas and possibly originally the Didache. The marks of many correctors are found in the text. It is written on 147 1/2 leaves of very thin vellum in four narrow columns of 48 lines each. The pages measure 15 X 13 1/2 in., and the leaves are arranged in quaternions of four sheets. The open sheet exposing eight columns resembles greatly an open papyrus roll. There is but rudimentary punctuation and no use of accent or initial letters, but the Eusebian section numbers are found on the margin of the Gospels.<P>Codex Alexandrinus (A), so named since it was supposed to have come from Alexandria, being the gift of Cyril Lucar, at one time Patriarch of that Province, though later of Constantinople, to Charles I, through the English ambassador at the Turkish court in 1627, and in 1757 presented to the Royal Library and now in the British Museum. It doubtless belongs to the 5th century, and contained the entire New Testament, lacking now only portions of Matthew, John, and 1 Corinthians, as well as the two Epistles of Clement of Rome and the Psalm of Solomon. It is written on thin vellum in two columns of 41 lines to the page, which <span class="noTag">is</span> 12 5/8 X 10 3/8 in.; employs frequent initial capitals, and is divided into paragraphs, but has no marginal signs except in the Gospels. Several different hands are discovered in the present state of the MS.<P>Codex Vaticanus (B), since 1481, at least, the chief treasure of the Vatican Library, and universally esteemed to be the oldest and best manuscript of the Greek New Testament; 4th century. Written on very fine vellum, the leaves nearly square in shape, 10 X 10 1/2 in., with three narrow columns of 40-44 lines per column and five sheets making the quire. A part of the Epistle to the Hebrews and the Pastorals, Philemon and Revelation are lacking. It is without accents, breathings or punctuation, though corrected and retraced by later hands. In the Gospels the divisions are of an earlier date than in Codex Sinaiticus. The theory of Tischendorf that Codex Sinaiticus and Codex Vaticanus were in part prepared by the same hand and that they were both among the 50 manuscripts made under the direction of Eusebius at Caesarea in 331 for use in the emperor Constantine\'s new capital, is not now generally accepted.<P>Codex Ephraemi Rescriptus (C). This is the great palimpsest (twice written) manuscript of the uncial group, and originally contained the whole New Testament. Now, however, a part<72>approximately half<6C>of every book is lacking, and 2 Thessalonians and 2 John are entirely gone. It belongs to the 5th century, is written on good vellum 9 X 12 1/2 in. to the page of 41 lines, and of one column in the original text, though the superimposed writings of Ephraem are in two. Enlarged initials and the Eusebian marginal sections are used and several hands have corrected the MS. See Fig. 2. Brought to Italy from the East in the 16th century, it came to France with Catherine de\' Medici and is now in the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris.<P>Codex Bezae (D). This is the early known manuscript which Theodore Beza obtained in 1562 from the monastery of Irenaeus at Lyons and which he gave in 1581 to the University of Cambridge, where it now is. It is a Greek-Latin text, the Greek holding the chief place on the left-hand page, measuring 8 X 10 in., and dates probably from the end of the 5th century. Both Greek and Latin are written in large uncials and divided into short clauses, corresponding line for line. The hands of no less than nine correctors have been traced, and the critical questions arising from the character of the readings are among the most interesting in the whole range of Biblical criticism and are still unsettled. It contains only the Gospels and Acts with a fragment of 3 John.<P>Codex Washingtoniensis (W). The United States has now in the National Library (Smithsonian) at the capital one of the foremost uncial manuscripts of the Greek New Testament. It is a complete codex of the Gospels, in a slightly sloping but very ancient hand, written upon good vellum, in one column of 30 lines to the page, and 6 X 9 in. in size. By all the tests ordinarily given, it belongs to the period of the earliest codices, possibly of the 4th century. Like Codex Bezae (D), it has the order of the Gospels: Matthew, John, Luke, Mark, and contains an apocryphal interpolation within the longer ending of Mark for which no other Greek authority is known, though it is probably referred to by Jerome. It has been published in facsimile by Mr. C. L. Freer of Detroit, who obtained the manuscript in Egypt in 1906, and is edited by Professor H. A. Sanders for the University of Michigan Press, 1911.<P>(2) Minuscules.<P>Out of the thousands of minuscule manuscripts now known only the four used by Erasmus, together with one now found in the United States, will be enumerated.<P>1. This is an 11th-century codex at Basel. It must have been copied from a good uncial, since its text often agrees with Codex Sinaiticus and Codex Vaticanus.<P>1R. Of the 12th century, and now at Mayhingen, Bayaria: This is the only manuscript Erasmus had for Revelation in his editio princeps, and being defective at the end, <a onClick="return mV(\'Rev\',22,\'16-21\');">22:16-21</A>, he supplied the Greek text by retranslating from the Latin; compare Textus Receptus of the New Testament and the King James Version. Generally speaking, this manuscript is of high quality.<P>2. This is a 15th-century manuscript at Basel, and was that on which Erasmus most depended for his 1st edition, 1516. It reflects a good quality of text.<P>2AP. Some have assigned this manuscript to the 12th century, though it was probably later. It is at Basel, and was the principal text used by Erasmus in the Acts and Epistles.<P>667. An illustration of a good type of minuscule of the Gospels is taken from Evangelistaria 667, which came from an island of the Sea of Marmorn; purchased in Constantinople by Dr. Albert L. Long in 1892 and now in the Drew Seminary Library at Madison, N.J.<P>5. Vernacular Versions:<P>Vernacular VSS, or translations of the Scriptures into the tongues of western Christendom, were, some of them, made as early as the 2nd century, and thus antedate by several generations our best-known Greek text. It is considered by many as providential that the Bible was early translated into different tongues, so that its corruption to any large extent became almost if not altogether an impossibility, since the versions of necessity belonged to parts of the church widely removed from one another and with very diverse doctrinal and institutional tendencies. The testimony of translations to the exact form of words used either in an autograph or a Greek copy of an author is at best not beyond dispute, but as evidence for the presence or absence of whole sections or clauses of the original, their standing is of prime importance. Such extreme literalness frequently prevails that the vernacular idiom is entirely set aside and the order and construction of words in the original sources are slavishly followed and even transliterated, so that their bearing on many questions at issue is direct and convincing. Although the Greek New Testament has now been translated into all the principal tongues of the earth, comparative criticism is confined to those versions made during the first eight centuries.<P>6. Patristic Quotations:<P>Patristic quotations afford a unique basis of evidence for determining readings of the New Testament. So able and energetic were the Church Fathers of the early centuries that it is entirely probable that the whole text of the Greek New Testament could be recovered from this source alone, if the writings of apologists, homilists and commentators were carefully collated. It is also true that the earliest heretics as well as the defenders of the faith recognized the importance of accurately determining the original text, so that their remains also comprise no mean source for critical research. It is evident that the value of patristic quotations will vary according to such factors as the reliability of the reading, as quoted, the personal equation or habit of accuracy or looseness of the particular writer, and the purity or corruption of the text he employs. One of the marked advantages of this sort of evidence arises from the fact that it affords additional ground for localizing and dating the various classes of texts found both in original copies and in versions. For general study the more prominent Church Fathers of the 2nd, 3rd and 4th centuries are sufficient, though profitable investigation may be made of a much wider period. By the beginning of the 5th century, however, the type of text quoted almost universally was closely akin to that now known as the Textus Receptus.<P>7. Lectionaries and Service-Books:<P>Lectionaries and service-books of the early Christian period afford a source of considerable value in determining the general type of texts, together with the order and contents and distribution of the several books of the Canon. As the lectionary systems both of the eastern and western churches reach back to post-apostolic times and all are marked by great verbal conservatism, they present data of real worth for determining certain problems of textual criticism. From the very nature of the case, being compiled for a liturgical use, the readings are often introduced and ended by set formulas, but these are easily separated from the text itself, which generally follows copy faithfully. Even the systems of chapter headings and divisions furnish clues for classifying and comparing texts, for there is high probability that texts with the same chapter divisions come from the same country. Probably the earliest system of chapter divisions is preserved in Codex Vaticanus, coming down to us from Alexandria probably by way of Caesarea. That it antedates the codex in which it appears is seen from the fact that the Pauline Epistles are numbered as comprising a continuous book with a break between Galatians and Ephesians and the dislocated section numbers attached to Hebrews which follows 2 Thessalonians here, though the numbers indicate its earlier position after Galatians. Another system of chapter divisions, at least as old as the 5th century, found in Codex Alexandrinus, cuts the text into much larger sections, known as Cephalia Majora. In all cases the enumeration begins with the 2nd section, the 1st being considered introductory. Bishop Eusebius developed a system of text division of the Gospels based upon an earlier method attributed to Ammonius, adding a series of tables or Canons. The first table contained sections giving events common to all four evangelists, and its number was written beneath the section number on the margin in each Gospel, so that their parallels could readily be found. The 2nd, 3rd and 4th Canons contain lists of sections in which three of the Gospels have passages in common (the combination Mark, Luke, John, does not occur). The 5th, 6th, 7th, 8th and 9th contain lists in which two combine (the combination Mark, John, does not occur). Canon 10 contains those peculiar to some one of the Gospels.<P>II. Necessity of Sifting and Criticizing the Evidence.<P>Criticism from its very nature concerns itself entirely with the problems suggested by the errors of various kinds which it brings to light. In the writings of the New Testament the resources of textual evidence are so vast, exceeding, as we have seen, those of any other ancient literature, sacred or secular, that the area of actual error is relatively quite appreciable, though it must be remembered that this very abundance of textual variety ultimately makes for the integrity and doctrinal unity of the teaching of the New Testament books. Conjectural emendation which has played so large a part in the restoration of other writings has but slight place in the textual criticism of the New Testament, whose materials are so abundant that the difficulty is rather to select right renderings than to invent them. We have catalogued the principal sources of right readings, but on the most casual investigation of them discover large numbers of wrong readings mingled with the true, and must proceed to consider the sources of error or various readings, as they are called, of which approximately some 200,000 are known to exist in the various manuscripts, VSS, patristic citations and other data for the text.<P>"Not," as Dr. Warfield says, "that there are 200,000 places in the New Testament where various readings occur, but that there are nearly 200,000 readings all told, and in many cases the documents so differ among themselves that many various readings are counted on a single word, for each document is compared in turn with one standard and the number of its divergences ascertained, then these sums are themselves added together and the result given as the number of actually observed variations." Dr. Ezra Abbott was accustomed to remark that "about nineteen-twentieths of the variations have so little support that, although there are various readings, no one would think of them as rival readings, and nineteen-twentieths of the remainder are of so little importance that their adoption or rejection would cause no appreciable difference in the sense of the passages in which they occur." Dr. Hort\'s view was that "upon about one word in eight, various readings exist supported by sufficient evidence to bid us pause and look at it; about one word in sixty has various readings upon it supported by such evidence as to render our decision nice and difficult, but that so many variations are trivial that only about one word in every thousand has upon it substantial variation supported by such evidence as to call out the efforts of the critic in deciding between the readings." The oft-repeated dictum of Bentley is still valid that "the real text of the sacred writings is competently exact, nor is one article of faith or moral precept either perverted or lost, choose as awkwardly as you will, choose the worst by design, out of the whole lump of readings." Despite all this, the true scholar must be furnished rightly to discriminate in the matter of diverse readings.<P>From the very nature of the case it is probable that errors should be frequent in the New Testament; indeed, even printed works are not free from them, as is seen in the most carefully edited editions of the English Bible, but in manuscripts the difficulty is increased in direct proportion to the number of various copies still extant. There are two classes of errors giving rise to various readings, unconscious or unintentional and conscious or intentional.<P>1. First Class:<P>Of the first class, that of unconscious errors, there are five sorts:<P>(1) Errors of the Eye.<P>Errors of the eye, where the sight of the copyist confuses letters or endings that are similar, writing e.g. capital eta for capital sigma; capital omicron for capital theta; capital alpha for capital lambda or capital delta; capital pi (P) for capital tau and capital iota (written together, TI); PAN for TIAN; capital mu (M) for a double capital lambda (LL). Here should be named homoeoteleuton, which arises when two successive lines in a copy end in the same word or syllable and the eye catches the second line instead of the first and the copyist omits the intervening words as in Codex Ephraemi of <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',6,39);">Joh 6:39</a>.<P>(2) Errors of the Pen.<P>Here is classed all that body of variation due to the miswriting by the penman of what is correctly enough in his mind but through carelessness he fails rightly to transfer to the new copy. Transposition of similar letters has evidently occurred in Codices E, M, and H of <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',14,65);">Mr 14:65</a>, also in H2 L2 of <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',13,23);">Ac 13:23</a>.<P>(3) Errors of Speech.<P>Here are included those variations which have sprung from the habitual forms of speech to which the scribe in the particular case was accustomed and which he therefore was inclined to write. Under this head comes "itacism," arising from the confusion of vowels and diphthongs, especially in dictation. Thus, iota (i) is constantly written as epsilon-iota (ei) and vice versa; alpha-iota (ai) for epsilon (e); eta (ee) and iota (i) for epsilon-iota (ei); eta (ee) and omicron-iota (oi) for upsilon (u); omicron (o) for omega (oo) and epsilon (e) for eta (ee). It is observed that in Codex Sinaiticus we have scribal preference for iota (i) alone, while in Codex Vaticanus epsilon-iota (ei) is preferred.<P>(4) Errors of Memory.<P>These are explained as having arisen from the "copyist holding a clause or sequence of letters in his somewhat treacherous memory between the glance at the manuscript to be copied and his writing down what he saw there." Here are classed the numerous petty changes in the order of words and the substitution of synonyms, as eipen for ephee, ek for apo, and vice versa.<P>(5) Errors of Judgment.<P>Under this class Dr. Warfield cites "many misreadings of abbreviations, as also the adoption of marginal glosses into the text by which much of the most striking corruption which has entered the text has been produced." Notable instances of this type of error are found in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',5,\'1-4\');">Joh 5:1-4</a>, explaining how it happened that the waters of Bethesda were healing; and in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',7,\'53-\');">Joh 7:53</A>-<a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',8,\'1-12\');">8:12</a>, the passage concerning the adulteress, and the last twelve verses of Mark.<P>2. Second Class:<P>Turning to the second class, that of conscious or intentional errors, we may tabulate:<P>(1) Linguistic or Rhetorical Corrections.<P>Linguistic or rhetorical corrections, no doubt often made in entire good faith under the impression that an error had previously crept into the text and needed correcting. Thus, second aorist terminations in -a are changed to -o and the like.<P>(2) Historical Corrections.<P>Under this head is placed all that group of changes similar to the case in <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',1,2);">Mr 1:2</a>, where the phrase "Isaiah the prophet" is changed into "the prophets."<P>(3) Harmonistic Corrections.<P>These are quite frequent in the Gospels, e.g. the attempted assimilation of the Lord\'s Prayer in Luke to the fuller form in Matthew, and quite possibly the addition of the words "of sin" to the phrase in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',8,34);">Joh 8:34</a>, "Every one that doeth sin is a slave." A certain group of harmonistic corruptions where scribes allow the memory, perhaps unconsciously, to affect the writing may rightly be classed under (4) above.<P>(4) Doctrinal Corrections.<P>Of these it is difficult to assert any unquestioned cases unless it be the celebrated Trinitarian passage (King James Version, <a onClick="return mV(\'1Jo\',5,7,8);">1Joh 5:7,8a</a>) or the several passages in which fasting is coupled with prayer, as in <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',17,21);">Mt 17:21</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',9,29);">Mr 9:29</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',10,30);">Ac 10:30</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',7,5);">1Co 7:5</a>.<P>(5) Liturgical Corrections.<P>These are very common, especially in the lectionaries, as in the beginning of lessons, and are even found in early uncials, e.g. <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',8,31);">Lu 8:31</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',10,23);">10:23</a>, etc.<P>III. Methods of Critical Procedure.<P>Here as in other human disciplines necessity is the mother of invention, and the principles of critical procedure rest almost entirely on the data connected with the errors and discrepancies which have consciously or unconsciously crept into the text. The dictum of Dr. George Salmon that "God has at no time given His church a text absolutely free from ambiguity" is true warrant for a free and continued inquiry into this attractive field of study. The process of textual criticism has gradually evolved certain rules based upon judgments formed after patiently classifying and taking into account all the documentary evidence available, both internal and external.<P>(1) An older reading is preferable to one later, since it is presumed to be nearer the original. However, mere age is no sure proof of purity, as it is now clear that very many of the corruptions of the text became current at an early date, so that in some cases it is found that later copies really represent a more ancient reading.<P>(2) A more difficult reading, if well supported, is preferable to one that is easier, since it is the tendency of copyists to substitute an easy, well-known and smooth reading for one that is harsh, unusual and ungrammatical. This was commonly done with the best of intentions, the scribe supposing he was rendering a real service to truth.<P>(3) A shorter is preferable to a longer reading, since here again the common tendency of scribes is toward additions and insertions rather than omissions. Hence arose, in the first place, the marginal glosses and insertions between the lines which later transcribers incorporated into the text. Although this rule has been widely accepted, it must be applied with discrimination, a longer reading being in some cases clearly more in harmony with the style of the original, or the shorter having arisen from a case of homoeoteleuton.<P>(4) A reading is preferable, other things being equal, from which the origin of all alternative readings can most clearly be derived. This principle is at once of the utmost importance and at the same time demands the most careful application. It is a sharp two-edged-sword, dangerous alike to the user and to his opponents.<P>(5) A reading is preferable, says Scrivener, "which best suits the peculiar style, manner and habits of thought of an author, it being the tendency of copyists to overlook the idiosyncrasies of the writer. Yet habit or the love of critical correction may sometimes lead the scribe to change the text to his author\'s more usual style as well as to depart from it through inadvertence, so that we may securely apply the rule only where the external evidence is not unequally balanced.".<P>(6) A reading is preferable which reflects no doctrinal bias, whether orthodox on the one side or heretical on the other. This principle is so obvious that it is accepted on all sides, but in practice wide divergence arises, owing to the doctrinal bias of the critic himself.<P>These are the main Canons of internal evidence. On the side of external evidence may be summarized what has already been implied:<P>(1) A more ancient reading is usually one that is supported by the most ancient manuscripts.<P>(2) A reading which has the undoubted support of the earliest manuscripts, versions and patristic writers is unquestionably original.<P>(3) A disagreement of early authorities usually indicates the existence of corruption prior to them all.<P>(4) Mere numerical preponderance of witnesses (to a reading) of any one class, locality or time, is of comparative insignificance.<P>(5) Great significance must be granted to the testimony of witnesses from localities or times widely apart, and it can only be satisfactorily met by a balancing agreement of witnesses also from different times and localities.<P>These rules, though they are all excellent and each has been employed by different critics with good results, are now somewhat displaced, or rather supplemented, by the application of a principle very widely used, though not discovered, by Westcott and Hort, known as the principle of the genealogy of manuscripts. The inspection of a very broad range of witnesses to the New Testament text has led to their classification into groups and families according to their prevailing errors, it being obvious that the greater the community of errors the closer the relationship of witnesses. Although some of the terms used by Westcott and Hort, as well as their content, have given rise to well-placed criticism, yet their grouping of manuscripts is so self-convincing that it bids fair, with but slight modification, to hold, as it has thus far done, first place in the field. Sir Frederick G. Kenyon has so admirably stated the method that the gist of his account will be given, largely using his identical words (Handbook to the Textual Criticism of the New Testament, 2nd edition, London, 1912). As in all scientific criticism, four steps are followed by Westcott and Hort:<P>(a) The individual readings and the authorities for them are studied;<P>(b) an estimate is formed of the character of the several authorities;<P>(c) an effort is made to group these authorities as descendants of a common ancestor, and<P>(d) the individual readings are again taken up and the first provisional estimate of their comparative probability revised in the light of the knowledge gained as to the value and interrelation of the several authorities.<P>Applying these methods, four groups of texts emerge from the mass of early witnesses:<P>(a) The Antiochian or Syrian, the most popular of all and at the base of the Greek Textus Receptus and the English King James Version; in the Gospels the great uncials Alexandrinus and Ephraemi (C) support it as well as Codex N, Codex Sigma and Codex Phi, most of the later uncials and almost all minuscules, the Peshitta-Syriac version and the bulk of the Church Fathers from Chrysostom;<P>(b) the Neutral, a term giving rise to criticism on all sides and by some displaced by the term Egyptian; this group is small but of high antiquity, including S B L T Z, A and C, save in the Gospels, the Coptic versions (especially the Bohairic) and some of the minuscules, notably 33 and 81;<P>(c) the Alexandrian, closely akin to the Neutral group, not found wholly in any one manuscript but traceable in such manuscripts as S C L X,33,and the Bohairic version, when they differ from the other members headed by B;<P>(d) the Western, another term considered ambiguous, since it includes some important manuscripts and Fathers very ancient and very Eastern; here belong D D2 E2 F2 G2 among the uncials, 28, 235, 383, 565, 614, 700, and 876 among the minuscules, the Old Syriac and Old Latin and sometimes the Sahidic versions.<P>Of these groups by far the most superior is the Neutral, though Westcott and Hort have made it so exclusively to coincide with Codex Vaticanus that they appear at times to have broken one of the great commandments of a philologist, as quoted by Dr. Nestle from a German professor, "Thou shalt worship no codices." Now, the only serious dispute centers on the apparent slight which this system may have put upon the so-called Western type of text in group four. The variants of this family are extensive and important and appear due to an extremely free handling of the text at some early date when scribes felt themselves at liberty to vary the language of the sacred books and even to insert additional passages of considerable length.<P>Although this type of text is of very early origin and though prevalent in the East was very early carried to the West, and being widely known there has been called Western, yet, because of the liberties above referred to, its critical value is not high, save in the one field of omissions. In Egypt, however, and especially Alexandria, just as in the case of the Old Testament, the text of the New Testament was critically considered and conserved, and doubtless the family called Neutral, as well as the so-called Alexandrian, springs up here and through close association with Caesarea becomes prevalent in Palestine and is destined to prevail everywhere. The Westcott-Hort contention that the Antiochian text arose as a formal attempt at repeated revision of the original text in Antioch is not so convincing, but for want of a better theory still holds its place. Their objections, however, to its characteristic readings are well taken and everywhere accepted, even von Soden practically agreeing here, though naming it the Koine text. It is also interesting to find that von Soden\'s Hesychian text so closely parallels the Neutral-Alexandrian above, and his Jerusalem family the Western. And thus we arrive at the present consensus of opinion as to the genealogical source of the text of the New Testament.<P>IV. History of the Process.<P>Abundant evidence exists and is constantly growing to show that critical opinion and methods were known at least from the very days of the formation of the New Testament Canon, but in such a sketch as the present the history can only be traced in modern times. The era of printing necessarily marks a new epoch here. Among available manuscripts choice must be made and a standard set, and in view of the material at hand it is remarkable how ably the work was done. It began in Spain under Cardinal Ximenes of Toledo, who printed at Alcala (Complutum) in 1514 the New Testament volume of his great Polyglot, though it was not actually issued until 1522. Meanwhile the great Erasmus, under patronage of Froben the printer of Basel, had been preparing a Greek New Testament, and it was published early in 1516 in a single volume and at low cost, and had reached its 3rd edition by 1522. His 4th edition in 1537 contains Erasmus\' definitive text, and, besides using Cardinal Ximenes\' text, had the advantage of minuscule manuscripts already named. The next important step was taken by Robert Estienne (Stephanus), whose 3rd edition, "Regia," a folio published in Paris in 1550, was a distinct advance, and, though based directly upon the work of Ximenes and Erasmus, had marginal readings from 15 new manuscripts, one of which was Codex Bezae (D). The learned Theodore Beza himself worked with Stephanus\' son Henri, and brought out no less than nine editions of the New Testament, but no great critical advance was made in them. The same may be said of the Seven Elzevir editions brought out at Leyden and Amsterdam between 1624 and 1678, the second, that of 1633, in the preface of which occurs the phrase, "Textum ergo habes nunc ab omnibus receptum," becoming the continental standard, as the 1550 edition of Stephanus has for England. Thus, we arrive at the Textus Receptus, and the period of preparation is closed.<P>The second period, or that of discovery and research, was ushered in by the great London Polyglot of 1657, edited by Brian Walton (later Bishop of Chester) with collations by Archbishop Ussher of 15 fresh manuscripts, including Codex Alexandrinus and Codex 59. But Dr. John Mill of Oxford was the Erasmus of this period, and in 1707 after 30 years of labor brought out the Greek Textus Receptus with fresh collations of 78 manuscripts, many versions and quotations from the early Fathers. His manuscripts included A B D E K,28,33,59,69,71,the Peshito, Old Latin and Vulgate, and his Prolegomena set a new standard for textual criticism. This apparatus was rightly appreciated by Richard Bentley of Cambridge and a revised text of the Greek and of the Vulgate New Testament was projected along lines which have prevailed to this day. The work and wide correspondence of Bentley had stirred up continental scholars, and J. A. Bengel published in 1734 at Tubingen a Greek New Testament with the first suggestion as to genealogical classification of manuscripts. J. J. Wetstein of Basel and Amsterdam, though a very great collector of data and the author of the system of manuscript notation which has continued ever since, made little critical advance. J. S. Semler, taking Wetstein\'s material, began rightly to interpret it, and his pupil J. J. Griesbach carried the work still farther, clearly distinguishing for the first time a Western, an Alexandrian and a Constantinopolitan recension.<P>With Carl Lachmann began the last epoch in New Testament criticism which has succeeded in going behind the Textus Receptus and establishing an authentic text based on the most ancient sources. He applied the critical methods with which he was familiar in editing the classics, and with the help of P. Buttmann produced an edition in 1842-50 which led the way directly toward the goal; but they were limited in materials and Tischendorf soon furnished these. Constantine Tischendorf, both as collector and editor, is the foremost man thus far in the field. His 8th edition,1872,of the Greek New Testament, together with his Prolegomena, completed and published, 1884-1894, by C. R. Gregory, set a new standard. Dr. Gregory\'s German edition of the Prolegomena, 1900-1909, supplemented by his Die griechischen Handschriften des New Testament, 1908, marks the further advance of the master through his master pupil. Meanwhile, S. P. Tregelles was doing almost as prodigious and valuable a work in England, and was thus preparing for the final advances at Cambridge. F. H. A. Scrivener also ranks high and did extremely valuable, though somewhat conservative, work in the same direction. In 1881 "the greatest edition ever published," according to Professor Souter, was brought out in England coincident with the Revised Version of the English New Testament. This, together with the introduction, which the same writer characterizes as "an achievement never surpassed in the scholarship of any country," was the joint product of B. F. Westcott and F. J. A. Hort, friends and co-workers for many years in the University of Cambridge. Thus with the end of the 19th century the history of the process may be said to close, though both process and progress still advance with ever increasing triumph.<P>Von Soden\'s edition of the New Testament appeared during the summer of 1913 and is of first importance. It differs from all others in the extreme weight laid on Tatian\'s Diatessaron as the source of the bulk of the errors in the Gospels. This theory is not likely to command the assent of scholars and the text (which does not differ greatly from Tischendorf\'s) is consequently of doubtful value. Nevertheless, for fullness of material, clearness of arrangement, and beauty of printing, von Soden\'s edition must inevitably supersede all others, even where the text is dissented from. Dr. Gregory promises a new edition at some day not too far in the future which, in turn, will probably supersede von Soden\'s.<P>LITERATURE.<P>C. R. Gregory, Prolegomena to Tischendorf\'s New Testament, Leipzig, 1884-94, Textkritik des New Testament, Leipzig, 1900-1909, Die griechischen Handschriften des New Testament, Leipzig,1908,Einleitung in das New Testament, Leipzig,1909,Vorschlage fur eine kritische Ausgabe des griechischen New Testament, Leipzig, 1911; F. G. Kenyon, Paleography of Greek Papyri, Oxford,1899,Handbook to the Textual Criticism of the New Testament, London2, 1912; K. Lake, The Text of the New Testament, 4th edition, London, 1910; G. Milligan, Selections from the Greek Papyri, Cambridge,1910,The New Testament Documents, 1913; Eb. Nestle, Einfuhrung in das New Testament, Gottingen3, 1909; F. H. A. Scrivener, Plain Introduction to the Criticism of the New Testament, 4th edition, London, 1894; Souter, Text and Canon of the New Testament, 1913; E. M. Thompson, Handbook of Greek and Latin Paleography, 2nd edition, London, 1894; H. von Soden, Die Schriften des New Testament, I. Tell, Untersuchungen, Berlin, 1902-10; II, Tell, 1913; B. F. Westcott, and F. J. A. Hort, The New Testament in Greek with Introduction, Cambridge and London, 1896; Th. Zahn, Introduction to the New Testament, English translation, Edinburgh, 1910.``161';
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isbe[8709]='Text of the Old Testament`<b>I. EARLIEST FORM OF WRITING IN ISRAEL</b><P class="in15">1. Invention of Alphabet<P class="in15">2. The Cuneiform<P class="in15">3. References to Writing in the Old Testament<P class="in15">4. Inscriptions after Settlement in Canaan<P class="in15">5. Orthography of the Period<P><b>II. THE TWO HEBREW SCRIPTS</b><P class="in15">1. The Old Hebrew Alphabet<P class="in15">2. Aramean Alphabets<P class="in15">3. The New Hebrew Script<P class="in15">4. New Hebrew Inscriptions<P class="in15">5. Summary<P><b>III. THE CHANGE OF SCRIPT</b><P class="in15">1. Various Theories<P class="in15">2. The Change in the Law<P class="in15">3. In the Other Books<P class="in15">4. Evidence of the Septuagint<P class="in15">5. Evidence of the Text Itself<P class="in15">6. Conclusion<P><b>IV. PRESERVATION OF THE TEXT</b><P class="in15">1. Internal Conditions<P class="in15">2. External Circumstances<P class="in15">3. The Septuagint Version<P><b>V. THE TEXT IN THE 1ST CENTURY AD</b><P class="in15">1. Word Separation<P class="in15">2. Other Breaks in the Text<P class="in15">3. Final Forms of Letters<P class="in15">4. Their Origin<P class="in15">5. Conclusion<P class="in15">6. The Vowel-Letters<P class="in15">7. Anomalous Forms<P class="in15">8. The Dotted Words<P class="in15">9. Their Antiquity<P class="in15">10. The Inverted Nuns ("n")<P class="in15">11. Large and Small Letters<P class="in15">12. Suspended Letters and Divided Waw ("w")<P class="in15">13. Abbreviations<P class="in15">14. Conclusion<P><b>VI. ALTERATION OF PRINCIPAL DOCUMENTS</b><P class="in15">1. Yahweh and Baal<P class="in15">2. Euphemistic Expressions<P class="in15">3. "Tiqqun copherim"<P><b>VII. SCRIBAL ERRORS IN THE TEXT</b><P class="in15">1. Misunderstanding<P class="in15">2. Errors of the Eye<P class="in15">3. Errors of the Ear<P class="in15">4. Errors of Memory<P class="in15">5. Errors of Carelessness and Ignorance<P><b>VIII. HISTORY OF THE TEXT</b><P class="in15">1. Changes Made in Reading<P class="in15">2. Preservation of Text<P class="in15">3. Division into Verses<P class="in15">4. Sections of the Law<P class="in15">5. Sections of the Prophets<P class="in15">6. Poetical Passages<P class="in15">7. Division into Books<P><b>IX. VOCALIZATION OF THE TEXT</b><P class="in15">1. Antiquity of the Points<P class="in15">2. Probable Date of Invention<P class="in15">3. Various Systems and Recensions<P><b>X. THE PALESTINIAN SYSTEM</b><P class="in15">1. The Consonants<P class="in15">2. The Vowels<P class="in15">3. The Accents<P class="in15">4. Anomalous Pointings<P><b>XI. THE MASORAH</b><P class="in15">1. Meaning of the Term<P class="in15">2. The "Qere" and "Kethibh"<P class="in15">3. Other: Features<P><b>XII. MANUSCRIPTS AND PRINTED TEXTS</b><P class="in15">1. Manuscripts<P class="in15">2. Early Printed Texts<P class="in15">3. Later Editions<P class="in15">4. Chapters and Verses<P><b>LITERATURE</b><hr /><P>I. Earliest Form of Writing in Israel.<P>The art of writing is not referred to in the Book of Genesis, even where we might expect a reference to it, e.g. in <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',23,\'1-\');">Ge 23</a>, nor anywhere in the Old Testament before the time of Moses (compare however, <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',38,18,25);">Ge 38:18,25</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',41,44);">41:44</a>, which speak of "sealing" devices).<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=SEAL">SEAL</A>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=WRITING">WRITING</A>.<P>1. Invention of Alphabet:<P>About the year 1500 BC alphabetic writing was practiced by the Phoenicians, but in Palestine the syllabic Babylonian cuneiform was in use (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ALPHABET">ALPHABET</A>). The Israelites probably did not employ any form of writing in their nomadic state, and when they entered Canaan the only script they seem ever to have used was the Phoenicia. This is not disproved by the discovery there of two cuneiform contracts of the 7th century, as these probably belonged to strangers. There is only one alphabet in the world, which has taken many forms to suit the languages for which it was employed. This original alphabet was the invention of the Semites, for it has letters peculiar to the Semitic languages, and probably of the Phoenicians (so Lucan, Pharsalia iii.220; compare Herodotus v.58), who evolved it from the Egyptian hieroglyphics.<P>2. The Cuneiform:<P>Of the literature of Canaan before the Israelites entered it the remains consist of a number of cuneiform tablets found since 1892 at Lachish, Gezer, Taanach and Megiddo, but especially of the famous the Tell el-Amarna Letters, discovered in Egypt in 1887. Although this non-alphabetic script was in use in Canaan when the Israelites entered it, they do not seem to have adopted it.<P>3. References to Writing in the Old Testament:<P>The earliest reference to writing in the Old Testament is <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',17,14);">Ex 17:14</a>. The next is <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',24,7);">Ex 24:7</a>, mentioning the Book of the Covenant (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',20,\'1-\');">Ex 20-23</a>). The Book of the Wars of Yahweh is named in <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',21,14);">Nu 21:14</a>. Other early references are <a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',5,14);">Jud 5:14</a> margin; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',8,14);">8:14</a> margin. By the time of the monarchy the king and nobles could write (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',11,14);">2Sa 11:14</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',8,17);">8:17</a>), but not the common people, until the time of Amos and Hosea, when writing seems to have been common.<P>4. Inscriptions after Settlement in Canaan:<P>The Phoenician script prevailed in Palestine after the conquest as well as in the countries bordering on it. This is shown by the inscriptions which have been discovered. The chief of these are: the Baal Lebanon inscription found in Cyprus (beginning of the 9th century); the manuscript of about the year 896 of the ordinary chronology; a Hebrew agricultural calendar of the 8th century; fifteen lion-weights from Nineveh of about the year 700; the Siloam Inscription of the time of Hezekiah; about a score of seals; and, in 1911, a large number of ostraca of the time of Ahab.<P>5. Orthography of the Period:<P>In this oldest writing the vowels are rarely expressed, not even final vowels being indicated. The only mark besides the letters is a point separating the words. There are no special forms for final letters. Words are often divided at the ends of lines. The writing is from right to left. The characters of the Siloam Inscription and the ostraca show some attempt at elegant writing.<P>II. The Two Hebrew Scripts.<P>1. The Old Hebrew Alphabet:<P>Two distinct scripts were used by the Hebrews, an earlier and a later. The Old Hebrew alphabet contained 22 letters, all consonants. The order of these letters is known from that of the Greek, taken in order of their numerical values, and later by the alphabetic psalms, etc., and by the figure called \'at-bash (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=SHESHACH">SHESHACH</A>). In the acrostic passages, however, the order is not always the same; this may be due to corruption of the text. In the alphabet, letters standing together bear similar names. These are ancient, being the same in Greek as in Semitic. They were probably given from some fancied resemblance which the Phoenicians saw in the original Egyptian sign to some object.<P>2. Aramean Alphabets:<P>The development of the Phoenician alphabet called Aramaic begins about the 7th century BC. It is found inscribed as dockets on the cuneiform clay tablets of Nineveh, as the Phoenician letters were upon the lion-weights; on coins of the Persian satraps to the time of Alexander; on Egyptian inscriptions and papyri; and on the Palmyrene inscriptions. The features of this script are the following: The loops of the Hebrew letters beth (b), daleth (d), Teth (T), qoph (q) and resh (r), which are closed in the Phoenician and Old Hebrew, are open, the bars of the Hebrew letters he (h), waw (w), zayin (z), cheth (ch) and taw (t) are lost, and the tails of kaph (k), lamedh (l), mem (m), pe (p) and tsadhe (ts), which are vertical in the old Aramaic, begin in the Egyptian Aramaic to curve toward the left; words are divided, except in Palmyrene, by a space instead of a point; vowel-letters are freely used; and the use of ligatures involves a distinction of initial, medial and final forms. There are of course no vowel-marks.<P>3. The New Hebrew Script:<P>After the Jews returned from the exile, the Aramaic language was the lingua franca of the Seleucid empire, displacing Assyrian, Old Hebrew and Phoenician. The Phoenician script also had given place to the Aramaic in Mesopotamia, Syria and Egypt. In Syria it divided into two branches, a northern which grew into Syriac, and a southern, or Jewish, from which the New Hebrew character was produced.<P>4. New Hebrew Inscriptions:<P>What is believed to be the oldest inscription in the modern Hebrew character is that in a cave at \'Araq al-\'Amir near Heshbon, which was used as a place of retreat in the year 176 BC (Ant., XII, iv, 11; CIH, <span class="noTag">number 1</span>). Others are: four boundary stones found at Gezer; the inscriptions over the "Tomb of James" really of the Beni Hezir (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',24,15);">1Ch 24:15</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',10,20);">Ne 10:20</a>); that of Kefr Birim, assigned to the year 300 AD (CIH, <span class="noTag">number 17</span>), in which the transition to the New Hebrew script may be said to be accomplished; and others have been found all over the Roman empire and beyond.<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ARCHAEOLOGY">ARCHAEOLOGY</A>.<P>5. Summary:<P>The inscriptions show that the familiar Hebrew character is a branch of the Aramaic. In the 3rd century BC the latter script was in general use in those countries where Assyrio-Babylonian, Old Hebrew and Phoenician had been used before. The Jews, however, continued to employ the Old Hebrew for religious purposes especially, and the Samaritans still retain a form of it in their Bible (the Pentateuch).<P>III. The Change of Script.<P>It is now almost universally agreed that the script in which the Old Testament was written was at some time changed from the Phoenician to the Aramaic. But in the past many opinions have been held on the a subject.<P>1. Various Theories:<P>Rabbi Eleazar of Modin (died 135 AD), from the mention of the hooks (waws) in <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',27,10);">Ex 27:10</a> and from <a onClick="return mV(\'Est\',8,9);">Es 8:9</a>, denied any change at all. Rabbi Jehuda (died circa 210) maintained that the Law was given in the New Hebrew, which was later changed to the Old as a punishment, and then back to the New, on the people repenting in the time of Ezra. Texts bearing on the matter are <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',5,7);">2Ki 5:7</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',18,26);">18:26</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',8,1);">Isa 8:1</a>, from which various deductions have been drawn. There may have been two scripts in use at the same time, as in Egypt (Herod. ii.36).<P>2. The Change in the Law:<P>In regard to the change in the Law, the oldest authority, Eleazar ben Jacob (latter part of the 1st century AD), declared that a Prophet at the time of the Return commanded to write the Torah in the new or square character. Next Rabbi Jose (a century later) states (after <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',4,7);">Ezr 4:7</a>) that Ezra introduced a new script and language. But the locus classicus is a passage in the Talmud (Sanhedhrin 21b): "Originally the Law was given to Israel in the Hebrew character and in the Holy Tongue; it was given again to them in the days of Ezra in the Assyrian characters and in the Aramaic tongue. Israel chose for herself the Assyrian character and the Holy Tongue, and left the Hebrew character and the Aramaic tongue to the hedhyototh." Here Hebrew = Old Hebrew; Assyrian = the new square character, and hedhyototh is the Greek idiotai = the Hebrew \'am ha-\'arets, the illiterate multitude. From the 2nd century on (but not before), the Talmudic tradition is unanimous in ascribing the change of script in the Law to Ezra. The testimony of Josephus points to the Law at least being in the square character in his day (Ant., XII, ii, 1, 4). The Samaritan Pentateuch was almost certainly drawn up in the time of Nehemiah (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',13,28);">13:28</a>; also Ant, XI, vii, 2), and points to the Old Hebrew being then in use. So Rabbi Chasda (died 309) refers the word hedhyototh above to the Samaritans. On the other hand, the Samaritan Pentateuch may have been the original Law, common to both Israel and Judah. In any case it is written in a form of the Old Hebrew character.<P>3. In the Other Books:<P>In regard to the other books, the old script was used after Ezra\'s time. <a onClick="return mV(\'Est\',8,9);">Es 8:9</a> and <a onClick="return mV(\'Dan\',5,8);">Da 5:8</a>ff must refer to the unfamiliar Old Hebrew. So the Massoretic Text of 5:18 implies the New Hebrew, but only in the Law.<P>4. Evidence of the Septuagint:<P>The Greek translation known as the Septuagint was made in Alexandria, and is hardly evidence for Palestine. The Law was probably translated under Ptolemy II (284-247 BC), and the other books by the end of the 2nd century BC (compare Ecclesiasticus, Prologue). The variations of the Septuagint from the Massoretic Text point to an early form of the square character as being in use; but the Jews of Egypt had used Aramaic for some centuries before that.<P>5. Evidence of the Text Itself:<P>The variations between parallel passages in the Massoretic Text itself, such as <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',21,\'1-\');">Jos 21</a> and <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',6,\'1-\');">1Ch 6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',23,\'1-\');">2Sa 23</a> and <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',11,\'1-\');">1Ch 11</a>, etc., show that the letters most frequently confused are "d" and "r", which are similar in both the Old and New Hebrew; "b" and "d", which are more alike in the Old Hebrew; "w" and "y" and several others, which are more alike in the New Hebrew. Such errors evidently arose from the use of the square character, and they arose subsequent to the Septuagint, for they are not, except rarely, found in it. The square character is, then, later than the Septuagint.<P>6. Conclusion:<P>The square character was ascribed to Ezra as the last person who could have made so great a change, the text after his time being considered sacred. This is disproved by the fact of the coins of the Maccabees and of Bar Cochba being in the old character. The Talmud permits Jews resident outside Palestine to possess copies of the Law in Coptic, Median, Hebrew, etc. Here Hebrew can only mean the Old Hebrew script.<P>IV. Preservation of the Text.<P>1. Internal Conditions:<P>Judaism has always been a book religion: it stands or falls with the Old Testament, especially with the Pentateuch. Although no manuscript of the Hebrew Old Testament is older than the 10th century AD, save for one minute papyrus, we know, from citations, translations, etc., that the consonantal text of the Old Testament was in the 1st century AD practically what it is today. The Jews transliterated as well as translated their Bible. All the most important translations<6E>the Septuagint, Aquila, Theodotion, Symmachus<75>were made by Jews and aimed at a more literal rendering of the Hebrew<65>that of Aquila being hardly Greek. The Syriac (Peshitta) seems to be also by Jews or Jewish Christians. Great care was taken of the text itself, and the slightest variant readings of manuscripts were noted. One manuscript belonging to Rabbi Meir (2nd century) is said to have omitted the references to "Admah and Zeboiim" in <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',29,23);">De 29:23</a> and to Bethlehem in <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',48,7);">Ge 48:7</a>, and to have had other lesser variations, some of which were found also in the manuscript which, among other treasures, decked the triumph of Vespasian (BJ, VII, v, 7).<P>2. External Circumstances:<P>Religious persecution makes for the purity of the Scriptures by reducing the number of copies and increasing the care bestowed on those saved. The chief moments in which the existence of the Jewish Scriptures was threatened were the destruction of Jerusalem and the Temple under Nebuchadnezzar in 587 BC, in which the Book of Jashar and that of the Wars of the Lord may have been lost; the persecution under Antiochus Epiphanes, during which the possession of the sacred books was a capital offense (1Macc 1:56,57; Ant, XII, v), in which the sources used by the Chronicler may have perished; and the capture of Jerusalem by Titus in 70 AD. By this time, however, the Law at least was known by heart. Josephus says Titus made him a gift of the sacred books (Vita, 75). It is also said that at one time only three copies of the Law were left, and that a text was obtained by taking the readings of two against one. However that may be, it is a fact that there are no variant readings in the Massoretic Text, such as there are in the New Testament.<P>3. The Septuagint Version: The only ancient version which can come into competition with the Massoretic Text is the Septuagint, and that on two grounds. First, the manuscripts of the Septuagint are of the 4th century AD, those of the Massoretic Text of the 10th. Secondly, the Septuagint translation was made before a uniform Hebrew text, such as our Massoretic Text, existed. The quotations in the New Testament are mainly from the Septuagint. Only in the Book of Jeremiah, however, are the variations striking, and there they do not greatly affect the sense of individual passages. The Greek has also the Apocrypha. The Septuagint is an invaluable aid to restoring the Hebrew where the latter is corrupt.<P>V. The Text in the 1st Century AD.<P>The Massoretic Text of the 1st Christian century consisted solely of consonants of an early form of the square character. There was no division into chapters or, probably, verses, but words were separated by an interstice, as well as indicated by the final letters. The four vowel-letters were used most freely in the later books. A few words were marked by the scribes with dots placed over them.<P>1. Word Separation:<P>The Samaritan Pentateuch still employs the point found on the Moabite Stone to separate words. This point was probably dropped when the books came to be written in the square character. Wrong division of words was not uncommon.<P>Tradition mentions 15 passages noted on the margin of the Hebrew Bible (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',30,11);">Ge 30:11</a>, etc.) in which two words are written as one. One word is written as two in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',16,25);">Jud 16:25</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',9,1);">1Sa 9:1</a>, etc. Other passages in which tradition and text differ as to the word-division are <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',5,2);">2Sa 5:2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',42,9);">Eze 42:9</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',38,12);">Job 38:12</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',4,12);">Ezr 4:12</a>. The Septuagint frequently groups the letters differently from the Massoretic Text, e.g. (see the commentaries) <a onClick="return mV(\'Hsa\',11,2);">Ho 11:2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',17,10);">1Ch 17:10</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',73,4);">Ps 73:4</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',106,7);">106:7</a>.<P>2. Other Breaks in the Text:<P>The verse-division was not shown in the prose books. The present division is frequently wrong and the Septuagint different from the Hebrew: e.g. <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',49,19,20);">Ge 49:19,20</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',42,6,7);">Ps 42:6,7</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',9,5,6);">Jer 9:5,6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',90,2,3);">Ps 90:2,3</a>. Neither was there any division into chapters, or even books. Hence, the number of the psalms is doubtful. The Greek counts <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',9,\'1-\');">Psalms 9</a> and <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',10,\'1-\');">10</a> as one, and also <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',114,\'1-\');">Psalms 114</a> and <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',115,\'1-\');">115</a>, at the same time splitting <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',116,\'1-\');">Psalms 116</a> and <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',147,\'1-\');">147</a> each into two. The Syriac follows the Greek with regard to <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',114,\'1-\');">Psalms 114</a> and <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',147,\'1-\');">147</a>. Some manuscripts make one psalm of 42 and 43. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',13,33);">Ac 13:33</a>, Codex Bezae, <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',2,\'1-\');">Ps 2</a> appears as <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',1,\'1-\');">Ps 1</a>.<P>3. Final Forms of Letters:<P>Final forms of letters are a result of the employment of ligatures. In the Old Hebrew they do not occur, nor apparently in the text used by the Septuagint. Ligatures begin to make their appearance in Egyptian, Aramaic, and Palmyrene. Final forms for the letters k, margin, n, p, ts, were accepted by the 1st century, and all other final forms were apparently rejected.<P>4. Their Origin:<P>The first rabbi to mention the final forms is Mathiah ben Harash (a pupil of Rabbi Eleazar who died in 117 AD), who refers them to Moses. They are often referred to in the Talmud and by Jerome. The Samaritan Chronicle (11th century) refers them to Ezra. In point of fact, they are not so old as the Septuagint translation, as is proved by its variations in such passages as <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',1,1);">1Sa 1:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',20,40);">20:40</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',16,3);">Ps 16:3</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',44,5);">44:5</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',16,19);">Jer 16:19</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',23,14,23,33);">23:14,23,33</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Hsa\',6,5);">Ho 6:5</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Nah\',1,12);">Na 1:12</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Zec\',11,11);">Zec 11:11</a>; Ecclesiasticus 3:7. From the fact that the final forms make up the Hebrew expression for "from thy watchers," their invention was referred in the 3rd century to the prophets (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',52,8);">Isa 52:8</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Hab\',2,1);">Hab 2:1</a>).<P>5. Conclusion:<P>After the adoption of the square character, therefore, the only breaks in the text of prose books were the spaces left between the words. Before the 1st century there was much uncertainty as to the grouping of the letters into words. After that the word-division was retained in the copies, even when it was not read (as in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',5,2);">2Sa 5:2</a>, etc.). At first the final form would occur at the end of the ligature, not necessarily at the end of the word. Remains of this will be found in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',27,12);">1Ch 27:12</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',9,6);">Isa 9:6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',2,13);">Ne 2:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',38,1);">Job 38:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',40,6);">40:6</a>. When the ligatures were discarded, these forms were used to mark the ends of words. The wonder is that there are not more, or even an initial, medial and final form for every letter, as in Arabic and Syriac.<P>6. The Vowel-Letters:<P>The four letters, \',h, w, y, seem to have been used to represent vowel sounds from the first. They are found in the manuscripts, but naturally less freely on stone inscriptions than in books. The later the text the more freely they occur, though they are commoner in the Samaritan Pentateuch than in the Massoretic Text. The copies used by the Septuagint had fewer of them than the Textus Receptus, as is proved by their translations, of <a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',9,12);">Am 9:12</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',32,29);">Eze 32:29</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Hsa\',12,12);">Ho 12:12</a>, and other passages, The four letters occur on Jewish coins of the 2nd century BC and AD.<P>7. Anomalous Forms:<P>In the 1st and 2nd centuries the vowel-letters were retained in the text, even when not read (<a onClick="return mV(\'Hsa\',4,6);">Ho 4:6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mic\',3,2);">Mic 3:2</a>, etc.). In the Pentateuch, <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',32,13);">De 32:13</a> seems to be the sole instance. The Pentateuch is peculiar also in that in it the 3rd person singular, masculine, of the personal pronoun is used for the feminine, which occurs only 11 times; <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',2,12);">Ge 2:12</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',14,2);">14:2</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',30,33);">Isa 30:33</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',17,15);">1Ki 17:15</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',31,11);">Job 31:11</a>. This phenomenon probably arises from the stage in the growth of the script when waw (w) and yodh (y) were identical in form; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',73,16);">Ps 73:16</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Ecc\',5,8);">Ec 5:8</a>. Frequently the 1st person singular perfect of the verb is written defectively (<a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',140,13);">Ps 140:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',18,20);">2Ki 18:20</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',36,5);">Isa 36:5</a>); similarly the "h" of na\'arah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',22,\'1-\');">De 22</a>). All this shows there was no attempt to correct the text. It was left as it was found.<P>8. The Dotted Words:<P>When a scribe had miscopied a word he sometimes placed dots over it, without striking it out. There are 15 passages so marked in the Old Testament, and the word naqudh, "pointed," is generally placed in the margin. The word may also be read naqodh, "speckled" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',30,32);">Ge 30:32</a>), or niqqudh, "punctuation." It is also possible that these points may denote that the word is doubtful. They occur in the following places: <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',16,5);">Ge 16:5</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',18,9);">18:9</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',19,33);">19:33</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',33,4);">33:4</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',37,12);">37:12</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',3,39);">Nu 3:39</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',9,10);">9:10</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',21,30);">21:30</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',29,15);">29:15</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',29,28);">De 29:28 (29)</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',27,13);">Ps 27:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',19,20);">2Sa 19:20</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',44,9);">Isa 44:9</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',41,20);">Eze 41:20</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',46,22);">46:22</a>. For conjectures as to the meanings of the points in each passage, the reader must be referred to the commentaries.<P>9. Their Antiquity:<P>These points are found even on synagogue rolls which have, with one exception, no other marks upon them, beyond the bare consonants and vowel-letters. Only those in the Pentateuch and Psalms are mentioned in the Talmud or Midrashim, and only one, <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',9,10);">Nu 9:10</a>, in the Mishna before the end of the 2nd century, by which time its meaning had been lost. The lower limit, therefore, for their origin is the end of the 1st century AD. They have been, like most things not previously annexed by Moses, assigned to Ezra; but the Septuagint shows no sign of them. They, therefore, probably were inserted at the end of the 1st century BC, or in the 1st century AD. As four only occur in the Prophets and one in the Hagiographa, most care was evidently expended on the collation of the, Law. Blau thinks the reference originally extended to the whole verse or even farther, and became restricted to one or more letters.<P>10. The Inverted Nuns ("n"):<P>In <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',10,35,36);">Nu 10:35 and 36</a> are enclosed within two inverted nuns as if with brackets. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',107,\'1-\');">Ps 107</a> inverted nuns should stand before verses <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',107,\'23-28\',40);">23-28 and 40</A>, with a note in the foot margin. These nuns were originally dots (Siphre\' on Numbers) and stand for naqkudh, indicating that the verses so marked are in their wrong place (Septuagint <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',10,\'34-36\');">Nu 10:34-36</a>).<P>11. Large and Small Letters:<P>Large letters were used as our capitals at the beginnings of books, etc. Thus there should be a capital nun at the beginning of the second part of Isaiah. But they serve other purposes also. The large waw (w) in <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',11,42);">Le 11:42</a> is the middle letter of the Torah; so in the Israelites\' Credo (<a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',6,4);">De 6:4</a>). Other places are <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',32,4,6);">De 32:4,6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',34,7,14);">Ex 34:7,14</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',11,30);">Le 11:30</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',13,33);">13:33</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',56,10);">Isa 56:10</a>, and often. Buxtorf\'s Tiberias gives 31 large and 32 small letters. Examples of the latter will be found in <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',2,4);">Ge 2:4</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',23,2);">23:2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',1,1);">Le 1:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',7,5);">Job 7:5</a>, etc. The explanations given are fanciful.<P>12. Suspended Letters and Divided Waw ("w"):<P>There are four letters suspended above the line in the Massoretic Text. They will be found in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',18,30);">Jud 18:30</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',38,13,15);">Job 38:13,15</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',80,14);">Ps 80:14 (13)</a>. The last probably indicates the middle letter of the Psalter. The first points to Manasseh being put for Moses. The two in Job are doubtful. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',25,12);">Nu 25:12</a> will be found a waw cut in two, perhaps to indicate that the covenant was in abeyance for a time.<P>13. Abbreviations:<P>Abbreviations are found on early Jewish inscriptions and on coins. Thus the letter shin stands for shanah = "year"; yodh sin = "Israel"; \'aleph = 1; beth = 2, etc. In the text used by the Septuagint the name Yahweh seem to have been indicated merely by a yodh, e.g. <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',31,7);">Ps 31:7</a> (6), "I hate" = Septuagint <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',30,7);">30:7</a>, "Thou hatest" (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',5,5);"> 5:5</A>), and the yodh of the Hebrew = "O Yahweh." In <a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',19,18);">Jud 19:18</a> the Hebrew "house of Yahweh" = Septuagint "my house"; so <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',6,11);">Jer 6:11</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',25,37);">25:37</a>. A curious example will be found <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',3,19);">Jer 3:19</a>. The great corruption found in the numbers in the Old Testament is probably due to letters or ciphers being employed. For wrong numbers compare <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',10,18);">2Sa 10:18</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',24,13);">24:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',4,26);">1Ki 4:26</a> with parallel passages; also compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',2,\'1-\');">Ezr 2</a> with <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',7,\'1-\');">Ne 7</a>, etc. Possible examples of letters representing numbers are: <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',90,12);">Ps 90:12</a>, "so" = ken, and kaph plus nun = 20 plus 50 = 70; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',13,1);">1Sa 13:1</a>, ben shanah is perhaps for ben n shanah, "fifty years old"; in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',14,14);">1Sa 14:14</a>, an apparently redundant k is inserted after "twenty men"; k = 20.<P>14. Conclusion:<P>Such was the Hebrew text in the 1st Christian century. It was a Received Text obtained by collating manuscripts and rejecting variant readings. Henceforward there are no variant readings. But before that date there were, for the Greek and Samaritan often differ from the Hebrew. The Book of Jubilees (middle of 1st century) also varies. The fidelity of the scribes who drew up this text is proved by the many palpable errors which it contains.<P>VI. Alteration of Principal Documents.<P>1. Yahweh and Baal:<P>For various reasons the original documents were altered by the scribes, chiefly from motives of taste and religion. In the earliest literary period there was no objection to the use of the divine name Yahweh; later this was felt to be irreverent, and \'Elohim was put in its place; later still Yahweh was written, but not pronounced. Hence, is <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',1,\'1-\');">Psalms 1-41</a>, Yahweh occurs 272 times; \'Elohim is hardly used as a proper name; in <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',42,\'1-\');">Psalms 42-83</a> \'Elohim occurs 200 times, Yahweh, only 44 times; compare especially <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',14,\'1-\');">Ps 14</a> with <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',53,\'1-\');">53</A>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',40,\'14-18\');">40:14-18</a> with <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',70,\'1-\');">70</A>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',50,7);">50:7</a> with <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',20,2);">Ex 20:2</a>. Lastly in <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',90,\'1-\');">Psalms 90-150</a> Yahweh is again used, and \'Elohim as a proper name does not occur except in citations in <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',108,\'1-\');">108</A> and <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',144,9);">144:9</A>. Compare also <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',22,19);">2Ki 22:19</a> with <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',34,27);">2Ch 34:27</a>. A precisely parallel change is that of Baal into bosheth ("shame"). At first there was no objection to compounding names with Baal meaning Yahweh (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',6,32);">Jud 6:32</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',8,35);">8:35</a>). Then objection was taken to it (<a onClick="return mV(\'Hsa\',2,16,18);">Ho 2:16 or 18</a>), and it was changed into Bosheth (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',3,24);">Jer 3:24</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Hsa\',9,10);">Ho 9:10</a>); hence, Ishbosheth (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',2,\'1-\');">2Sa 2-4</a>), Mephibosheth (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',4,4);">2Sa 4:4</a>), Eliada (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',5,16);">2Sa 5:16</a>), Jerrubesheth (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',11,21);">2Sa 11:21</a>). Later still the objection lost force and the old form was restored, Eshbaal (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',8,33);">1Ch 8:33</a>, <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',8,9);">9:39</a>), Merribaal (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',8,34);">1Ch 8:34</a>), Beeliada (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',14,7);">1Ch 14:7</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',3,8);">3:8</A>). The Septuagint follows the Hebrew; it treats Baal as feminine, i.e. = Bosheth. So too Molech takes its vowels from Bosheth; it should be Melech.<P>2. Euphemistic Expressions:<P>Words have been changed from motives of taste, e.g. "bless" is put for "curse" or "blaspheme" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',21,10);">1Ki 21:10</a>, Septuagint <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',20,10);">20:10</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',1,5);">Job 1:5</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',2,5,9);">2:5,9</a>, where the word "Lord" follows immediately; otherwise <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',22,27);">Ex 22:27</a>, etc.). Sometimes "the enemies of" was inserted (e.g. <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',12,14);">2Sa 12:14</a>). Another use for the latter expression is <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',25,22);">1Sa 25:22</a>, where it is not in the Greek. Compare further, <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',7,12,14);">2Sa 7:12,14</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',24,1);">24:1</a>, with the parallel passages in Ch.<P>3. "Tiqqun Copherim":<P>In some 18 places the text was slightly altered by the correction (tiqqun) of the scribes, without any indication being inserted to show that it had been altered. The following are the passages: <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',18,22);">Ge 18:22</a>, which orginally ran "Yahweh stood before Abraham"; <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',11,15);">Nu 11:15</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',12,12);">12:12</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',3,13);">1Sa 3:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',16,12);">2Sa 16:12</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',20,1);">20:1</a>: <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',8,17);">Eze 8:17</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Hab\',1,12);">Hab 1:12</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mal\',1,13);">Mal 1:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Zec\',2,8);">Zec 2:8 (12)</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',2,11);">Jer 2:11</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',7,20);">Job 7:20</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Hsa\',4,7);">Ho 4:7</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',32,3);">Job 32:3</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Lam\',3,20);">La 3:20</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',106,20);">Ps 106:20</a>. The remaining two, to make 18, may be accounted for either by the third containing more than one correction, or by counting the parallels to the sixth. The Septuagint ignores the supposed original forms of the text, except in the case of <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',3,13);">1Sa 3:13</a> and <a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',7,20);">Job 7:20</a>. The Syriac has the supposed original form of <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',12,12);">Nu 12:12</a> and Ciphre of <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',11,15);">Nu 11:15</a>, that is, it survived till the 2nd century AD. But the rest must have been corrected very early. Like the tiqqun is the \'ittur copherim, that is, the substraction or deletion of the conjunction "and" in five places, namely, <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',18,5);">Ge 18:5</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',24,55);">24:55</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',31,2);">Nu 31:2</a> and <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',68,25);">Ps 68:25</a> (26) before the word "after"; and in <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',36,6);">Ps 36:6</a> (7) before "thy judgments."<P>VII. Scribal Errors in the Text.<P>The Hebrew text of the Old Testament in no way resembles a text of one of the classics which is obtained by collating many manuscripts and eliminating all errors as far as possible. It is to all intents and purposes a manuscript, and displays all the forms of error found in all manuscripts. These are the following, classifying them according to their source.<P>1. Misunderstanding:<P>Failure to understand the sense gives rise to wrong division into words, e.g. <a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',6,12);">Am 6:12</a>, "with oxen" (plural) should probably be "with oxen (collective) the sea"; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',15,10);">Jer 15:10</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',22,14);">22:14</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',73,4);">Ps 73:4</a> have found their way into the text, e.g. <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',40,8,9);">Ps 40:8,9</a>, "In a volume of a book it is written \'alay," referring to li in <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',40,7);">40:7</A>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',1,18);">2Sa 1:18</a> (see Wellhausen).<P>2. Errors of the Eye:<P>Due to the eye are repetitions, transpositions, omissions, mistaking one letter for another, and so forth. Repetitions will be found: <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',6,3,4);">2Sa 6:3,4 (Septuagint)</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',15,6);">1Ki 15:6</a> (= <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',14,30);">14:30</A>); <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',30,6);">Ex 30:6 (Septuagint)</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',20,10);">Le 20:10</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',9,\'35-44\');">1Ch 9:35-44</a> = <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',8,\'29-38\');">8:29-38</A>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',41,1);">Isa 41:1</a> (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',40,31);">40:31</a>); <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',53,7);">53:7</A>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',35,15);">Ps 35:15</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',37,40);">37:40</a>, and very often. Omissions may be supplied from parallel passages or VSS, as <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',8,\'29-31\');">1Ch 8:29-31</a> from <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',9,\'35-37\');">1Ch 9:35-37</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',9,41);">9:41</A>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',22,34);">Jos 22:34</a> (from Syriac); <a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',16,2);">Jud 16:2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',4,8);">Ge 4:8</a> (Samaritan, Peshitta); <a onClick="return mV(\'Pro\',10,10);">Pr 10:10</a> Septuagint, Syriac); <a onClick="return mV(\'Pro\',11,16);">11:16</A> Septuagint, Syriac); <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',17,3);">2Sa 17:3</a> (Septuagint). Transpositions of letters will be found (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',6,13);">Jos 6:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',8,12);">Isa 8:12</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',8,13,14);">8:13,14</A>). Sometimes a letter slips from word into another, as in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',14,50,51);">1Sa 14:50,51</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',18,23);">Jer 18:23</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',139,20);">Ps 139:20</a>. Other examples are <a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',10,12);">Jud 10:12</a>, and many times. Words are transposed in <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',35,7);">Ps 35:7</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',95,7);">95:7</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',6,17);">1Ki 6:17</a>, etc. Examples of transposition of verses will be found: <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',24,29);">Ge 24:29</a> follows <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',24,30);">24:30a</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',38,21,22);">Isa 38:21,22</a> follows <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',38,8);">38:8</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',20,\'6-8\');">2Ki 20:6-8</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',40,19,20);">Isa 40:19,20</a> should go with <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',41,6);">41:6</a>ff. Most omissions and repetitions are due to homoeoteleuton or homoearchy. Similar letters are frequently mistaken for one another. Examples are: d and r (<a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',110,3);">Ps 110:3</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',22,11);">2Sa 22:11</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',18,11);">Ps 18:11</a>). Traditions mention 6 other places, as well as 154 in which waw and yodh are interchanged; other examples are: <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',9,4);">Jos 9:4</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',14,13);">De 14:13</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',11,14);">Le 11:14</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',22,10);">2Ch 22:10</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,1);">2Ki 11:1</a>.<P>3. Errors of the Ear:<P>Errors du to the ear would arise when one scribe was dictating to another. Such are: lo\' = "not," for lo = "to him," in 15 places (<a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',100,3);">Ps 100:3</a>, etc.). Also Yahweh and Adonai would be sounded alike. Again we have Adoram in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',12,18);">1Ki 12:18</a> and Hadoram in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',10,18);">2Ch 10:18</a>.<P>4. Errors of Memory:<P>Failure of memory in copying would explain the occurrence of synonymous words in parallel passages without any apparent motive, as for "I call" in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',22,7);">2Sa 22:7</a> and <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',18,7);">Ps 18:7</a>, and the interchange of Yahweh and Adonai. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',27,1);">Jer 27:1</a> Jehoiakim should be Zedekiah.<P>5. Errors of Carelessness and Ignorance:<P>Many of the scribal errors in the Massoretic Text are due to carelessness and ignorance: in <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',36,2);">Ge 36:2</a>, the last "daughter" should be "son"; <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',26,8);">Nu 26:8</a>, "son" for son, a common error; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',3,22);">1Ch 3:22</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',6,13);">1Ch 6:13 (28)</a>, Vashni means "and the second" (wehasheni); compare <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',8,2);">1Sa 8:2</a>; also in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',13,1);">1Sa 13:1</a> (compare above V, 13), where a number has dropped out, as also perhaps <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',21,16);">Isa 21:16</a>, and <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',3,7);">2Sa 3:7</a>, where Ishbosheth has fallen like Mephibosheth. In <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',23,18,19);">2Sa 23:18,19</a> the first "three" should be "thirty." Compare also <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',3,10);">Ge 3:10</a> (Syr); <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',22,6);">2Ch 22:6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',43,13);">Eze 43:13</a>, and often. The Books of Sirach seem to be the most carelessly copied of all the Old Testament books, though the text of Ezekiel is in some respects more unintelligible. In Jeremiah, the Septuagint is shorter by one-eighth than the Hebrew, but it is doubtful which is original.<P>VIII. History of the Text.<P>The consonantal text of the Old Testament was what it now is by the 1st or at latest the 2nd Christian century. During the next four centuries it was minutely studied, the number of its words and even of its letters being counted. The results of this study are found chiefly in the Talmud. All such study was oral. During this period the text remained a purely consonantal text plus the puncta extraordinaria.<P>1. Changes Made in Reading:<P>The text was not always read, however, exactly as it was written. Soon after the return from Babylon changes were made. Perhaps the earliest was that the proper name Yahweh was read Adonai, whence the Septuagint, and through it the New Testament "Lord." The reason will be found in <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',24,11);">Le 24:11</a>, where render "pronounced the name." Sometimes the change was due to motives of taste (<a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',28,30);">De 28:30</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',6,11);">1Sa 6:11</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',18,27);">2Ki 18:27</a>); but the commonest ground was grammar or logic. Thus a word was frequently read which was not in the text at all (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',20,13);">Jud 20:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',18,20);">2Sa 18:20</a>); or a word was omitted in reading (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',15,21);">2Sa 15:21</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',5,18);">2Ki 5:18</a>); or the letters of a word were transposed, as in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',6,13);">Jos 6:13</a>; or one letter was put for another, especially waw for yodh or yodh for waw; or words were divided in reading otherwise than in the text (see above V, 1). The written text is called the Kethibh ("written"); what was read is called the Qere ("read").<P>2. Preservation of Text:<P>The scribes during these centuries, besides fixing the reading, took means to preserve the text by counting the words and letters, and finding the middle verse (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',10,8);">Jud 10:8</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',33,21);">Isa 33:21</a>), and so forth. The middle verse of the Law is <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',8,7);">Le 8:7</a>, and the middle of the words falls in <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',10,16);">10:16</A>. The middle verse of the Hebrew Bible is <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',6,7);">Jer 6:7</a>. Note was made of words written abnormally (<a onClick="return mV(\'Hsa\',10,14);">Ho 10:14</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mic\',1,15);">Mic 1:15</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',3,8);">Isa 3:8</a>) and lists were made up. All such lists were retained in the mind; nothing was written.<P>3. Division into Verses:<P>When the public reading of the Law was accompanied by an Aramaic translation (<a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',8,8);">Ne 8:8</a>), the division of the text into verses would arise spontaneously. The Mishna gives rules for the number of verses to be read at a time before translating. These verses were separated by a space only, as the words were. Hence, versions frequently divide differently for the Hebrew, as <a onClick="return mV(\'Hsa\',4,11);">Ho 4:11</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',1,12);">Isa 1:12</a>. In the Hebrew itself there are 28 old verse divisions no longer observed (see Baer on <a onClick="return mV(\'Hsa\',1,2);">Ho 1:2</a>). The space is called picqa\' and the verse pacuq.<P>4. Sections of the Law:<P>About the same time the Law was divided into sections (parashah) for the annual reading. In Palestine the Law was read through once in 3 1/2 years; in Babylon once a year. Hence, the Law is divided into 54 sections (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',6,9);">Ge 6:9</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',12,1);">12:1</a>, etc.) for the annual reading. It is also divided into 379 "shut" sections, indicated by a space in the middle of a line, and 290 "open" sections, indicated by a space at the end of a line. In printed texts these sections are noted by the letters c and p, but, if they coincide with one of the 54, by ccc or ppp. The Palestinian division was into 154 cedharim.<P>5. Sections of the Prophets:<P>From Maccabean times 54 passages (haphtaroth) were selected from the Prophets for the purposes of the synagogue (<a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',4,17);">Lu 4:17</a>). The Prophets were also divided into smaller sections. As in the case of the Law (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',6,28);">Ex 6:28</a>), there are cases of false division (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',56,9);">Isa 56:9</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Hag\',1,15);">Hag 1:15</a>).<P>6. Poetical Passages:<P>In the Hebrew Bible certain passages were early written in a peculiar way to resemble the bricks in the wall of a house, either in three columns, a half-brick upon a brick and a brick upon a half-brick (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',15,\'1-\');">Ex 15</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',5,\'1-\');">Jud 5</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',22,\'1-\');">2Sa 22</a>), or in two columns, a half-brick upon a half-brick and a brick upon a brick (<a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',32,\'1-\');">De 32</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',12,\'1-\');">Jos 12</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Est\',9,\'1-\');">Es 9</a>). In the Septuagint, Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiates, Canticles, Job are written in stichs; but that this was not done in Hebrew seems proved by the variations as to the number of lines (<a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',65,8);">Ps 65:8</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',90,2,11);">90:2,11</a>).<P>7. Division into Books:<P>The number of books <span class="noTag">is</span> 24, Samuel, Kings, Chronicles each counting as one, Ezra including Nehemiah, the twelve Minor Prophets counting one book (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mic\',3,12);">Mic 3:12</a> is the middle). The Law counts 5 books, Psalms one, though the division of it into 5 books is ancient (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',106,48);">Ps 106:48</a> with <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',16,35,36);">1Ch 16:35,36</a>). By joining Ruth to Judges and Lamentations to Jeremiah, the <span class="noTag">number 22</span> was obtained<65>the number of letters in the Hebrew alphabet. When, probably about the 3rd century AD, leather rolls gave place to parchment books, it would be possible to have the whole Bible in one volume and the question of the order of the books would arise. The order in the Talmud is as follows: The Law (5), the Prophets (8), Joshua, Judges, Samuel, Kings, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Isaiah, and the XII, the Hagiographa or Kethubhim (11), Ruth, Psalms, Job, Proverbs, Ecclesiates, Canticles, Lamentation, Daniel, Esther, Ezra, Chronicles. The Prophets are usually subdivided into Former: Joshua, Judges, Samuel, Kings; and Latter: Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Isaiah and the XII. The traditional or "Masoretic" order places Isaiah before Jeremiah, and in the Hagiographa the order is: Chronicles, Psalms, Job, Proverbs, Ruth, Canticles, Ecclesiates, Lamentations, Esther, Daniel, Ezra, the middle verse being <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',130,3);">Ps 130:3</a>. The order found in printed texts is that of German manuscripts. The books receive their names from a word near the beginning, from their contents, or from their supposed author.<P>IX. Vocalization of the Text.<P>About the time of the Reformation it was the universal belief that the vowel-marks and other points were of equal antiquity with the consonants. The Jews believed Moses received them orally and Ezra reduced them to writing.<P>1. Antiquity of the Points:<P>The first to assign a late date to the points was Elias Levita (1468-1549). The battle was fought out in the 17th century. Ludovicus Cappellus (died 1658) argued for a date about 600 AD. The Buxtorfs defended the old view. The following are the facts.<P>2. Probable Date of Invention:<P>When the Septuagint was made, the Hebrew text had not even as many vowel-letters as it has now, and still less points; nor when the Syriac version was made in the 2nd century, or Jerome\'s Vulgate (Jerome\'s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) between 393-405, or the earlier Targums. Lastly, the points were unknown to the Talmud. They, therefore, did not exist before 600 AD. The earliest authority on the points is Aaron ben Asher of the school of Tiberias (died about 989). He wrote a copy of the Hebrew Bible with all the points, which became the standard codex. The probable date is, therefore, taken to be about the year 700; and this agrees with what was taking place in regard to Greek, Syriac and Arabic manuscripts. The Jews probably borrowed from the Syrians.<P>3. Various Systems and Recensions:<P>No doubt, at first, many systems of pointing existed. Of these, two survived, the Palestinian and Babylonian, or superlinear. The chief features of the latter are that the signs are placed above the line; it has no sign for "e" (ceghol), and has but one system of accents. The Palestinian, the one familiar to us, exists in two recensions, those of Ben Asher and of his contemporary, Ben Naphtali of Babylon; hence, a Western and an Eastern.<P>X. The Palestinian System.<P>Since the vocalization of the text took place about 700 AD, it will be understood that it differs considerably from the living language. What that was may be found from the transliteration of proper names in the Septuagint, in Origen and Jerome, and from a comparison with modern Arabic.<P>1. The Consonants:<P>A comparison with Arabic indicates that the Hebrew letter cheth (ch), and it is certain from the Septuagint that the Hebrew letter \'ayin (\'), had each two distinct sounds. This difference is not shown in the pointing, though a point was used to distinguish the two sounds of "b", "g", "d", "k", "p", "t", and of "s", and "sh" and the two values of "h". The absence of this point is indicated by rapheh. The same point marks the doubling of a consonant. The gutturals and "r" are not doubled, though they certainly were when the language was spoken (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',43,26);">Ge 43:26</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',16,4);">Eze 16:4</a>, etc.).<P>2. The Vowels:<P>The system of vowel-marks attempts to reproduce the sounds exactly. Thus the short a-sound which must precede a guttural letter is indicated, and before a guttural "i" and "u" are replaced by "e" and "o". On the other hand, "y" before "i" does not seem to have been sounded in some cases. Thus the Septuagint has Israel, but Ieremias. Shewa\' is said by Ben Asher to sound "i" before "y"; before a guttural it took the sound of the guttural\'s vowel, as mo\'odh (me\'odh), and had other values as well.<P>3. The Accents:<P>There is a special accentual system for the poetical books, Proverbs, Psalms, and Job (except the prose parts). The titles and such marks as celah are in the Psalms accented as forming part of the verse. The accents had three values, musical, interpunctional, and strictly accentual. But these values have to do with the language, not as it was spoken, but as it was chanted in the public reading of the synagogue.<P>4. Anomalous Pointings:<P>The words were not always pointed in the usual way, but sometimes according to subjective considerations. Thus the phrase "to see the face of God" is pointed "to appear before God," on account of <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',33,20);">Ex 33:20</a> (<a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',42,3);">Ps 42:3</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',1,12);">Isa 1:12</a>). Similarly in <a onClick="return mV(\'Ecc\',3,21);">Ec 3:21</a>, "which goeth upward" is put for "whether it goeth upward." See also <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',34,18);">Jer 34:18</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',7,11);">Isa 7:11</a>. Frequently the punctuation is inconsistent with itself. Thus, \'gathered to his peoples\' (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',35,29);">Ge 35:29</a>), but "gathered to my people" (singular, <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',49,29);">Ge 49:29</a>). So pelishtim, "Philistines," receives the article with prepositions, otherwise not. In many places two pointings are mixed, as if to give a choice of readings (<a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',62,4);">Ps 62:4</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',68,3);">68:3</a>, and often).<P>XI. The Masorah.<P>1. Meaning of the Term:<P>The Hebrew text as printed with all the points and accents is called the Masoretic text. Masorah, or better, Maccoreth, is derived from a root meaning "to hand down" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',31,5);">Nu 31:5</a>). This tradition began early. Rabbi Akiba (died 135) called it a "hedge about the Law." It tells the number of times a particular expression occurs, and mentions synonymous expressions, and so forth. The remarks placed in the side margin of the codex, often merely a letter denoting the number of times the word occurs, are called the Masorah parva. The notes were afterward expanded and placed in the top and bottom margins and called the Masorah magna. Notes too long for insertion in the margin were placed sometimes at the beginning, generally at the end of the codex, and called the Masorah finalis. The Masorah differs with different manuscripts; and there is an Eastern and a Western Masorah.<P>2. The "Qere" and "Kethibh":<P>The oldest and most important part of the Masorah lies in the readings which differ from the written text, called Qere. These may represent, variant readings of manuscripts, especially of them called cebhir. The most are mere errata and corrigenda of the text. Such are the four Q. perpetua, \'adhonay (for YHWH), Jerusalem, Issachar and hu\', in the case of which the read form is not appended at the foot of the page. Sometimes the emendation is right, as in <a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',8,8);">Am 8:8</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',9,5);">9:5</A>; sometimes the Kethibh represents an archaic form (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',9,8,12);">Jud 9:8,12</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',32,11);">Isa 32:11</a>).<P>A Qere was inserted at <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',17,34);">1Sa 17:34</a> to correct a misprint in the Venice Bible of 1521.<P>3. Other Features:<P>Other notes at the foot of the page draw attention to redundant or defective writing. Directions for the arrangement of the text are in <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',49,8);">Ge 49:8</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',31,28);">De 31:28</a>, and elsewhere. Each book concludes with a note giving the number of verses, sections, middle verse and other particulars about the book. The second last verses of Isaiah, Malalachi, Lamentations, Ecclesiastes are repeated after the last, which is ill-omened.<P>XII. Manuscripts and Printed Texts.<P>1. Manuscripts:<P>The manuscripts of the Hebrew Bible are not nearly so old as those of the Greek, old Hebrew manuscripts being generally destroyed. By far the oldest manuscript of any part of the Bible is the Papyrus Nash of about 150 AD, containing the Decalogue and Shema\' (<a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',6,4);">De 6:4</a>). Next comes the Petersburg codex of the latter Prophets of 916 AD, though Ginsburg considers a manuscript of the Pentateuch (British Museum Orient. 4445) older. The pointing of the latter is Palestinian; of the former, supper-linear. The oldest manuscript of the whole Old Testament is dated 1010 AD.<P>2. Early Printed Texts:<P>The following are the chief printed texts: The Psalter of 1477, place unknown, with commentary of Kimchi. The first few psalms are voweled; the Pentateuch,1482,Bologna, with Rashi and Targum Onkelos; perhaps the Five Rolls appeared at the same time; the Prophets, unpointed, 1485-86, at Soncino, with Rashi and Kimchi; the Hagiographa, 1486-87, at Naples, with points, but not accents, and commentaries (In the last two YHWH and \'Elohim are spelled YHDH and \'Elodhim); the 2nd edition of the Pentateuch at Faro in Portugal,1487,first without commentary; the editio princeps of the whole Old Testament with points and accents, but no commentary, finished at Soncino, February 14,1488,reprinted in 1491-93, and in the Brescia Bible of 1494. The last was the one used by Luther. Owing to persecution, the next edition was not till 1511-1517.<P>3. Later Editions:<P>The first Christian edition of the Hebrew text is that contained in the Complutensian Polyglot, finished July 10, 1517. It has many peculiarities, and first discarded the Masoretic sections for the Christian chapters, the Vulgate (Jerome\'s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) being followed. The first rabbinic Bible<6C>that is, pointed and accented text, with Masorah, Targums, and commentaries<65>was printed by Daniel Bomberg at Venice in 1516-17. The division of Samuel, Kings, Chronicles, and Ezra into two books each is first marked here in a purely Hebrew text, and the consonants of the Qere first given in the margin. Previously the vowels were inserted in the text only. Thus in <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',44,14);">Isa 44:14</a>, Luther did not observe the small nun, taking it for a zayin. What is called, however, the editio princeps of the rabbihic Bible is Bomberg\'s second edition, edition by Jacob ben Chayyim (1524-25). This forms the standard edition of the Massoretic Text. Samuel and Kings are each treated as two books. Cebhirim are noticed for the first time, and the Qeres marked with q. The Polyglot of Arias Montanus (1567-71) used the dilatable letters\', "h", "l", "t", "m", broadened to fill up lines, and first numbered the chapters (in Hebrew letters). Buxtorf\'s rabbinic Bible appeared in 1618-19; the Paris Polyglot in 1629-44; the London Polyglot of Walton in 1654-57, which first gives the Ethiopic and Persian VSS; that of Athias in 1661, which first inserted the numbers of Christian chapters in the clauses at the end of the books of the Law, the Mantua edition of 1744 inserting them for all the books. In the last is embodied the Masoretic commentary of Solomon de Norzi (1626). Recent editors are Baer and Ginsburg. Special mention must be made of the edition of Kittel which inserts the variant readings of the versions at the foot of the page.<P>4. Chapters and Verses:<P>In modern editions of the Hebrew text the numbers of the Christian chapters are inserted. The chapters had their origin in the Vulgate, and are variously ascribed to Lanfranc (died 1089), Stephen Langton (died 1228), but with most probability to Hugo de Sancto Care (13th century). They mostly coincide with the Masoretic sections, and came in with the Polyglots from 1517 on, being used first in a purely Hebrew text in 1573-1574. Some modern editions mark the verses in the margin, the 5\'s in Hebrew letters, except 15, which is denoted by "Tw" = 9 plus 6, instead of "yh" = 10 plus 5, because the latter would = Yah. After the Clausula Masoretica at the end of Chronicles and elsewhere, there is an extended note taken from <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',19,13);">1Ch 19:13</a> (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',10,12);">2Sa 10:12</a>).<P>LITERATURE.<P>Benzinger, Hebraische Archaologie, Leipzig, 1894; Berger, Histoire de l\'ecriture dans l\'antiquite, Paris, 1892; Blau, Masoretische Untersuchungen, Strassburg, 1891; Einleitung in die heilige Schrift, Budapest, 1894; Studien zum althebraischen Buchwesen, Pt. I, Strassburg, 1902; Buhl, Canon and Text (English translation by J. Macpherson), Edinburgh, 1892; Butin, The Ten Nequdoth of the Torah, Baltimore, 1906; Buxtorf (father), Tiberias side Commentarius Masorethicus, Basel, 1620; Buxtorf (son), Tractatus de Punctorum Origins, etc., Basel, 1648; Cappellus, Arcanum Punctationis Revelatum, Leyden, 1624; Chwolson, Corpus Inscriptionum Hebraicarum, Petersburg, 1882; Driver, Notes on the Hebrew Text of Samuel, Oxford, 1913; Edersheim, History of the Jewish Nation, London, 1896; Etheridge, Jerusalem and Tiberias ("Post-Biblical Hebrew Literature"), London, 1856; Frankel, Ueber palastinische und alexandrinische Schriftforschung, Breslau, 1854; Geden, The Massoretic Notes Contained in the Edition of the Hebrew Scriptures, Published by the British and Foreign Bible Society, London, 1905; Geiger, Urschrift und Uebersetzungen der Bibel, Breslau, 1857; Ginsburg, Introduction to the...Hebrew Bible, London, 1897; The Massorah, London, 1880-85; Kennedy, The Note-Line in the Hebrew Scriptures, Edinburgh, 1903; Kenyon, Our Bible and the Ancient manuscripts, London, 1898; King, The Psalms in Three Collections (on the triennial cycle), Cambridge, 1898; Konig, Einleitung in das Altes Testament, Bonn, 1893; Loisy, Histoire critique du texts et des versions de la Bible, Paris, 1892-95; Nowack, Lehrbuch der hebraischen Archaologie, Freiburg and Leipzig, 1894; De Rouge, Memoire sur l\'origine egyptienne de l\'alphabet phenicien, Paris, 1874; Schurer, Geschichte des judischen Volkes im Zeitalter Jesu Christi (English translation by John Macpherson and others), Edinburgh, 1890; Schwab, Jerusalem Talmud (French translation), Paris, 1871-90; Strack, Prolegomena Critica in Vetus Testamentum Hebraicum, Leipzig, 1873; Einleitung in den Talmud, Lelpzig, 1894; Taylor, The Alphabet, London, 1883; T.H. Weir, A Short History of the Hebrew Text of the Old Testament, London, 1907; Winckler, Die Thontafeln yon Tell-el-Amarna, Berlin, 1896; The Tell-el-Amarna Letters, Berlin, London and New York, 1896; Wolf, Bibliotheca Hebraea, Hamburg and Leipzig, 1715-33; Wunsche, Bibliotheca Rabbinica, Leipzig, 1880.<P>Encyclopaedias:<P>Cheyne and Black, EB, London, 1899-1903; Fairbairn, Imperial Bible Dict., London, 1866 ("OT," "Scriptures," "Writing," by D. H. Weir); HDB, Edinburgh, 1898-1904 ("Text of the Old Testament," by H. L. Strack); Herzog, RE, Leipzig, 1896ff; Jewish Encyclopedia, New York and London, 1901-6; Vigoureux, Dictionnaire de la Bible, Paris, 1891ff.<P>Hebrew texts:<P>Dikduke ha Te\'amim des Ahron...ben Asher, edition by Baer and Strack, Leipzig, 1879; Massoreth ha-Massoreth of Elias Levita, with English translation and notes by C.D. Ginsburg, London, 1867; Midrash hag-Gadol: Genesis, edition by S. Schechter, Cambridge, 1902; Das Buch, Ochla Weochla, edition by Frensdorff, Hanover, 1864; Mishna, With Latin translation, by Guil. Surenhusius, Amsterdam, 1698-1703; Sifra, edition by Jacob Schlossberg, Vienna, 1862; Sifre, edition by M. Friedmann (first part), Vienna, 1864; Soferim, edition by Joe Muller, Vienna, 1878; Babylonian Talmud, edition (With German translation) by Lazarus Goldschmidt, Berlin, 1896<39>.<P>Periodicals:<P>Academy, XXXI, 454 "The Moabite Stone"; Good Words,1870,673, "The Moabite Stone," by D. H. Weir; Jewish Quarterly Review: Dr. A. Buchler on "The Triennial Cycle," V,420,VI, 1; "E. G. King on the Influence of the Triennial Cycle upon the Psalter," by I. Abrahams, April, 1904; "Neue Masoretische Studien," by Blau, January, 1904; "On the Decalogue Papyrus," by F. C. Burkitt, April, 1903; Journal of Theological Studies, V,203,"The Influence of the Triennial Cycle upon the Psalter," by E. G., King; PEF: "Heb Mosaic Inscription at Kerr Kenna," by Clermont-Ganneau, October, 1901; "On the Siloam Inscription," 1881, 198; "On the Excavations at Taanach and Megiddo," 1904,180,1905, 78; Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology: E. J. Pilcher, "On the Date of the Siloam Inscription," XIX,165,XX, 213; "On the Decalogue Papyrus," by S. A. Cook, January, 1903 "Hebrew Illuminated manuscripts of the Bible of the 11th and 12th Centuries," by M. Caster, XXII, 226; Scottish Review, IX,215,"The Apocryphal Character of the Moabite Stone," by Albert Lowy; Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica, III,1,"The Introduction of the Square Characters in Biblical Manuscripts, and an Account of the Earliest Manuscripts of the Old Testament, with a Table of Alphabets and Facsimiles," by Ad. Neubauer; Mittheilungen und Nachrichten des deutschen Palaestina-Vereins: "On the Excavations at Taanach," by Sellin,1902,13,17,33, 1903,1,and 1905, <span class="noTag">number 3</span>; "On the Excavations at Tell el Mutesellim," by Schumacher, 1904, 14, 33, and 1906, <span class="noTag">number 3</span>; and by Benzinger,1904,65; Zeitschrift des deutschen Palaestina-Vereins: "On the Siloam Inscription," by Socin, XXII, 61; Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlandischen Gesellschaft: "Zur Geschichte der hebraischen Accents," by P. Kahle,1901,167.``189';
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isbe[8710]='Thaddaeus`tha-de\'-us (Thaddaios): One of the Twelve Apostles (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',10,3);">Mt 10:3</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',3,18);">Mr 3:18</a>). In <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',10,3);">Mt 10:3</a> the King James Version, the reading is "Lebbaeus, whose surname was Thaddaeus." The name corresponds to Judas, the son (Revised Version), or brother (the King James Version), of James, given in the lists of <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',6,16);">Lu 6:16</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',1,13);">Ac 1:13</a>.<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=JUDAS,+NOT+ISCARIOT">JUDAS, NOT ISCARIOT</A>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=LEBBAEUS">LEBBAEUS</A>.<P>The "Gospel of the Ebionites," or "Gospel of the Twelve Apostles," of the 2nd century and mentioned by Origen, narrates that Thaddaeus was also among those who received their call to follow Jesus at the Sea of Tiberias (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',4,\'18-22\');">Mt 4:18-22</a>).<P>See also <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=SIMON+THE+CANANAEAN">SIMON THE CANANAEAN</A>.<P>According to the "Genealogies of the Twelve Apostles" (compare Budge, Contendings of the Apostles, II, 50), Thaddaeus was of the house of Joseph; according to the "Book of the Bee" he was of the tribe of Judah. There is abundant testimony in apocryphal literature of the missionary activity of a certain Thaddaeus in Syria, but doubt exists as to whether this was the apostle. Thus<P>(1) according to the "Ac of Peter" (compare Budge, II, 466ff) Peter appointed Thaddaeus over the island of Syria and Edessa.<P>(2) The "Preaching of the blessed Judas, the brother of our Lord, who was surnamed Thaddaeus" (Budge, 357ff), describes his mission in Syria and in Dacia, and indicates him as one of the Twelve.<P>(3) The "Acta Thaddaei" (compare Tischendorf, Acta Apostolorum Apocrypha,1851,261ff) refers to this Thaddaeus in the text as one of the Twelve, but in the heading as one of the Seventy.<P>(4) The Abgar legend, dealing with a supposed correspondence between Abgar, king of Syria, and Christ, states in its Syriac form, as translated by Eusebius (Historia Ecclesiastica, I, xiii, 6-22) (compare <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=THOMAS">THOMAS</A>), that "after the ascension of Christ, Judas, who was also called Thomas, sent to Abgar the apostle Thaddaeus, one of the Seventy" (compare Hennecke, Neutestamentliche Apokryphen, 76ff).<P>Jerome, however, identifies this same Thaddaeus with Lebbaeus and "Judas...of James" of Luke (<a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',6,16);">Lu 6:16</a>). Hennecks (op. cit., 473, 474) surmises that in the original form of the Abgar legend Thomas was the central figure, but that through the influence of the later "Acts of Thomas", which required room to be made for Thomas\' activity in India, a later Syriac recension was made, in which Thomas became merely the sender of Thaddaeus to Edessa, and that this was the form which Eusebius made use of in his translation According to Phillips (compare Phillips, The Doctrine of Addai the Apostle), who quotes Zahn in support, the confusion may be due to the substitution of the Greek name Thaddaeus for the name Addai of the Syriac manuscripts.<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=APOCRYPHAL+ACTS">APOCRYPHAL ACTS</A>.<P>The general consensus seems to indicate, however, that both Thomas and Thaddaeus the apostle had some connection with Edessa. Of the various identifications of Thaddaeus with other Biblical personages which might be inferred from the foregoing, that with "Judas...of James" is the only one that has received wide acceptance.<P>The burial place of Thaddaeus is variously placed at Beirut and in Egypt. A "Gospel of Thaddaeus" is mentioned in the Decree of Gelasius.``88';
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isbe[8711]='Thahash`tha\'-hash.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TAHASH">TAHASH</a>`1';
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isbe[8712]='Thamah`tha\'-ma.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TEMAH">TEMAH</a>`1';
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isbe[8713]='Thamar`tha\'-mar (Thamar): the King James Version; Greek form of "Tamar" (thus <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',1,3);">Mt 1:3</a> the Revised Version (British and American)). Mother of Perez and Zerah.``1';
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isbe[8714]='Thammuz`tham\'-uz (tammuz).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TAMMUZ">TAMMUZ</a>`1';
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isbe[8715]='Thamnatha`tham\'-na-tha.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TIMNATH">TIMNATH</a>`1';
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isbe[8716]='Thank offering``<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=SACRIFICE">SACRIFICE</a>`1';
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isbe[8717]='Thank; Thanks; Thanksgiving`thank, thanks, thanks-giv\'-ing, thanks\'-giv-ing: Both the verb and the nouns appear almost uniformly for yadhah, and eucharisteo, and their cognates. Eucharisteo is the usual Greek verb for "to thank," but yadhah takes on this force only through its context and is rather a synonym for "<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=RAISE">raise</a>" or "<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=BLESS">bless</a>" (which see) Septuagint renders yadhah usually by exomologeo, "speak forth together" "praise" (compare Tobit 12:20; Sirach 39:6, etc., and the use of "thank" in English Versions of the Bible to correspond), and this verb reappears in <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',11,25);">Mt 11:25</a> parellel <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',10,21);">Lu 10:21</a>, with English "thank" (the Revised Version margin "praise"). Compare the use of anthomologeomai (<a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',2,38);">Lu 2:38</a>) and homologeo (<a onClick="return mV(\'Hbr\',13,15);">Heb 13:15</a>, the King James Version "giving thanks," the Revised Version (British and American) "make confession"; the King James Version is preferable). For charis in the sense of "thanks" (note the singular "thank" in the King James Version Sirach 20:16; <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',6,\'32-34\');">Lu 6:32-34</a>), see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=GRACE">GRACE</A>. <a onClick="return mV(\'1Pe\',2,19);">1Pe 2:19</a> the King James Version has "thankworthy" for charis, the Revised Version (British and American) "acceptable," the Revised Version margin "grace."``48';
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isbe[8718]='Thara`tha\'-ra, thar\'-a (Thara): the King James Version; Greek form of "Terah" (thus, <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',3,34);">Lu 3:34</a> the Revised Version (British and American)).``1';
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isbe[8719]='Tharra`thar\'-a (Tharra): One of the two eunuchs, "keepers of the court," who with his companion Gabatha (Bigthan) formed a conspiracy against King Artaxerxes which was detected by Mordecai (Additions to Esther 12:1 = "Teresh" of <a onClick="return mV(\'Est\',2,21);">Es 2:21</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Est\',6,2);">6:2</a>). Tharra and his companion were hanged. Josephus (BJ, II, vi, 4) calls him "Theodestes."``1';
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isbe[8720]='Tharshish`thar\'-shish (tarshish).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TARSHISH">TARSHISH</a>`1';
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isbe[8721]='Thassi`thas\'-i (Codex Venetus Thassei; Codex Vaticanus Thassis): The surname of Simon, the brother of Judas Maccabeus (1Macc 2:3; Syriac "Tharsi"). It is uncertain what the name means, perhaps "director" or "guide," since Simon was "a man of counsel," or "the zealous."``1';
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isbe[8722]='That Day``<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=DAY+OF+THE+LORD">DAY OF THE LORD</a>`1';
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isbe[8723]='Theatre`the\'-a-ter (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',19,29,31);">Ac 19:29,31</a>).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=GAMES">GAMES</a>`1';
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isbe[8724]='Thebes`thebz.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=NO+AMON">NO-AMON</a>`1';
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isbe[8725]='Thebez`the\'-bez (tebhets, "\'brightness"; Codex Vaticanus Thebes; Codex Alexandrinus Thaibais): A city in Mt. Ephraim which refused submission to Abimelech when he set up as king of Israel. After the reduction of Shechem he turned his arms against Thebez. There was a strong tower within the city<74>the citadel<65>into which all the inhabitants gathered for safety, climbing onto the roof of the tower. Abimelech incautiously venturing near the tower, a woman cast an upper millstone upon his head and broke his skull. Fearing the shame of perishing by the hand of a woman, he persuaded his armor-bearer to thrust him through (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',9,50);">Jud 9:50</a>). The incident is alluded to in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',11,21);">2Sa 11:21</a>. Eusebius, Onomasticon places it 13 Roman miles from Neapolis (Nablus) on the road to Scythopolis (Beisan). There is no doubt that it is represented by Tubas. This is a village situated in a district of considerable fertility, about 10 miles from Nablus. There are many olive trees. The rain is captured and led to rockcut cisterns, whence the village draws its water-supply. According to the Samaritans the tomb of Neby Toba marks the grave of the patriarch Asher.``54';
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isbe[8726]='Thecoe`the-ko\'-e (1Macc 9:33).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TEKOA">TEKOA</a>`1';
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isbe[8727]='Thee-Ward`the\'-werd. "To thee-ward" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',19,4);">1Sa 19:4</a>) = toward thee.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=WARD">WARD</a>`1';
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isbe[8728]='Theft``<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=CRIMES">CRIMES</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=PUNISHMENTS">PUNISHMENTS</a>`1';
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isbe[8729]='Thelasar`the-la\'-sar (tela\'ssar, telassar).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TELASSAR">TELASSAR</a>`1';
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isbe[8730]='Thelersas`the-lur\'-sas (Thelersas (1Esdras 5:36)).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TEL-HARSHA">TEL-HARSHA</a>`1';
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isbe[8731]='Theocanus`the-ok\'-a-nus: 1Esdras 9:14 the King James Version = the Revised Version (British and American) "Thocanus."``1';
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isbe[8732]='Theocracy`the-ok\'-ra-si (theokratia, from theos, "a god," and kratos, "power"; after the analogy of the words "democracy," "aristocracy," and the like): "Theocracy" is not a Biblical word. The idea, however, is Biblical, and in strictness of speech exclusively Biblical. The realization of the idea is not only confined to Israel, but in the pre-exilic history of Israel the realization of the idea was confined to the Southern Kingdom, and in post-exilic history to the period between the return under Ezra and the days of Malachi.<P>For the word "theocracy" we are, by common consent, indebted to Josephus. In his writings it seems to occur but once (Apion, II, xvi). The passage reads as follows: "Our lawgiver had an eye to none of these," that is, these different forms of government, such as monarchy, aristocracy, oligarchy, and others of which Josephus had been speaking, "but, as one might say, using a strained expression, he set forth the national polity as a theocracy, referring the rule and might to God" (Stanton\'s translation). It is generally agreed that the language here used indicates that Josephus knew himself to be coining a new word.<P>If, now, we turn from the word to the Old Testament idea to which it gives fitting and apt expression, that idea cannot be better stated than it has been by Kautzsch<63>namely, "The notion of theocracy is that the constitution (of Israel) was so arranged that all the organs of government were without any independent power, and had simply to announce and execute the will of God as declared by priest and prophets, or reduced to writing as a code of laws" (HDB, extra vol, 630,1,init.). The same writer is entirely correct when he says that in what is known in certain circles as "the PC"<22>though he might have said in the Old Testament generally<6C>"everything, even civil and criminal law, is looked at from the religious standpoint" (ibid., ut supra).<P>If the foregoing be a correct account of the idea expressed by the word "theocracy," and particularly if the foregoing be a correct account of the Old Testament representation of God\'s relation to, and rule in and over Israel, it follows as a matter of course that the realization of such an idea was only possible within the sphere of what is known as special revelation. Indeed, special revelation of the divine will, through divinely-chosen organs, to Divinely appointed executive agents, is, itself, the very essence of the idea of a theocracy.<P>That the foregoing is the Old Testament idea of God\'s relation to His people is admitted to be a natural and necessary implication from such passages as <a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',8,23);">Jud 8:23</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',8,\'1-\');">1Sa 8</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',12,12);">12:12</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',13,8);">2Ch 13:8</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',7,\'1-17\');">2Sa 7:1-17</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',89,27);">Ps 89:27</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',17,\'14-20\');">De 17:14-20</a>.<P>Upon any other view of the origin of the Old Testament books than that which has heretofore prevailed, it is certainly a remarkable fact that whenever the books of the Old Testament were written, and by whomsoever they may have been written, and whatever the kind or the number of the redactions to which they may have been subjected, the conception<6F>the confessedly unique conception<6F>of a government of God such as that described above by Kautzsch is evidenced by these writings in all their parts. This fact is all the more impressive in view of the further fact that we do not encounter this sharply defined idea of a rule of God among men in any other literature, ancient or modern. For while the term "theocracy" occurs in modern literature, it is evidently used in a much lower sense. It is futher worth remarking that this Old Testament idea of the true nature of God\'s rule in Israel has only to be fully apprehended for it to become obvious that many of the alleged analogies between the Old Testament prophet and the modern preacher, reformer and statesman are wholly lacking in any really solid foundation.``116';
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isbe[8733]='Theodotion`the-o-do\'-shi-un.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=LANGUAGE+OF+THE+NEW+TESTAMENT">LANGUAGE OF THE NEW TESTAMENT</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=SEPTUAGINT">SEPTUAGINT</a>`1';
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isbe[8734]='Theodotus`the-od\'o-tus (Theodotos):<P>(1) One of the three ambassadors sent by the Syrian general Nicanor to Judas to make peace (2Macc 14:19).<P>(2) One who plotted to assassinate Ptolemy Philopator, but was prevented by a Jew, Dositheos (3Macc 1:2f).``1';
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isbe[8735]='Theology`the-ol\'-o-ji.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=BIBLICAL+THEOLOGY">BIBLICAL THEOLOGY</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=JOHANNINE+THEOLOGY">JOHANNINE THEOLOGY</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=PAULINE+THEOLOGY">PAULINE THEOLOGY</a>`1';
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isbe[8736]='Theophilus`the-of\'-i-lus (Theophilos, "loved of God"): The one to whom Luke addressed his Gospel and the Acts of the Apostles (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',1,3);">Lu 1:3</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',1,1);">Ac 1:1</a>). It has been suggested that Theophilus is merely a generic term for all Christians, but the epithet "most excellent" implies it was applied by Luke to a definite person, probably a Roman official, whom he held in high respect. Theophilus may have been the presbyter who took part in sending the letter from the Corinthians to Paul, given in the "Acta Pauli" (compare Hennecke, Neutestamentliche Apokryphen, 378). There is also a magistrate Theophilus mentioned in the "Ac of James" as being converted by James on his way to India (compare Budge, The Contendings of the Apostles, II, 299), but these and other identifications, together with other attempts to trace out the further history of the original Theophilus, are without sufficient evidence for their establishment (compare also Knowling in The Expositor Greek Testament, II, 49-51).``88';
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isbe[8737]='Theras`the\'-ras (Thera): The river by which the company assembled in preparation for the march to Jerusalem under Ezra (1Esdras 8:41,61). In <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',8,21,31);">Ezr 8:21,31</a> the name of the river is Ahava. Possibly the place is represented by the modern Hit on the Euphrates; but no certain identification is possible.``1';
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isbe[8738]='Thermeleth`thur\'-me-leth (Thermeleth (1Esdras 5:36)).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TEL+MELAH">TEL-MELAH</a>`1';
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isbe[8739]='Thessalonians, the First Epistle of Paul to the`thes-a-lo\'-ni-anz<P><b>I. IMPORTANCE OF THE EPISTLE</b><P><b>II. CIRCUMSTANCES OF THE FOUNDING OF THE CHURCH</b><P class="in15">1. Luke\'s Narrative in Acts<P class="in15">2. Confirmation of Luke\'s Narrative in the Epistle<P><b>III. CONDITIONS IN THE THESSALONIAN CHURCH AS INDICATED IN THE LETTER</b><P><b>IV. ANALYSIS WIENER, ORIGIN OF THE PENTATEUCH THE EPISTLE</b><P class="in15">1. Paul\'s Past and Present Relations with the Thessalonians and His Love for Them<P class="in15">2. Exhortations against Vice, and Comfort and Warning in View of the Coming of Christ<P><b>V. DOCTRINAL IMPLICATIONS OF THE EPISTLE</b><P><b>VI. THE EPISTLE\'S REVELATIONS OF PAUL\'S CHARACTERISTICS</b><P><b>LITERATURE</b><hr /><P>I. The Importance of the Epistle.<P>The letter is especially important as a witness to the content of the earliest Gospel, on account of its date and its well-nigh unchallenged authenticity. According to Harnack it was written in the year 48 AD; according to Zahn, in the year 53. It is likely that these two dates represent the extreme limits. We are thus justified in saying with confidence that we have before us a document that could not have been written more than 24 years, and may very easily have been written but 19 years, after the ascension of our Lord. This is a fact of great interest in view of the contention that the Jesus of the four Gospels is a product of the legend-making propensity of devout souls in the latter part of the 1st century. When we remember that Paul was converted more than 14 years before the writing of the Epistles, and that he tells us that his conversion was of such an overwhelming nature as to impel him in a straight course from which he never varied, and when we note that at the end of 14 years Peter and John, having fully heard the gospel which he preached, had no corrections to offer (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gal\',1,\'11-\');">Ga 1:11-<a onClick="return mV(\'Gal\',2,\'1-10\');">2:10</a>, especially <a onClick="return mV(\'Gal\',2,\'6-10\');">2:6-10</A>), we see that the view of Christ and His message given in this Epistle traces itself back into the very presence of the most intimate friends of Jesus. It is not meant by this that the words of Paul or the forms of his teaching are reproductions of things Jesus said in the days of His flesh, but rather that the conception which is embodied in the Epistle of the person of Christ and of His relation to the Father, and of His relation also to the church and to human destiny, is rooted in Christ\'s own self-revelation.<P>II. Circumstances of the Founding of the Church.<P>1. Luke\'s Narrative in Acts:<P>For the founding of the church we have two sources of information, the Book of Acts and the Epistle itself. Luke\'s narrative is found in <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',17,\'1-\');">Ac 17</a>. Here we are told that Paul, after leaving Philippi, began his next siege against entrenched paganism in the great market center of Thessalonica. He went first into the synagogues of the Jews, and for three Sabbath days reasoned with them out of the Scriptures. Some of them, Luke tells us, "were persuaded, and consorted with Paul and Silas; and of the devout Greeks a great multitude, and of the chief women not a few." This very naturally excited the jealousy of the Jews who found themselves losing the social prestige that came from having a large number of Greeks, including some of the nobility, resorting to them for instruction. Accordingly, they raised a mob of the worst men in town and brought the leading members of the church before the magistrate. These brethren, Jason and certain others, who seem to have been men of some property, were compelled to give bond to preserve the peace, and the intense feeling against Paul made it necessary for him, for the sake of these brethren as well as for his personal safety, to flee from the city.<P>2. Confirmation of Luke\'s Narrative in the Epistle:<P>The historicity of Luke\'s story of the founding of the church is strongly supported by the text of the Epistle. Paul, for instance, notes that the work in Thessalonica began after they had been shamefully entreated at Philippi (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',2,2);">1Th 2:2</a>). He bears witness also in the same verse to the conflict in the midst of which the Thessalonian church was founded (see also <a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',2,14);">1Th 2:14</a>). Paul\'s exhortation to salute all the brethren with a holy kiss, his solemn adjuration that this letter be read unto all the brethren (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',5,26,27);">1Th 5:26,27</a>), and his exhortation to despise not prophesying (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',5,20);">1Th 5:20</a>) are harmonious with Luke\'s account of the very diverse social elements out of which the church was formed: diversities that would very easily give rise to a disposition on the part of the more aristocratic to neglect the cordial greetings to the poorer members, and to despise their uncouth testimonies to the grace of God that had come to them (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',17,4);">Ac 17:4</a>).<P>Paul tells us that he was forced to labor for his daily bread at Thessalonica (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',2,9);">1Th 2:9</a>). Luke does not make mention of this, but he tells us of his work at tent-making in the next town where he made a considerable stop (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',18,\'1-3\');">Ac 18:1-3</a>), and thus each statement makes the other probable.<P>Perhaps, however, the most marked corroboration of the Acts which we have in the letter is the general harmony of its revelation of the character of Paul with that of the Acts. The reminiscences of Paul\'s work among them (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',2,\'1-12\');">1Th 2:1-12</a>) correspond, for instance, in a marked way, in essence though not in style and vocabulary, with Luke\'s report of Paul\'s account of the method and spirit of his work at Ephesus (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',20,\'17-35\');">Ac 20:17-35</a>). This, however, is only one of many correspondences which could be pointed out and which will at once be evident to anyone who will read the letter, and then go over <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',13,\'1-\');">Ac 13-28</a>.<P>It may seem irrelevant thus to emphasize the historicity of Acts in an article on Thessalonians, but the witness of the Epistle to the historicity of the Gospels and of Acts is for the present moment one of its most important functions.<P>III. Conditions in the Thessalonian Church as Indicated in the Letter.<P>A New Testament epistle bears a close resemblance to a doctor\'s prescription. It relates itself to the immediate situation of the person to whom it is directed. If we study it we can infer with a great deal of accuracy the tendencies, good or bad, in the church. What revelation of the conditions at Thessalonica is made in the First Epistle? Plainly, affairs on the whole are in a very good state, especially when one takes into account the fact that most of the members had been out of heathenism but a few months. They were so notably devoted to God that they were known all over Macedonia as examples to the church (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',1,7);">1Th 1:7</a>). In particular the Christian grace of cordial good will toward all believers flourished among them: a grace which they doubtless had good opportunity to exercise in this great market town to which Christians from all parts would resort on business errands and where there would be constant demands on their hospitality (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',4,\'9-10\');">1Th 4:9-10</a>).<P>There were, however, shadows in the picture. Some persons were whispering dark suspicions against Paul. Perhaps, as Zahn suggests, they were the unbelieving husbands of the rich ladies who had become members of the church. It was in answer to these criticisms that he felt called upon to say that he was not a fanatic nor a moral leper, nor a deceiver (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',2,3);">1Th 2:3</a>). When he is so careful to remind them that he was not found at any time wearing a cloak of covetousness, but rather went to the extreme of laboring night and day that he might not be chargeable to any of them (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',2,9);">1Th 2:9</a>), we may be sure that the Christians were hearing constant jibes about their money-making teacher who had already worked his scheme with the Philippians so successfully that they had twice sent him a contribution (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',4,16);">Php 4:16</a>). Paul\'s peculiar sensitiveness on this point at Corinth (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',9,14,15);">1Co 9:14,15</a>) was possibly in part the result of his immediately preceding experiences at Thessalonica.<P>One wonders whether Greece was not peculiarly infested at this time with wandering philosophers and religious teachers who beat their way as best they could, living on the credulity of the unwary.<P>Paul\'s anxiety to assure them of his intense desire to see them and his telling of his repeated attempts to come to them (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',2,\'17-20\');">1Th 2:17-20</a>) show rather plainly also that his absence had given rise to the suspicion that he was afraid to come back, or indeed quite indifferent about revisiting them. "We would fain have come unto you," he says, "I Paul once and again; and Satan hindered us."<P>Some also were saying that Paul was a flatterer (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',2,5);">1Th 2:5</a>), who was seeking by this means to carry out unworthy ends. This sneer indeed, after the reading of the letter, would come quite naturally to the superficial mind. Paul\'s amazing power to idealize his converts and see them in the light of their good intentions and of the general goal and trend of their minds is quite beyond the appreciation of a shallow and sardonic soul.<P>More than this, we can see plain evidence that the church was in danger of the chronic heathen vice of unchastity (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',4,\'3-8\');">1Th 4:3-8</a>). The humble members also, in particular, were in danger of being intoxicated by the new intellectual and spiritual life into which they had been inducted by the gospel, and were spending their time in religious meetings to the neglect of their daily labor (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',4,\'10-12\');">1Th 4:10-12</a>). Moreover, some who had lost friends since their baptism were mourning lest at the second coming of Christ these who had fallen asleep would not share in the common glory (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',4,\'13-18\');">1Th 4:13-18</a>). This is a quaint proof of the immaturity of their view of Christ, as though a physical accident could separate from His love and care. There was likewise, as suggested above, the ever-present danger of social cliques among the members (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',5,13,15,20,26,27);">1Th 5:13,15,20,26,27</a>). It is to this condition of things that Paul pours forth this amazingly vital and human Epistle.<P>IV. Analysis of the Epistle.<P>The letter may be divided in several ways. Perhaps as simple a way as any is that which separates it into two main divisions.<P>First, Paul\'s past and present relations with the Thessalonians, and his love for them (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',1,\'1-\');">1Th 1:1-3:13</a>):<P>1. Paul\'s Past and Present Relations with the Thessalonians and His Love for Them:<P>(1) Greeting and Thanksgiving (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',1,\'1-10\');">1Th 1:1-10</a>).<P>(2) Paul reminds them of the character of his life and ministry among them (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',2,\'1-12\');">1Th 2:1-12</a>).<P>(3) The sufferings of the Thessalonians the same as those endured by their Jewish brethren (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',2,\'13-16\');">1Th 2:13-16</a>).<P>(4) Paul\'s efforts to see them (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',2,\'17-20\');">1Th 2:17-20</a>).<P>(5) Paul\'s surrender of his beloved helper in order to learn the state of the Thessalonian church, and his joy over the good news which Timothy brought (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',3,\'1-13\');">1Th 3:1-13</a>).<P>Second, exhortations against vice, and comfort and warning in view of the coming of Christ (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',4,\'1-5\');">1Th 4:1-5</a>,28):<P>2. Exhortations against Vice, and Comfort and Warning in View of the Coming of Christ:<P>(1) Against gross vice (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',4,\'1-8\');">1Th 4:1-8</a>).<P>(2) Against idleness (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',4,\'9-12\');">1Th 4:9-12</a>).<P>(3) Concerning those who have fallen asleep (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',4,\'13-18\');">1Th 4:13-18</a>).<P>(4) Concerning the true way to watch for the Coming (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',5,\'1-11\');">1Th 5:1-11</a>).<P>(5) Sundry exhortations (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',5,\'12-28\');">1Th 5:12-28</a>).<P>V. Doctrinal Implications of the Epistle.<P>The Epistle to the Thessalonians is not a doctrinal letter. Paul\'s great teaching concerning salvation by faith alone, apart from the works of the Law, is not sharply defined or baldly stated, and the doctrine of the cross of Christ as central in Christianity is here implied rather than enforced. Almost the only doctrinal statement is that which assures them that those of their number who had fallen asleep would not in any wise be shut out from the rewards and glories at Christ\'s second coming (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',4,\'13-18\');">1Th 4:13-18</a>). But while the main doctrinal positions of Paul are not elaborated or even stated in the letter, it may safely be said that the Epistle could scarcely have been written by one who denied those teachings. And the fact that we know that shortly before or shortly after Paul wrote the Epistle to the Galatians, and the fact that he so definitely describes his attitude at this very time toward the preaching of the cross of Christ, in his reminiscences in 1 Corinthians (see especially <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',2,\'1-5\');">1Co 2:1-5</a>), show how foolish it is to assume that an author has not yet come to a position because he does not constantly obtrude it in all that he writes.<P>The Epistle, however, bears abundant evidence to the fact that this contemporary of Jesus had seen in the life and character and resurrection of Jesus that which caused him to exalt Him to divine honors, to mention Him in the same breath with God the Father, and to expect His second coming in glory as the event which would determine the destiny of all men and be the final goal of history. As such the letter, whose authenticity is now practically unquestioned, is a powerful proof that Jesus was a personality as extraordinary as the Jesus of the first three Gospels. And even the Christ of the Fourth Gospel is scarcely more exalted than He who now with God the Father constitutes the spiritual atmosphere in which Christians exist (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',1,1);">1Th 1:1</a>), and who at the last day will descend from heaven with a shout and with the voice of an archangel and the trump of God, and cause the dead in Christ to rise from their tombs to dwell forever with Himself (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',4,16,17);">1Th 4:16,17</a>).<P>VI. The Epistle\'s Revelations of Paul\'s Characteristics.<P>We notice in the letter the extreme tactfulness of Paul. He has some plain and humiliating warnings to give, but he precedes them in each case with affectionate recognition of the good qualities of the brethren. Before he warns against gross vice he explains that he is simply urging them to continue in the good way they are in. Before he urges them to go to work he cordially recognizes the love that has made them linger so long and so frequently at the common meeting-places. And when in connection with his exhortations about the second coming he alludes to the vice of drunkenness, he first idealizes them as sons of the light and of the day to whom, of course, the drunken orgies of those who are "of the night" would be unthinkable. Thus by a kind of spiritual suggestion he starts them in the right way.<P>LITERATURE.<P>Bishop Alexander, the Speaker\'s Commentary (published in America under the title, The Bible Comm., and bound with most excellent commentaries on all of the Pauline Epistles), New York, Scribners; Milligan, The Epistles to the Thessalonians (the Greek text with Introduction and notes), London, Macmillan; Moffatt, The Expositor\'s Greek Test. (bound with commentaries by various authors on the Pastoral Epistles, Philemon, Hebrews and James), New York, Dodd, Mead and Co.; Frame, ICC, New York, Scribners; Stevens, An American Commentary on the New Testament, Philadelphia, American Baptist Publication Society; Adeney, The New Century Bible, ""1 and 2 Thessalonians" and "Galatians," New York, Henry Frowde; Findlay, "The Epistles to the Thessalonians," Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges, New York, Putnams; James Denney, "The Epistles to the Thessalonians," Expositor\'s Bible, New York, Doran; the two latter are especially recommended as inexpensive, popular and yet scholarly commentaries. The Cambridge Bible is a verse-by-verse commentary, and Professor Denney on "Thess" in Expositor\'s Bible is one of the most vital and vigorous pieces of homiletical exposition known to the present writer.``184';
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isbe[8740]='Thessalonians, the Second Epistle of Paul to the`<b>I. IMPORTANCE OF STUDYING 1 THESSALONIANS AND 2 THESSALONIANS TOGETHER</b><P><b>II. AUTHENTICITY</b><P class="in15">1. Arguments against the Pauline Authorship<P class="in15">2. Arguments for the Pauline Authorship<P><b>III. THE MAN OF SIN</b><P class="in15">1. Primary Reference<P class="in15">2. Permanent Value of the Teaching concerning the Man of Sin<P><b>V. PAUL\'S EXHORTATION TO QUIET INDUSTRY</b><P><b>LITERATURE</b><hr /><P>I. Importance of Studying 1 Thessalonians and 2 Thessalonians Together.<P>Those who hold to the Pauline authorship of the Epistle unite in ascribing it to a time but little subsequent to the writing of the First Letter. It is simply a second prescription for the same case, made after discovering that some certain stubborn symptoms had not yielded to the first treatment. 2 Thessalonians should be studied in connection with 1 Thessalonians because it is only from an understanding of the First Epistle and the situation that it revealed that one can fully grasp the significance of the Second. And more than that, the solution of the problem as to whether Paul wrote the Second Letter is likewise largely dependent on our knowledge of the First. It would, for instance, be much harder to believe that Paul had written 2 Thessalonians if we did not know that before writing it he had used the tender and tactful methods of treatment which we find in the First Letter. It is as though one should enter a sick rook where the physician is resorting to some rather strong measures with a patient. One is better prepared to judge the wisdom of the treatment if he knows the history of the case, and discovers that gentler methods have already been tried by the physician without success.<P>II. Authenticity.<P>1. Arguments against the Pauline Authorship:<P>The different treatment of the subject of the second coming of Christ, the different emotional tone, and the different relationships between Paul and the church presupposed in the First and Second Epistles have been among the causes which have led to repeated questionings of the Pauline authorship of 2 Thessalonians. Scholars argue, in the first place, that the doctrine concerning the coming of Christ which we find in the Second Letter is not only differently phrased but is contradictory to that in the First. We get the impression from the First Letter that the Day of the Lord is at hand. It will come as a thief in the night (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',5,2);">1Th 5:2</a>), and one of the main parts of Christian duty is to expect (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',1,9,10);">1Th 1:9,10</a>). In the Second Letter, however, he writer urges strongly against any influence that will deceive them into believing that the Day of the Lord is at hand, because it will not be "except the falling away come first, and the man of sin be revealed, the son of perdition, he that opposeth and exalteth himself against all that is called God or that is worshiped" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Th\',2,\'1-4\');">2Th 2:1-4</a>).<P>Again very plainly also, say the critics, a different relation exists between the writer and the church at Thessalonica. In the First Letter he coaxes; in the Second Letter he commands (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',4,1);">1Th 4:1,2</a>,<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',4,\'9-12\');">9-12</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',5,\'1-11\');">5:1-11</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Th\',2,\'1-4\');">2Th 2:1-4</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Th\',3,6);">3:6</a>,<a onClick="return mV(\'2Th\',3,\'12-14\');">12-14</a>). Moreover, the whole emotional tone of the Second Letter is different from that of the First. The First Epistle is a veritable geyser of joyous, grateful affection and tenderness. The Second Letter, while it also contains expressions of the warmest affection and appreciation, is quite plainly not written under the same pressure of tender emotion. Here, say the critics, is a lower plane of inspiration. Here are Paul\'s words and phrases and plain imitations of Paul\'s manner, but here most emphatically is not the flood tide of Paul\'s inspiration. Moreover, the lurid vision of the battle between the man of sin and the returning Messiah in the Second Letter is different in form and coloring from anything which we find elsewhere in Paul. These, and other considerations have led many to assume that the letter was written by a hand other than that of the Apostle to the Gentiles.<P>2. Arguments for the Pauline Authorship:<P>The Hypothesis, however, that Paul was not the author of the Epistle, while it obviates certain difficulties, raises many more. Into a statement of these difficulties we will not go here, but refer the reader to a brief and scholarly putting of them in Peake\'s Critical Introduction to the New Testament, 12-16 (New York, Scribners, 1910).<P>There is accordingly today a manifest tendency among all scholars, including those in the more radical camps, to return to the traditional position concerning the authorship. The following are some of the positive arguments for the authenticity:<P>As for the opposing views of the coming of Christ in the two Epistles, it is to be noted that precisely the same superficial contradiction occurs in our Lord\'s own teaching on this same subject (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',24,6,23,24,25,26);">Mt 24:6,23,24,25,26</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',12,35,40);">Lu 12:35,40</a>). Jesus exhorts His disciples to watch, for in such an hour as they think not the Son of man cometh, and yet at the same time and in the same connection warns them that when they see certain signs they should not be troubled, for the end is not yet. Paul, brooding over the subject after writing the First Letter, might easily have come strongly to see the obverse side of the shield. The apostle built his theology upon the tradition which had come from Jesus as interpreted by its practical effects upon his converts, and his mind was quick to counteract any danger due to overemphasis or wrong inferences. He was not nearly as eager for a consistently stated doctrine as he was for a doctrine that made for spiritual life and efficiency. During the fierce persecutions at the beginning of the movement in Thessalonica, the comfort of the thought of the swift coming of Christ was in need of emphasis but as soon as the doctrine was used as an excuse for unhealthful religious excitement the minds of the disciples must be focused on more prosaic and less exciting aspects of reality.<P>That Paul assumes a commanding and peremptory attitude in the Second Letter which we do not find so plainly asserted in the First is readily admitted. Why should not the First Letter have had its intended effect upon the Thessalonian church as a whole? And if Paul received word that his gracious and tactful message had carried with it the conviction of the dominant elements of the church, but that certain groups had continued to be fanatical and disorderly, we can easily see how, with the main current of the church behind him, he would have dared to use more drastic methods with the offending members.<P>It is also readily admitted that the Second Letter is not so delightful and heart-warming as the First. It was plainly not written in a mood of such high emotional elevation. But the question may be raised as to whether the coaxing, caressing tone of the First Epistle would have been appropriate in handling the lazy and fanatical elements of the church after it had persisted in disregarding his tender and kindly admonitions. Jesus\' stern words to the Pharisees in <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',23,\'1-\');">Mt 23</a> are not so inspiring as <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',14,1);">Joh 14</a>, but they were the words and the only words that were needed at the time. "Let not your heart be troubled" would not be inspired if delivered to hypocrites. Furthermore, we are not called upon to assume that Paul at all times lived in the same mood of emotional exaltation. Indeed his Epistles abound with assertions that this was not the case (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',1,8);">2Co 1:8</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',3,9);">1Th 3:9</a>), and it is unreasonable to expect him always to write in the same key. It must be added, however, that the suggestion that the Second Epistle is stern may easily be overdone. If 1 Thessalonians were not before us, it would be the tenderness of Paul\'s treatment of the church which would most impress us.<P>Harnack has recently added the weight of his authority to the argument for the Pauline authorship of the letter. He thinks that there were two distinct societies in Thessalonica, the one perhaps meeting in the Jewish quarter and composed chiefly of Jewish Christians, and the other composed of Greeks meeting in some other part of the city. In addition to the probability that this would be true, which arises from the very diverse social classes out of which the church was formed (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',17,4);">Ac 17:4</a>), and the size of the city, he points to the adjuration in the First Letter (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',5,27);">1Th 5:27</a>) that this Epistle be read unto all the brethren, as a proof that there was a coterie in the church that met separately and that might easily have been neglected by the rest, just as the Greeks in Jerusalem were neglected in the daily ministration (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',6,1);">Ac 6:1</a>). He thinks that the Second Letter was probably directed to the Jewish element of the Church.<P>It is to be noted also that Professor Moffatt (Introduction to the Literature of the New Testament, 76ff), who calls in question the authenticity of nearly all of the books of the New Testament that any reputable scholars now attack, finds no sufficient reason to question the Pauline authorship of 2 Thessalonians.<P>III. The Man of Sin.<P>1. Primary Reference:<P>The question as to whom or what Paul refers to in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Th\',2,\'1-12\');">2Th 2:1-12</a>, when he speaks of the man of sin, whose revelation is to precede the final manifestation of Christ, has divided scholars during all the Christian centuries. (For a good discussion of the history of the interpretation of this difficult section, see Findlay, "I and II Thessalonians," Cambridge Bible, 170-80.) The reason why each age has had its fresh interpretation identifying the man of sin with the blasphemous powers of evil then most active is the fact that the prophecy has never yet found its complete accomplishment. The man of sin has never been fully revealed, and Christ has never finally destroyed him.<P>But Paul says that the mystery of iniquity already works (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Th\',2,7);">2Th 2:7</a>), and he tells the church that the restraining influence which for the time being held it in check is something that "ye know" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Th\',2,6);">2Th 2:6</a>). Plainly, then, the evil power and that which held it in check were things quite familiar both to Paul and to his readers. We must therefore give the prophecy a lst-century reference. The alternative probably lies between making the mystery of iniquity the disposition of the Roman emperor to give himself out as an incarnation of deity and force all men to worship him, a tendency which was then being held in check by Claudius, but which soon broke out under Caligula (see Peake\'s Introduction above cited); or, on the other hand, making the mystery of iniquity to be some peculiar manifestation of diabolism which was to break out from the persecuting Jewish world, and which was then held in check by the restraining power of the Roman government.<P>In favor of making a blasphemous Roman emperor the man of sin, may be urged the fact that it was this demand of the emperor for worship which brought matters to a crisis in the Roman world and turned the terrific enginery of the Roman empire against Christianity. And it may be argued that it is hardly likely that the temporary protection which Paul received from the Roman government prevented him from seeing that its spirit was such that it must ultimately be ranged against Christianity. One may note also, in arguing for the Roman reference of the man of sin, the figurative and enigmatic way in which Paul refers to the opposing power, a restraint that would be rendered necessary for reasons of prudence (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',13,14);">Mr 13:14</a>, and also the cryptograms used by the author of the Book of Revelation in referring to Rome). Paul has none of this reserve in referring to the persecuting Jewish world who "please not God, and are contrary to all men" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',2,15);">1Th 2:15</a>). And in view of the fact that the Jews were in disfavor in the Roman empire, as is proved by then recently issued decree of Claudius commanding all Jews to depart from Rome (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',18,2);">Ac 18:2</a>), and by the fact that to proclaim a man a Jew helped at that time to lash a mob into fury against him (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,20);">Ac 16:20</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',19,34);">19:34</a>), it would seem hardly likely that Paul would expect the subtle and attractive deception that was to delude the World to come from Jerusalem; and particularly would this seem unlikely in view of the fact that Paul seems to be familiar with our Lord\'s prophecy of the swift destruction of Jerusalem, as is shown by his assertion in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',2,16);">1Th 2:16</a>, that wrath is come upon them to the uttermost.<P>On the other hand, however, to make the man of sin a person or an influence coming from Judaism is supported by the fact that he is to sit in the temple of God, setting himself forth to be God (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',2,4);">1Th 2:4</a>), and by the fact that the natural punishment for the rejection of their Messiah was that the Jews should be led to accept a false Messiah. Having opposed Him who came in the Father\'s name, they were doomed to accept one who came in his own name. Again, and far more important than this, is the fact that during nearly the whole of Paul\'s life it was the Roman empire that protected him, and the unbelieving Jews that formed the malicious, cunning and powerful opposition to his work and to the well-being and peace of his churches, and he could very well have felt that the final incarnation of evil was to come from the source which had crucified the Christ and which had thus far been chiefly instrumental in opposing the gospel. Moreover, this expectation that a mysterious power of evil should arise out of the Jewish world seems to be in harmony with the rest of the New Testament (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',24,5,23,24);">Mt 24:5,23,24</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Rev\',11,3,7,8);">Re 11:3,7,8</a>). It is the second alternative, therefore, that is, with misgivings, chosen by the present writer.<P>It may be objected that this cannot be the true Interpretation, as it was not fulfilled, but, on the contrary, it was Rome that became the gospel\'s most formidable foe. But this type of objection, if accepted as valid, practically puts a stop to all attempts at a historical interpretation of prophecy. It would force us to deny that the prophecies of the Old Testament, which are usually taken as referring to Christ, referred to Him at all, because plainly they were not literally fulfilled in the time and manner that the prophets expected them to be fulfilled. It would almost force us to deny that John the Baptist referred to Christ when he heralded the coming of the one who would burn up the chaff with unquenchable fire, because as the Gospels tell us Jesus did not fulfill this prophecy in the way John expected (<a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',7,19);">Lu 7:19</a>).<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=MAN+OF+SIN">MAN OF SIN</a>.<P>2. Permanent Value of the Teaching concerning the Man of Sin:<P>Although Paul\'s prediction concerning the man of sin was not literally fulfilled, nevertheless his teaching has a permanent significance. It is always true in every battle for good that the Son of man does not come until the falling away comes and the man of sin is revealed. First, there is the fresh tide of enthusiasm and the promise of swift victory for the kingdom of heaven, but soon there is the reaction and the renascence of opposition in new and overwhelming power. The battle is to the death. And then above the smoke of the battle men see the sign of the coming of the Son of man with power and great glory; the conviction floods them that after all what Christ stands for is at the center of the universe and must prevail, and men begin to recognize Christ\'s principles as though they were natural law. This action and reaction followed by final victory takes place in practically all religious and reforming movements which involve the social reconstruction of society according to the principles of the Kingdom. It is exceedingly important that men should be delivered from shallow optimism. And this Epistle makes its contribution to that good end.<P>IV. Paul\'s Exhortation to Quiet Industry.<P>The exhortation that the brethren should work with quietness and earn their own bread (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Th\',3,12);">2Th 3:12</a>) is full of interest to those who are studying the psychological development of the early Christians under the influence of the great mental stimulus that came to them from the gospel. Some were so excited by the new dignity that had come to them as members of the Christian society, and by the new hopes that had been inspired in their minds, that they considered themselves above the base necessity of manual labor. This is not an infrequent phenomenon among new converts to Christianity in heathen lands. Paul would have none of it. Fortunately he could point to his own example. He not only labored among them to earn his own livelihood, but he worked until muscles ached and body rebelled (2 These 3:8).<P>Paul saw that the gospel was to be propagated chiefly by its splendid effects on the lives of all classes of society, and he realized that almost the first duty of the church was to be respected, and so he not only exhorts the individual members to independence, but he lays down the principle that no economic parasite is to be tolerated in the church. "If any man will not work, neither let him eat" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Th\',3,10);">2Th 3:10</a>). This forms an important complement to the teaching of Jesus (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',5,42);">Mt 5:42</a>): "Give to him that asketh thee, and from him that would borrow of thee turn not thou away."`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=THESSALONIANS,+THE+FIRST+EPISTLE+OF+PAUL+TO+THE">THESSALONIANS, THE FIRST EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE</a>`184';
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isbe[8741]='Thessalonica`thes-a-lo-ni\'-ka (Thessalonike, ethnic Thessalonikeus):<P>1. Position and Name:<P>One of the chief towns of Macedonia from Hellenistic times down to the present day. It lies in 40 degrees 40 minutes North latitude, and 22 degrees 50 minutes East longitude, at the northernmost point of the Thermaic Gulf (Gulf of Salonica), a short distance to the East of the mouth of the Axius (Vardar). It is usually maintained that the earlier name of Thessalonica was Therma or Therme, a town mentioned both by Herodotus (vii.121ff, 179ff) and by Thucydides (i.61; ii.29), but that its chief importance dates from about 315 BC, when the Macedonian king Cassander, son of Antipater, enlarged and strengthened it by concentrating there the population of a number of neighboring towns and villages, and renamed it after his wife Thessalonica, daughter of Philip II and step-sister of Alexander the Great. This name, usually shortened since medieval times into Salonica or Saloniki, it has retained down to the present. Pliny, however, speaks of Therma as still existing side by side with Thessalonica (NH, iv.36), and it is possible that the latter was an altogether new foundation, which took from Therma a portion of its inhabitants and replaced it as the most important city on the Gulf.<P>2. History:<P>Thessalonica rapidly became populous and wealthy. In the war between Perseus and the Romans it appears as the headquarters of the Macedonian navy (Livy xliv. 10) and when, after the battle of Pydna (168 BC), the Romans divided the conquered territory into four districts, it became the capital of the second of these (Livy xlv.29), while later, after the organization of the single Roman province of Macedonia in 146 BC, it was the seat of the governor and thus practically the capital of the whole province. In 58 BC Cicero spent the greater part of his exile there, at the house of the quaestor Plancius (Pro Plancio 41, 99; Epistle Ad Att, iii.8-21). In the civil war between Caesar and Pompey, Thessalonica took the senatorial side and formed one of Pompey\'s chief bases (49-48 BC), but in the final struggle of the republic, six years later, it proved loyal to Antony and Octavian, and was rewarded by receiving the status and privileges of a "free city" (Pliny, NH, iv.36). Strabo, writing in the reign of Augustus, speaks of it as the most populous town in Macedonia and the metropolis of the province (vii.323, 330), and about the same time the poet Antipater, himself a native of Thessalonica, refers to the city as "mother of all Macedon" (Jacobs, Anthol. Graec., II, p. 98, <span class="noTag">number 14</span>); in the 2nd century of our era Lucian mentions it as the greatest city of Macedonia (Asinus, 46). It was important, not only as a harbor with a large import and export trade, but also as the principal station on the great Via Egnatia, the highway from the Adriatic to the Hellespont.<P>3. Paul\'s Visit:<P>Paul visited the town, together with Silas and Timothy, on his 2nd missionary journey. He had been at Philippi, and traveled thence by the Egnatian Road, passing through Amphipolis and Apollonia on the way (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',17,1);">Ac 17:1</a>). He found at Thessalonica a synagogue of the Jews, in which for three successive Sabbaths he preached the gospel, basing his message upon the types and prophecies of the Old Testament Scriptures (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',17,2,3);">Ac 17:2,3</a>). Some of the Jews became converts and a considerable number of proselytes and Greeks, together with many women of high social standing (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',17,4);">Ac 17:4</a>). Among these converts were in all probability Aristarchus and Secundus, natives of Thessalonica, whom we afterward find accompanying Paul to Asia at the close of his 3rd missionary journey (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',20,4);">Ac 20:4</a>). The former of them was, indeed, one of the apostle\'s most constant companions; we find him with Paul at Ephesus (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',19,29);">Ac 19:29</a>) and on his journey to Rome (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',27,2);">Ac 27:2</a>), while in two of his Epistles, written during his captivity, Paul refers to Aristarchus as still with him, his fellow-prisoner (<a onClick="return mV(\'Col\',4,10);">Col 4:10</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Phm\',1,24);">Phm 1:24</a>). Gaius, too, who is mentioned in conjunction with Aristarchus, may have been a Thessalonian (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',19,29);">Ac 19:29</a>). How long Paul remained at Thessalonica on his 1st visit we cannot precisely determine; certainIy we are not to regard his stay there as confined to three weeks, and Ramsay suggests that it probably extended from December, 50 AD, to May, 51 AD (St. Paul the Traveler, 228). In any case, we learn that the Philippines sent him assistance on two occasions during the time which he spent there (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',4,16);">Php 4:16</a>), although he was "working night and day" to maintain himself (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',2,9);">1Th 2:9</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Th\',3,8);">2Th 3:8</a>). Paul, the great missionary strategist, must have seen that from no other center could Macedonia be permeated with the gospel so effectively as from Thessalonica (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',1,8);">1Th 1:8</a>).<P>But his success roused the jealousy of the Jews, who raised a commotion among the dregs of the city populace (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',17,5);">Ac 17:5</a>). An attack was made on the house of Jason, with whom the evangelists were lodging, and when these were not found Jason himself and some of the other converts were dragged before the magistrates and accused of harboring men who had caused tumult throughout the Roman world, who maintained the existence of another king, Jesus, and acted in defiance of the imperial decrees. The magistrates were duly alive to the seriousness of the accusation, but, since no evidence was forthcoming of illegal practices on the part of Jason or the other Christians, they released them on security (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',17,\'5-9\');">Ac 17:5-9</a>). Foreseeing further trouble if Paul should continue his work in the town, the converts sent Paul and Silas (and possibly Timothy also) by night to Berea, which lay off the main road and is referred to by Cicero as an out-of-the-way town (oppidum devium: in Pisonem 36). The Berean Jews showed a greater readiness to examine the new teaching than those of Thessalonica, and the work of the apostle was more fruitful there, both among Jews and among Greeks (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',17,\'10-13\');">Ac 17:10-13</a>). But the news of this success reached the Thessalonian Jews and inflamed their hostility afresh. Going to Berea, they raised a tumult there also, and made it necessary for Paul to leave the town and go to Athens (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',17,14,15);">Ac 17:14,15</a>).<P>Several points in this account are noteworthy as illustrating the strict accuracy of the narrative of the Acts. Philippi was a Roman town, military rather than commercial; hence, we find but few Jews there and no synagogue; the magistrates bear the title of praetors (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,20,20,22,35,36,38);">Ac 16:20,22,35,36,38</a> the Revised Version margin) and are attended by lictors (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,35,38);">Ac 16:35,38</a> the Revised Version margin); Paul and Silas are charged with the introduction of customs which Romans may not observe (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,21);">Ac 16:21</a>); they are beaten with rods (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,22);">Ac 16:22</a>) and appeal to their privileges as Roman citizens (16:37,38). At Thessalonica all is changed. We are here in a Greek commercial city and a seaport, a "free city," moreover, enjoying a certain amount of autonomy and its own constitution. Here we find a large number of resident Jews and a synagogue. The charge against Paul is that of trying to replace Caesar by another king; the rioters wish to bring him before "the people," i.e. the popular assembly characteristic of Greek states, and the magistrates of the city bear the Greek name of politarchs (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',17,\'5-9\');">Ac 17:5-9</a>). This title occurs nowhere in Greek literature, but its correctness is proved beyond possibility of question by its occurrence in a number of inscriptions of this period, which have come to light in Thessalonica and the neighborhood, and will be found collected in AJT (1898, 598) and in M. G. Dimitsas, (Makedonia), 422ff. Among them the most famous is the inscription engraved on the arch which stood at the western end of the main street of Salonica and was called the Vardar Gate. The arch itself, which was perhaps erected to commemorate the victory of Philippi, though some authorities assign it to a later date, has been removed, and the inscription is now in the British Museum (CIG, 1967; Leake, Northern Greece, III, 236; Le Bas, Voyage archeologique, number 1357; Vaux, Trans. Royal Sec. Lit., VIII, 528). This proves that the politarchs were six in number, and it is a curious coincidence that in it occur the names Sosipater, Gaius and Secundus, which are berate by three Macedonian converts, of whom the first two were probably Thessalonians, the last certainly.<P>4. The Thessalonian Church:<P>The Thessalonian church was a strong and flourishing one, composed of Gentiles rather than of Jews, if we may judge from the tone of the two Epistles addressed to its members, the absence of quotations from and allusions to the Old Testament, and the phrase "Ye turned unto God from idols" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',1,9);">1Th 1:9</a>; compare also <a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',2,14);">2:14</A>). These, by common consent the earliest of Paul\'s Epistles, show us that the apostle was eager to revisit Thessalonica very soon after his enforced departure: "once and again" the desire to return was strong in him, but "Satan hindered" him (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',2,18);">1Th 2:18</a>)<29>a reference probably to the danger and loss in which such a step would involve Jason and the other leading converts. But though himself prevented from continuing his work at Thessalonica, he sent Timothy from Athens to visit the church and confirm the faith of the Christians amid their hardships and persecutions (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',3,\'2-10\');">1Th 3:2-10</a>). The favorable report brought back by Timothy was a great comfort to Paul, and at the same time intensified his longing to see his converts again (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',3,10,11);">1Th 3:10,11</a>). This desire was to be fulfilled more than once. Almost certainly Paul returned there on his 3rd missionary journey, both on his way to Greece (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',20,1);">Ac 20:1</a>) and again while he was going thence to Jerusalem (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',20,3);">Ac 20:3</a>); it is on this latter occasion that we hear of Aristarchus and Secundus accompanying him (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',20,4);">Ac 20:4</a>). Probably Paul was again in Thessalonica after his first imprisonment. From the Epistle to the Philippians (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',1,26);">Ac 1:26</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',2,24);">2:24</a>), written during his captivity, we learn that his intention was to revisit Philippi if possible, and <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ti\',1,3);">1Ti 1:3</a> records a subsequent journey to Macedonia, in the course of which the apostle may well have made a longer or shorter stay at Thessalonica. The only other mention of the town in the New Testament occurs in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ti\',4,10);">2Ti 4:10</a>, where Paul writes that Demas has forsaken him and has gone there. Whether Demas was a Thessalonian, as some have supposed, cannot be determined.<P>5. Later History:<P>For centuries the city remained one of the chief strongholds of Christianity, and it won for itself the title of "the Orthodox City," not only by the tenacity and vigor of its resistance to the successive attacks of various barbarous races, but also by being largely responsible for their conversion to Christianity.<P>From the middle of the 3rd century AD it was entitled "metropolis and colony," and when Diocletian (284-305) divided Macedonia into two provinces, Thessalonica was chosen as the capital of the first of these. It was also the scene in 390 AD of the famous massacre ordered by Theodosius the Great, for which Ambrose excluded that emperor for some months from the cathedral at Milan. In 253 the Goths had made a vain attempt to capture the city, and again in 479 Theodoric, king of the Ostrogoths, found it so strong and well prepared that he did not venture to attack it. From the 6th to the 9th century it was engaged in repeated struggles against Avars, Slavonians and Bulgarians, whose attacks it repelled with the utmost difficulty. Finally, in 904 AD it was captured by the Saracens, who, after slaughtering a great number of the inhabitants and burning a considerable portion of the city, sailed away carrying with them 22,000 captives, young men, women and children. In 1185, when the famous scholar Eustathius was bishop, the Normans under Tancred stormed the city, and once more a general massacre took place. In 1204 Thessalonica became the center of a Latin kingdom under Boniface, marquis of Monferrat, and for over two centuries it passed from hand to hand, now ruled by Latins now by Greeks, until in 1430 it fell before the sultan Amurath II. After that time it remained in the possession of the Turks, and it was, indeed, the chief European city of their dominions, with the exception of Constantinople, until it was recaptured by the Greeks in the Balkan war of 1912. Its population includes some 32,000 Turks, 47,000 Jews (mostly the descendants of refugees from Spain) and 16,000 Greeks and other Europeans. The city is rich in examples of Byzantine ecclesiastical architecture and art, and possesses, in addition to a large number of mosques, 12 churches and 25 synagogues.<P>LITERATURE.<P>The fullest account of the topography of Thessalonica and its history, especially from the 5th to the 15th century, is that of Tafel, De Thessalonica eiusque agro. Dissertatio geographica, Berlin, 1839; compare also the Histories of Gibbon and Finlay. A description of the town and its ancient remains is given by Leake, Travels in Northern Greece, III, 235ff; Cousinery, Voyage dans la Macedoine, I, 23ff; Heuzey, Mission archeol. de Macedoine,\' 272ff; and other travelers. The inscriptions, mostly in Greek, are collected in Dimitsas, (Makedonia), 421ff.``176';
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isbe[8742]='Theudas`thu\'-das (Theudas, a contraction of Theodorus, "the gift of God"): Theudas is referred to by Gamaliel in his speech before the Sanhedrin, when he advised them as to the position they should adopt in regard to the apostles (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',5,36);">Ac 5:36</a>). The failure of the rebellion of Theudas was quoted by Gamaliel on this occasion as typical of the natural end of such movements as were inspired "not of God, but of men." A rising under one Theudas is also described by Josephus (Ant., XX, v, 1), but this occurred at a later date (according to Josephus about 44 or 45 AD) than the speech of Gamaliel (before 37 AD). Of theories put forward in explanation of the apparent anachronism in Gameliels speech, the two most in favor are<P>(1) that as there were many insurrections during the period in question, the two writers refer to different Theudases;<P>(2) that the reference to Theudas in the narrative of Acts was inserted by a later reviser, whose historical knowledge was inaccurate (Weiss; compare also Knowling, The Expositor\'s Greek Testament, II, 157-59).``88';
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isbe[8743]='Thick Trees`(\'ets \'abhoth (<a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',23,40);">Le 23:40</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',8,15);">Ne 8:15</a>)): One of the varieties of trees which the Israelites were directed to use at the Feast of Tabernacles; in the latter passage they are expressly directed to make booths with them. According to the Talmudic writings, the "thick trees" are myrtles (Suk. 12a; Jer Suk. iii, 53d), and further tradition has prescribed certain special features as to the varieties of myrtle employed, without which they cannot be used in the ritual of the feast. In Sirach 14:18 "thick tree" represents dendron dasu, "leafy tree."`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=MYRTLE">MYRTLE</a>`1';
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isbe[8744]='Thicket`thik\'-et (cebhakh (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',22,13);">Ge 22:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',9,18);">Isa 9:18</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',10,34);">10:34</a>), or cobhekh (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',4,7);">Jer 4:7</a>); in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',13,6);">1Sa 13:6</a>, choach): A thick or dense growth of trees or shrubs (thorns, brambles), in which wild beasts may lurk (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',4,7);">Jer 4:7</a>), or animals be caught by their horns (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',22,13);">Ge 22:13</a>; Abraham\'s ram).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=FOREST">FOREST</a>`1';
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isbe[8745]='Thief`thef: In the Old Testament the uniform translation (17 times) of gannabh, from ganabh, "steal," but gannabh is rather broader than the English "thief," and may even include a kidnapper (<a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',24,7);">De 24:7</a>). In Apocrypha and the New Testament, the King James Version uses "thief" indifferently for kleptes, and lestes, but the Revised Version (British and American) always renders the latter word by "robber" (a great improvement), See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=CRIMES">CRIMES</a>. The figurative use of thief" as one coming without warning" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',24,43);">Mt 24:43</a>, etc.) needs no explanation.<P>The penitent thief ("robber," the Revised Version (British and American) <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',15,27);">Mr 15:27</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',27,38,44);">Mt 27:38,44</a>; "malefactor," <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',23,32.39);">Lu 23:32,39</a>) was one of the two criminals crucified with Christ. According to Mark and Matthew, both of these joined in the crowd\'s mockery, but Luke tells that one of them reproached his fellow for the insults, acknowledged his own guilt, and begged Christ to remember him at the coming of the Kingdom. And Christ replied by promising more than was asked<65>immediate admission into Paradise. It should be noted that unusual moral courage was needed for the thief to make his request at such a time and under such circumstances, and that his case has little in common with certain sentimental "death-bed repentances."<P>To explain the repentance and the acknowledgment of Christ as Messiah, some previous acquaintance of the thief with Christ must be supposed, but all guesses as to time and place are of course useless. Later tradition abundantly filled the blanks and gave the penitent thief the name Titus or Dysmas.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ASSASSINS">ASSASSINS</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=BARABBAS">BARABBAS</a>`48';
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isbe[8746]='Thigh`thi (yarekh; Aramaic yarekhah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Dan\',2,32);">Da 2:32</a>); meros (Judith 9:2; Sirach 19:12; <a onClick="return mV(\'Rev\',19,16);">Re 19:16</a>); as part of a sacrificial animal (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',29,22);">Ex 29:22</a>, etc.) shoq, the King James Version, the Revised Version margin "shoulder"; in addition the King James Version has "thigh" for shoq in <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',47,2);">Isa 47:2</a> (the Revised Version (British and American) "leg")): The portion of the leg from the knee to the hip, against which a weapon hangs when suspended from the waist (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',32,27);">Ex 32:27</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',3,16,21);">Jud 3:16,21</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',45,3);">Ps 45:3</a>, etc.). So the thigh of a rider on horseback would be covered by a loose girdle, on which his name might be embroidered (<a onClick="return mV(\'Rev\',19,16);">Re 19:16</a>). The "hollow of the thigh" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',32,25);">Ge 32:25</a>) is the hip-socket or the groin.<P>See also <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=HIP">HIP</a>.<P>The thighs were thought to play a part in procreation (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',46,26);">Ge 46:26</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',1,5);">Ex 1:5</a>, English Versions of the Bible "loins"; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',8,30);">Jud 8:30</a>, English Versions of the Bible "body"; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',5,21);">Nu 5:21</a>ff), so that an oath taken with the hand under the thigh (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',24,2,9);">Ge 24:2,9</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',47,29);">47:29</a>) was taken by the life-power (the rabbis interpreted "by the seal of circumcision"). It is perhaps significant that this oath in both <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',24,1);">Ge 24</a> and 47 is said to have been exacted by persons in danger of death. Doubtless this association of the thigh with life (aided perhaps by its excellence as food (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',9,24);">1Sa 9:24</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',24,4);">Eze 24:4</a>)) determined its choice as a sacrificial potion (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',29,22);">Ex 29:22</a>, etc.; on the "heave thigh" see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=SACRIFICE">SACRIFICE</a>). Consequently, it is natural to find the thigh classed as forbidden ("sacred") food among certain peoples, and, probably, this sacred character of the part is the real basis of <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',32,32);">Ge 32:32</a>: "The children of Israel eat not the sinew of the hip which is upon the hollow of the thigh, unto this day." The origin of the prohibition, however, was unknown to the writer of the verse, and he sought an explanation from a story in which special attention was called to the thigh. Nothing else is heard about this precept in the Old Testament, but it receives elaborate attention in the Mishna (Chullin vii), where, for instance, all food cooked with meat containing the sinew (nervus ischiadicus) is rendered unclean if the sinew imparts a flavor to it, but not otherwise. (For further details see the comms., especially Skinner. (ICC) and RS2, 380.) One of the proofs of guilt in the jealousy trial (<a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',5,27);">Nu 5:27</a>) was the falling-away of the "thigh" (a euphemism; see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=JEALOUSY">JEALOUSY</a>). To smite upon the thigh was a token of contrition (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',31,19);">Jer 31:19</a>) or of terror (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',21,12);">Eze 21:12</a>).``48';
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isbe[8747]='Thimnathah`thim\'-na-tha, thim-na\'-tha (timnathah): the King James Version in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',19,43);">Jos 19:43</a>. It is correctly "Timnah" with Heb locale meaning "towed Timnah."`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TIMNAH">TIMNAH</a>`1';
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isbe[8748]='Think`think: The Old Testament often translates \'amar, "to say," meaning what one says to himself, and hence, a definite and clearly formulated decision or purpose (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',20,11);">Ge 20:11</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',24,4);">Nu 24:4</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Rth\',4,4);">Ru 4:4</a>, etc.), illustrated by the, change made by the Revised Version (British and American) in the King James Version of <a onClick="return mV(\'Est\',6,6);">Es 6:6</a>, where "thought in his heart" becomes "said in his heart." In other passages, for chashabh, damah, or zamam, indicating the result of mental activity, as in an intention or estimate formed after careful deliberation (compare Ecclesiasticus 18:25); In the New Testament, most, frequently for dokeo, "to be of the opinion, "suppose," literally, "seem" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',3,9);">Mt 3:9</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',6,7);">6:7</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',10,36);">Lu 10:36</a>, etc.). Sometimes, for logizomai, "to compute," "reckon" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Rom\',2,3);">Ro 2:3</a>, etc.); sometimes, for nomizo, literally referring to what attains the force of law (nomos), and then, "to be of the opinion"; or, for phroneo, implying a thought that is cherished<65>a mental habit, rather than an act (<a onClick="return mV(\'Rom\',12,3);">Ro 12:3</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',13,11);">1Co 13:11</a>). The Greek hegeomai, "to consider," implies logical deduction from premises (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',26,2);">Ac 26:2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',2,6);">Php 2:6</a>), while in <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',1,20);">Mt 1:20</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',9,4);">9:4</a>, and <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',10,19);">Ac 10:19</a>, enthumoumai, refers to the mental process itself, the thinking-out of a project, the concentration of the faculties upon the formation of a plan.``84';
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isbe[8749]='Third`thurd (shelishi; tritos): <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',19,24);">Isa 19:24</a>, "In that day shall Israel be the third with Egypt and with Assyria," etc., brings out very distinctly the universal and missionary character of Isaiah\'s prophecies and of Israel\'s destiny (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',16,63);">Eze 16:63</a>; and see G. A. Smith, Isaiah, II, 275, 278; Watkinson, Th. Blind Spot 21ff).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=CALENDAR">CALENDAR</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=DAY">DAY</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TIME">TIME</a>`1';
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isbe[8750]='Third Day``<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=LORD\'s+day">LORD\'S DAY</a>`1';
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isbe[8751]='Thirst`thurst (tsama\', verb tsame\'; dipsao, dipsos, dipsa): One of the most powerful natural appetities, the craving for water or other drink. Besides its natural significance, thirst is figuratively used of strong spiritual desire. The soul thirsts for God (<a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',42,2);">Ps 42:2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',63,1);">63:1</a>). Jesus meets the soul\'s thirst with water of life (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',4,13);">Joh 4:13</a>ff; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',6,35);">6:35</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',7,37);">7:37</a>). It is said of the heavenly bliss, "They shall hunger no more; neither thirst any more" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Rev\',7,16,17);">Re 7:16,17</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',49,10);">Isa 49:10</a>).``1';
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isbe[8752]='Thirteen; Thirty`thur\'-ten, thur-ten\', thur\'-ti.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=NUMBER">NUMBER</a>`1';
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isbe[8753]='Thisbe`thiz\'-be (Codex Vaticanus Thisbe, Codex Alexandrinus Thibe): The home of Tobit whence he was carried into captivity to Babylon. It is said to be "on the right hand (i.e. south) of Kedesh-naphtali in Galilee" (Tobit 1:2). Some have thought that this was the native place of Elijah the Tishbite, but this is mere conjecture. The site has not been recovered. We need not expect strict geographical accuracy in the romance of Tobit, any more than in that of Judith.``1';
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isbe[8754]='Thistles`this\'-\'-lz.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=THORNS">THORNS</a>`1';
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isbe[8755]='Thocanus`tho-ka\'-nus (Thokanos, Thokanos; the King James Version Theocanus): The father of Ezekias, who with Jonathan "took the matter upon them" in the proceedings under Ezra against foreign wives (1Esdras 9:14) = "Tikvah" in <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',10,15);">Ezr 10:15</a>.``1';
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isbe[8756]='Thomas`tom\'-as (Thomas; ta\'om, "a twin" (in plural only):<P>1. In the New Testament:<P>One of the Twelve Apostles. Thomas, who was also called "Didymus" or "the Twin" (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',11,16);">Joh 11:16</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',20,24);">20:24</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',21,2);">21:2</a>), is referred to in detail by the Gospel of John alone. His election to the Twelve is recorded in <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',10,3);">Mt 10:3</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',3,18);">Mr 3:18</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',6,15);">Lu 6:15</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',1,13);">Ac 1:13</a>. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',11,\'1-54\');">Joh 11:1-54</a>, when Jesus, despite imminent danger at the hands of hostile Jews, declared His intention of going to Bethany to heal Lazarus, Thomas alone opposed the other disciples who sought to dissuade Him, and protested, "Let us also go; that we may died with him" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',11,16);">Joh 11:16</a>). On the eve of the Passion, Thomas put the question, "Lord, we know now whither thou goest; how know we the way?" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',14,5);">Joh 14:5</a>). After the crucifixion, Thomas apparently severed his connection with the rest of the apostiles for a time, as he was not present when the risen Christ first appeared to them (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',20,24);">Joh 20:24</a>). But his subsequent conversation with them, while not convincing him of the truth of the resurrection<6F>"except I shall see...I will not believe" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',20,25);">Joh 20:25</a>)<29>at least induced him to be among their number eight days afterward (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',20,26);">Joh 20:26</a>) in the upper room. There, having received the proofs for which he sought, he made the confession, "My Lord and my God" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',20,28);">Joh 20:28</a>), and was reproved by Jesus for his previous unbelief: "Because thou hast seen me thou hast believed: blessed are they that have not seen, and yet have believed" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',20,29);">Joh 20:29</a>). He was one of the disciples to whom Jesus manifested Himself during the fishing expedition at the Sea of Tiberias (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',21,\'1-11\');">Joh 21:1-11</a>).<P>2. In Apocryphal Literature:<P>According to the "Genealogies of the Twelve Apostles" (compare Budge, The Contendings of the Apostles, II, 50), Thomas was of the house of Asher. The oldest accounts are to the effect that he died a natural death of (compare Clement of Alexandria iv.9, 71). Two fields are mentioned by apocryphal literature as the scene of Thomas\' missionary labors.<P>(1) According to origen, he preached in Parthia, the according to a Syrian legend he died at Edessa. The Agbar legend also indicates the connection of Thomas with Edessa. But Eusebius indicates it was Thaddaeus and not Thomas who preached there (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=THADDAEUS">THADDAEUS</a>).<P>(2) Along with these are other sources identifying Thomas with India. Thus, "The Acts of Thomas" (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=APOCRYPHAL+ACTS">APOCRYPHAL ACTS, sec. B, V</a>), a Gnostic work dating from the 2nd century, tells how when the world was partitioned out as a mission field among the disciples, India fell to "Judas Thomas, also called Didymus," and narrates his adventures on the way, his trials, missionary success, and death at the hands of Misdai, king of India (compare Budge, II, 404ff; Hennecke, Neutestamentliche Apokryphen, 473-544; Pick, The Apocryphal Acts, 224ff). The "Preaching of Thomas" (compare Budge, II, 319) relates still more fantastic adventures of Thomas in India, and the "Martyrdom of Thomas in India" states that on his departure toward Macedonia he was put to death as a sorcerer.<P>Of the two, the former is the more probable. An attempt at reconciliation has been made by supposing that the relics of Thomas were transported from India to Edessa, but this is based on inaccurate historical information (compare Hennecke, op. cit., 474). The additional names "Judas" and "Didymus" have causd further confusion in apocryphal literature in regard to Thomas, and have led to his identification with Judas of James, and hence, with Thaddaeus (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=THADDAEUS">THADDAEUS</A>), and also with Judas the brother of Jesus (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',13,55);">Mt 13:55</a>). Thus in the "Ac of Thomas" he is twice called the "twin brother of the Messiah." Another legend makes Lysia the twin sister of Thomas. A Gnostic "Gospel of Thomas" (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=APOCRYPHAL+GOSPELS">APOCRYPHAL GOSPELS</a>, III,2,(a)) was known to Irenaeus (compare Irenaeus, Adv. Haer., 1,20).<P>3. Character:<P>Although little is recorded of Thomas in the Gospels, he is yet one of the most fascinating of the apostles. He is typical of that nature<72>a nature by no means rare<72>which contains within it certain conflicting elements exceedingly difficult of reconciliation. Possessed of little natural buoyancy of spirit, and inclined to look upon life with the eyes of gloom or despondency, Thomas was yet a man of indomitable courage and entire unselfishness. Thus with a perplexed faith in the teaching of Jesus was mingled a sincere love for Jesus the teacher. In the incident of Christ\'s departure for Bethany, his devotion to his Master proved stronger than his fear of death. Thus far, in a situation demanding immediate action, the faith of Thomas triumphed; but when it came into conflict with his standards of belief it was put to a harder test. For Thomas desired to test all truth by the evidence of his senses, and in this, coupled with a mind tenacious both of its beliefs and disbeliefs, lay the real source of his religious difficulties. It was his sincerity which made him to stand aloof from the rest of the disciples till he had attained to personal conviction regarding the resurrection; but his sincerity also drew from him the testimony to that conviction, "My Lord and my God," the greatest and fullest in all Christianity.``88';
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isbe[8757]='Thomas, Gospel of`See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=APOCRYPHAL+GOSPELS">APOCRYPHAL GOSPELS, III,2,(a)</a>.``1';
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isbe[8758]='Thomei`thom\'-e-i (Codex Alexandrinus Thomei; Fritzsche Thomoi; Codex Vaticanus and Swete Thomthei; the King James Version, Thomoi): A family name of temple-servants who returned with Zerubbabel (1Esdras 5:32) = "Temah" in <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',2,53);">Ezr 2:53</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',7,55);">Ne 7:55</a>.``1';
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isbe[8759]='Thorn in the Flesh`thorn (skolops te sarki): Paul thus characterizes some bodily ailment which afflicted him and impaired his usefulness (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',12,7);">2Co 12:7</a>). The data are insufficient to enable us to ascertain its real nature, and all the speculations on the point are therefore inconclusive. All that we are told is that it was a messenger of Satan; that thereby he was beaten as with a fist, which might be figurative or actual; that it rendered his bodily presence unattractive. It appears that the infirmity recurred, for thrice he sought deliverance; but, by the help of God, he was able to glory in it. Sir W. Ramsay sees in it some form of recurring malarial fever. It was something that disabled him (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gal\',4,\'12-15\');">Ga 4:12-15</a>); hence, Farrar supposes that it was ophthalmia, from the reference to his eyes, from his inability to recognize the high priest (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',23,5);">Ac 23:5</a>), from his employing amanuenses to write his epistles, and his writing the Galatian letter in large characters with his own hand (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gal\',6,11);">Ga 6:11</a>). Krenkel has at great length argued that it was epilepsy, and thereby endeavors to account for his trances and his falling to the earth on his way to Damascus, but his work is essentially a special pleading for a foregone conclusion, and Paul would not have called his visions "a messenger of Satan." It is also beside the question to heap up instances of other distinguished epileptics. On the whole Farrar\'s theory is the most probable.<P>It is probably only a coincidence that "pricks in your eyes" Septuagint skolopes) are mentioned in <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',33,55);">Nu 33:55</a>. Any pedestrian in Palestine must be familiar with the ubiquitous and troublesome thorny shrubs and thistles which abound there.``107';
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isbe[8760]='Thorns, Thistles, etc.`thornz: There are very many references to various thorny plants in the Bible, and of the Hebrew words employed great uncertainty exists regarding their exact meaning. The alternative translations given in the text of English Versions of the Bible and in the margin show how divided are the views of the translators. In the following list the suggestions given of possinle species indicated, usually by comparison with the Arabic, are those of the late Professor Post, who spent the best years of his life in study of the botany of Palestine. In the great majority of instances, however, it is quite impossible to make any reasonable suggestion as to any particular species being indicated.<P>(1) \'atadh (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',9,14);">Jud 9:14</a>, English Versions of the Bible "bramble," the King James Version margin "thistle," the Revised Version margin "thorn"; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',58,9);">Ps 58:9</a>, English Versions of the Bible "thorns"): Probably the buckthorn (Rhamnus Palestina Post). Atad occurs as a proper name in <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',50,10,11);">Ge 50:10,11</a>.<P>(2) barqanim (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',8,7,8);">Jud 8:7,16</a>, English Versions of the Bible "briers"): Some thorny plant. The Egyptian-Arabic bargan is, according to Moore (Commentary on Judges), the same as Centaurea scoparius (Natural Order, Compositae), a common Palestinian thistle.<P>(3) dardar (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',3,18);">Ge 3:18</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Hsa\',10,8);">Ho 10:8</a>, English Versions of the Bible "thistle"; Septuagint tribolos): In Arabic, shauket ed-dardar is a general name for the thistles known as Centaureae or star-thistles (Natural Order, Compositae), of which Palestine produces nearly 50 species. The purple-flowered C. calcitrapa and the yellow C. verutum are among the commonest and most striking.<P>(4) chedheq (<a onClick="return mV(\'Pro\',15,19);">Pr 15:19</a>, English Versions of the Bible "thorns"; Septuagint akantha; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mic\',7,4);">Mic 7:4</a>, English Versions of the Bible "brier"): From former passages this should be some thorny plant suitable for making a hedge (compare Arabic chadaq, "to enclose," "wall in"). Lane states that Arabic chadaq is Solanum sanctum. Post suggests the oleaster, Eleagnus hortensis.<P>(5) choach; Septuagint knide, and akantha (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',14,9);">2Ki 14:9</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',31,40);">Job 31:40</a>, English Versions of the Bible, "thistle," margin "thorn"; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',25,18);">2Ch 25:18</a>, English Versions of the Bible "thistle," the King James Version margin "furze bush," the Revised Version margin "thorn"; <a onClick="return mV(\'Hsa\',9,6);">Ho 9:6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Sgs\',2,2);">So 2:2</a>, English Versions of the Bible "thorns"; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',34,13);">Isa 34:13</a> the King James Version "brambles" the Revised Version (British and American) "thistles"; <a onClick="return mV(\'Pro\',26,9);">Pr 26:9</a>, English Versions of the Bible "a thorn"; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',13,6);">1Sa 13:6</a>, "thickets"; chawachim, is, however, according to Driver and others a corruption for horim, "holes"; <a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',41,2);">Job 41:2</a>, the King James Version "thorn" the Revised Version (British and American) "hook"; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',33,11);">2Ch 33:11</a>, the King James Version "thorns," the Revised Version (British and American) "in chains," margin "with hooks"): Clearly choach stands for some plant with very strong thorns, but it is quite impossible to say what species is intended; indeed, probably the word was used in a general way.<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=HOOK">HOOK</a>.<P>(6) mecukhah, occurs only in <a onClick="return mV(\'Mic\',7,4);">Mic 7:4</a>, where it means a "thorn hedge."<P>(7) na\'atsuts (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',7,19);">Isa 7:19</a>, the King James Version "thorns," the Revised Version (British and American) "thorn hedges"; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',55,13);">Isa 55:13</a>, English Versions of the Bible "thorn"): The word is derived from the root na\'ats, "to prick," or "pierce," and probably applies to any prickly plant. The Septuagint translation has stoibe (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',55,13);">Isa 55:13</a>), suggesting the thorny burnet, Poterium spinosum, so common in Palestine (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=BOTANY">BOTANY</A>). Post says, "It may be one of the thorny acacias" (HDB, IV, 752).<P>(8) cirim (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ecc\',7,6);">Ec 7:6</a>, "the crackling of thorns (cirim) under a pot" (cir); <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',34,13);">Isa 34:13</a>, "Thorns shall come up in its palaces"; <a onClick="return mV(\'Hsa\',2,6);">Ho 2:6</a>, "I will hedge up thy way with thorns"; <a onClick="return mV(\'Nah\',1,10);">Na 1:10</a>, "Entangled like thorns (King James Version "folden together as thorns")...they are consumed utterly as dry stubble"): The thorny burner, Poterium spinosum, is today so extensively used for burning in ovens and lime-kilns in Palestine that it is tempting to suppose this is the plant especially indicated here. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',4,2);">Am 4:2</a> ciroth, is translated "fish-hooks."<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=HOOK">HOOK</A>.<P>(9) cillon (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',28,24);">Eze 28:24</a>, English Versions of the Bible, "brier"); callonim (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',2,6);">Eze 2:6</a>, English Versions of the Bible, "thorns"): Arabic, sallu = "thorn."<P>(10) carabhim (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',2,6);">Eze 2:6</a>, English Versions of the Bible, "briers;" the King James Version margin "rebels"): The translation as a plant name is very doubtful.<P>(11) cirpadh (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',55,13);">Isa 55:13</a>, "Instead of the brier shall come up the myrtle-tree"): The Septuagint has konuza, which is (Post) the elecampane, Inula viscosa (Natural Order Compositae), a plant 2 or 3 ft. high, growing on the bare hillsides of Palestine, not infrequently in close association with the myrtle.<P>(12) tsinnim (<a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',5,5);">Job 5:5</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Pro\',22,5);">Pr 22:5</a>, English Versions of the Bible, "thorns"); tseninim (<a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',33,55);">Nu 33:55</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',23,13);">Jos 23:13</a>, English Versions of the Bible, "thorns"): The words apparently have a very general meaning.<P>(13) qots; the Septuagint akantha: A general name for thorny and prickly plants, the commonest in the Old Testament (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',3,18);">Ge 3:18</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',22,6);">Ex 22:6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',8,7,16);">Jud 8:7,16</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',23,6);">2Sa 23:6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',118,12);">Ps 118:12</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',32,13);">Isa 32:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',33,12);">33:12</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',4,3);">Jer 4:3</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',12,13);">12:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',28,24);">Eze 28:24</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Hsa\',10,8);">Ho 10:8</a>).<P>(14) qimmosh (<a onClick="return mV(\'Pro\',24,31);">Pr 24:31</a>, "thorns"; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',34,13);">Isa 34:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Hsa\',9,6);">Ho 9:6</a>, "nettles").<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=NETTLES">NETTLES</a>.<P>(15) sikkim, plural of sekh, same as Arabic shauk, "a thorn" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',33,55);">Nu 33:55</a>, "pricks").<P>(16) shayith: A word peculiar to Isaiah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',5,6);">5:6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',7,23);">7:23</a>ff; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',9,18);">9:18</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',10,17);">10:17</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',27,4);">27:4</a>) and always associated with shamir (See (17)), always translated "thorns."<P>(17) shamir: References as above (16), and in <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',32,13);">Isa 32:13</a>, where it is with qots (see (13)) always translated briers." The Arabic samur is the thorny acacia A. seyyal and A. tortilis (Post).<P>(18) akanthos: The equivalent of qots (see (13)) (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',7,16);">Mt 7:16</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',13,7,22);">13:7,22</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',27,29);">27:29</a>, etc.). Always translated "thorns."<P>(19) rhamnos (Baruch 6:71, "white thorn"): The Rhamnus Palaestina.<P>(20) skolops (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',12,7);">2Co 12:7</a>, English Versions of the Bible "thorn," margin "stake").<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=THORN+IN+THE+FLESH">THORN IN THE FLESH</A>.<P>(21) tribolos (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',7,16);">Mt 7:16</a>, "thistle"; <a onClick="return mV(\'Hbr\',6,8);">Heb 6:8</a>, the King James Version "briers" the Revised Version (British and American) "thistles").<P>The extraordinary plentifulness of various prickly plants in Palestine<6E>in its present condition<6F>is evident to any traveler during the summer months. Many of the trees and shrubs are thorny and the ground is everywhere covered thick with thistles, many of which are very handsome and some of which attain a height of 6 or 8 ft. Before the peasant can plow, he must dear these away by burning (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',10,17);">Isa 10:17</a>). The early autumn winds often drive before them in revolving mass some of the star-thistles<65>a sight so characteristic that it may be the "thistle down" (the King James Version margin, the Revised Version (British and American) "whirling dust") of <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',17,13);">Isa 17:13</a>. Thorns and thistles are described (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',3,18);">Ge 3:18</a>) as God\'s curse on the ground for sin. The Talmud suggests that these must be edible and are therefore artichokes. The removal of them and the replacement by more useful plants is a sign of God\'s blessing (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',55,13);">Isa 55:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',28,24);">Eze 28:24</a>).<P><a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',3,18);">Ge 3:18</a> uses the words qots and dardar for "thorns" and "thistles." Midrash Rabba\' to Genesis (Midr. Gen. Rabba\' 20 10) says that qots ("thorn") is the same as (\'akkabhith), which means an edible thistle (compare Levy, Dictionary, 645), and that (dardar, "thistle") is the same as (qinrac; Greek kunara, "artichoke") (compare Levy, Dictionary, 298). "But," adds the Midrash, "some reverse it, and say that (dardar) is (\'akkabhith) and that (qots) is (qinrats)."<P>The neglected vineyard of the sluggard "was all grown over with thorns the face thereof was covered with nettles" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Pro\',24,31);">Pr 24:31</a>), and in God\'s symbolic vineyard "there shall come up briers and thorns" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',5,6);">Isa 5:6</a>); "They have sown wheat and have reaped thorns; they have put themselves to pain, and profit nothing" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',12,13);">Jer 12:13</a>).<P>Jotham compares the usurper Abimelech to a bramble (Rhamnus Palaestina) (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',9,14);">Jud 9:14</a>f), and Jehoash king of Israel, taunted Amaziah, king of Judah, by comparing him slightingly to a thistle (margin "thorn"), readily trodden down by a wild beast (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',14,9);">2Ki 14:9</a>).<P>Nevertheless, thorns and thistles have their uses. On them the goats and camels browse; scarcely any thorns seem to be too sharp for their hardened palates. The thorny burner (Poterium spinosum), Arabic ballan, which covers countless acres of bare hillside, is used all over Palestine for ovens (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ecc\',7,6);">Ec 7:6</a>) and lime-kilns. Before kindling one of these latter the fellahin gather enormous piles of this plant<6E>carried on their heads in masses much larger than the bearers<72>around the kiln mouth.<P>Thorny hedges around dwellings and fields are very common. The most characteristic plant for the purpose today is the "prickly pear" (Opunctia ficus Indica), but this is a comparatively late introduction. Hedges of brambles oleasters, etc., are common, especially where there is some water In the Jordan valley masses of broken branches of the Zizyphus and other thorny trees are piled in a circle round tents or cultivated fields or flocks as a protection against man and beast (<a onClick="return mV(\'Pro\',15,19);">Pr 15:19</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mic\',7,4);">Mic 7:4</a>, etc.).<P>The Saviour\'s "crown of thorns" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',27,29);">Mt 27:29</a>) was according to Palestinian tradition constructed from the twisted branches of a species of Rhamnaceae either the Zizyphus lotus or the Z. spina.``117';
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isbe[8761]='Thought`thot: The most frequent word in the Old Testament (machashebheth, from the verb chashabh, "to think") refers to a "device," or a purpose firmly fixed, as in the passage in Isaiah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',55,7,8,9);">55:7-9</a>) where the "thought" of God and of man are contrasted (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',40,5);">Ps 40:5</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',92,5);">92:5</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',29,11);">Jer 29:11</a>). In the New Testament dialogismos (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',15,19);">Mt 15:19</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',3,20);">1Co 3:20</a>), refers to the inner reasoning or deliberation of one with himself.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=THINK">THINK</a>`1';
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isbe[8762]='Thousand`thou\'-zand (\'eleph; chilioi).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=NUMBER">NUMBER</a>`1';
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isbe[8763]='Thracia; Thracian`thra\'-shi-a, thra\'-shan (Thrakia): The name given to the country lying between the rivers Strymon and Danube. Mention is made of a Thracian horseman in 2Macc 12:35. The cavalry of this fierce people were in demand as mercenaries in all countries. In 46 AD Thrace became the name of a Roman province. Some have sought a connection between Thracia and the <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TIRAS">TIRAS</a> (which see) of <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',10,2);">Ge 10:2</a>, but the identification is conjectural.``1';
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isbe[8764]='Thrasaeus`thra-se\'-us (Codex Alexandrinus Swete and Fritzsche Thrasaios; Codex Venetus Tharsiou; Codex Venetus(a) Tharseou; Conjecture of Dr. Hort Tharsea; the King James Version, Thraseas): The father of <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=APOLLONIUS">APOLLONIUS</A> (which see) (2Macc 3:5). the Revised Version margin gives "Or \'Thrasca.\'" The Greek text is probably corrupt. Perhaps the true reading is "Apollonius of Tarsus".``1';
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isbe[8765]='Three`(shalosh; treis).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=NUMBER">NUMBER</a>`1';
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isbe[8766]='Three Children, Song of the``<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=SONG+OF+THE+THREE+CHILDREN">SONG OF THE THREE CHILDREN</a>`1';
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isbe[8767]='Threescore`thre\'-skor.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=NUMBER">NUMBER</a>`1';
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isbe[8768]='Threshing`thresh\'-ing (dush; aloao): Dush means literally, "to trample out." In <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',51,33);">Jer 51:33</a>, darakh, is used of threshing. Fitches and cummin were beaten off with a rod. The distinction between beating and threshing is made in <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',28,27);">Isa 28:27</a>. Gideon, in order to avoid being seen by the Midianites, beat out his wheat in a wine press instead of threshing it on the threshing-floor (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',6,11);">Jud 6:11</a>). For a general description of the threshing operations see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=AGRICULTURE">AGRICULTURE</A>.<P>Figurative: "Thou shalt thresh the mountains," i.e. thou wilt overcome great difficulties (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',41,15);">Isa 41:15</a>). Babylon\'s destruction was foretold poetically in the language of the threshing-floor (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',21,10);">Isa 21:10</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',51,33);">Jer 51:33</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Dan\',2,35);">Da 2:35</a>); Zion\'s foes would be gathered as sheaves on the threshing-floor (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mic\',4,12,13);">Mic 4:12,13</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',13,7);">2Ki 13:7</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',1,3);">Am 1:3</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Hab\',3,12);">Hab 3:12</a>); threshing unto the vintage, i.e. throughout the summer, indicated an extra abundant yield (<a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',26,5);">Le 26:5</a>).``133';
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isbe[8769]='Threshing-Floor`thresh\'-ing-flor (goren; halon; \'iddar, occurs in <a onClick="return mV(\'Dan\',2,35);">Da 2:35</a>): The location and method of making threshing-floors have already been described under <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=AGRICULTURE">AGRICULTURE</a>. These floors have come into prominence because of the Biblical events which occurred on or near them. Joseph with his kinsmen and Egyptian followers halted for seven days at the threshing-floor of Atad to lament the death of Jacob (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',50,10);">Ge 50:10</a>). Probably there was a group of floors furnishing a convenient spot for a caravan to stop. Travelers today welcome the sight of a threshing-floor at their halting-place. The hard, level spot is a much preferable to the surrounding stony fields for their tents.<P>David built an altar on Ornan\'s (Araunah\'s) threshing-floor (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',24,\'18-24\');">2Sa 24:18-24</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',21,\'18-27\');">1Ch 21:18-27</a>), which later became the site of the Temple (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',3,1);">2Ch 3:1</a>). David probably chose this place for his altar because it was on an elevation, and the ground was already level and prepared by rolling. Uzzah died near the threshing-floor of Nacon for touching the ark (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',6,6);">2Sa 6:6</a>). Ruth reveals herself to Boaz on his threshing-floor (<a onClick="return mV(\'Rth\',3,\'6-9\');">Ru 3:6-9</a>).<P>Threshing-floors are in danger of being robbed (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',23,1);">1Sa 23:1</a>). For this reason, someone always sleeps on the floor until the grain is removed (<a onClick="return mV(\'Rth\',3,7);">Ru 3:7</a>). In Syria, at the threshing season, it is customary for the family to move out to the vicinity of the threshing-floor. A booth is constructed for shade; the mother prepares the meals and takes her turn with the father and children at riding on the sledge.<P>The instruments of the threshing-floor referred to in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',24,22);">2Sa 24:22</a> were probably:<P>(1) the wooden drag or sledge, charuts or moragh, Arabic lauch eddiras;<P>(2) the fan (fork), mizreh, Arabic midra, for separating straw from wheat;<P>(3) shovel, meghraphah, Arabic mirfashat, for tossing the wheat into the air in winnowing;<P>(4) broom, mat\'ate\', for sweeping the floor between threshing and for collecting the wheat after winnowing;<P>(5) goad, malmedh, Arabic messas;<P>(6) the yoke, \'ol, Arabic tauk;<P>(7) sieve, kebharah, Arabic gharbal;<P>(8) dung catcher, Arabic milkat.``1';
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isbe[8770]='Threshold`thresh\'-old.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=HOUSE">HOUSE</a>`1';
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isbe[8771]='Throne`thron. (kicce\', a "seat" in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',4,10);">2Ki 4:10</a>; a "royal seat" in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jon\',3,6);">Jon 3:6</a>; thronos): Usually the symbol of kingly power and dignity. Solomon\'s throne was noted for its splendor and magnificence (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',10,\'18-20\');">1Ki 10:18-20</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',9,\'17-19\');">2Ch 9:17-19</a>). It symbolizes:<P>(1) The exalted position of earthly kings, rulers, judges, etc., their majesty and power (of kings: <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',41,40);">Ge 41:40</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',2,19);">1Ki 2:19</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',36,7);">Job 36:7</a>, etc.; denoting governing or judicial power: <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',14,9);">2Sa 14:9</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',3,7);">Ne 3:7</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',122,5);">Ps 122:5</a>, etc.; often equivalent to kingdom or reign: <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',2,8);">1Sa 2:8</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',1,37,47);">1Ki 1:37,47</a>, etc.; in this connection we note the expressions: "a man on the throne of Israel," <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',2,4);">1Ki 2:4</a>, etc.; "to sit upon a throne" <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',1,13,17);">1Ki 1:13,17</a>, etc.; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',13,13);">Jer 13:13</a>, etc.; "to set a person on a throne," <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',10,3);">2Ki 10:3</a>; "the throne of Israel," <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',8,20);">1Ki 8:20</a>, etc.; "the throne of David" <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',3,10);">2Sa 3:10</a>, etc.; of Solomon, <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',7,13);">2Sa 7:13</a>, etc.; of Joash, <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',23,20);">2Ch 23:20</a>, etc.). In <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',17,12);">Jer 17:12</a> it is equivalent to "temple" ("A glorious throne...is the place of our sanctuary"); it symbolizes the power of the Gentiles being hostile to the people of Yahweh (<a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',94,20);">Ps 94:20</a>), and is used metaphorically in <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',22,23);">Isa 22:23</a> ("He (i.e. Eliakim) shall be for a throne of glory to his father\'s house").<P>(2) The majesty and power of Yahweh as the true king of Israel; He "is enthroned above the cherubim" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',4,4);">1Sa 4:4</a> the Revised Version margin; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',6,2);">2Sa 6:2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',19,15);">2Ki 19:15</a>; Solomon\'s throne is really Yahweh\'s throne (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',29,23);">1Ch 29:23</a>), and there shall come a time when Jerusalem shall be called "the throne of Yahweh" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',3,17);">Jer 3:17</a>) and the enemies of Yahweh shall be judged by him ("I will set my throne in Elam," <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',49,38);">Jer 49:38</a>). According to <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',43,7);">Eze 43:7</a>, the Lord said of the future temple: "This is the place of my throne."<P>(3) The rule of the promised theocratic king (the Messiah), its everlasting glory and righteousness. He, too, is Yahweh\'s representative, inasmuch as He "shall rule upon his throne" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Zec\',6,13);">Zec 6:13</a>). Thus, the permanence of the throne of David is warranted (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',9,7);">Isa 9:7</a>); eternal peace (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',2,33);">1Ki 2:33</a>), loving-kindness and justice (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',16,5);">Isa 16:5</a>) characterize his reign. The New Testament points to Jesus as this promised king (<a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',1,32);">Lu 1:32</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',2,30);">Ac 2:30</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Hbr\',12,2);">Heb 12:2</a>); Christ Himself refers to His future state of glory (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',25,31);">Mt 25:31</a>) and guarantees His faithful disciples a similar distinction (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',19,28);">Mt 19:28</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',22,30);">Lu 22:30</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Rev\',20,4);">Re 20:4</a>).<P>(4) The matchless glory, the transcendent power and absolute sovereignty of God (and Christ); Micaiah "saw Yahweh sitting on his throne," etc. (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',22,19);">1Ki 22:19</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',18,18);">2Ch 18:18</a>); Isaiah and Ezekiel had similar visions (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',6,1);">Isa 6:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',1,26);">Eze 1:26</a>); compare also <a onClick="return mV(\'Dan\',7,9);">Da 7:9</a> and <a onClick="return mV(\'Rev\',4,2);">Re 4:2</a> (and often); in trying to depict the incomparable greatness of the King of kings, the Bible tells us that His throne is in heaven (<a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',11,4);">Ps 11:4</a>, etc.) and, moreover, that heaven itself is His throne (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',66,1);">Isa 66:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',5,34);">Mt 5:34</a>, etc.); His reign is founded on righteousness and justice (<a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',89,14);">Ps 89:14</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',97,2);">97:2</A>) and of eternal duration (<a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',45,6);">Ps 45:6</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Hbr\',1,8);">Heb 1:8</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Lam\',5,19);">La 5:19</a>); He acts justly and kindly (<a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',9,4);">Ps 9:4</a> and <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',89,14);">Ps 89:14</a>); He defends His glory (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',14,21);">Jer 14:21</a>); He manifests His holiness (<a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',47,8);">Ps 47:8</a>) and His grace (<a onClick="return mV(\'Hbr\',4,16);">Heb 4:16</a>), and yet His dealings with us are not always fully understood by us (<a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',26,9);">Job 26:9</a>).<P>(5) Heavenly kingdoms or rulers (angels: <a onClick="return mV(\'Col\',1,16);">Col 1:16</a>).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=KING,+KINGDOM">KING, KINGDOM</a>`8';
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isbe[8772]='Thrum`thrum: In <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',38,12);">Isa 38:12</a> the Revised Version (British and American) reads "He will cut me off from the loom," margin "thrum." "Thrum" is a technical term of weavers, denoting the threads of the warp hanging down in a loom, suiting dallah, "that which hangs down" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Sgs\',7,5);">So 7:5</a>, "hair"). A misinterpretation of "hanging down" is responsible for the King James\' "pining sickness."``1';
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isbe[8773]='Thummim`thum\'-im.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=URIM+AND+THUMMIM">URIM AND THUMMIM</a>`1';
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isbe[8774]='Thunder`thun\'-der (ra\'am (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',2,10);">1Sa 2:10</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',26,14);">Job 26:14</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',39,19);">39:19</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',40,9);">40:9</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',77,18);">Ps 77:18</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',81,7);">81:7</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',104,7);">104:7</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',29,6);">Isa 29:6</a>), qol, "a voice" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',9,23);">Ex 9:23</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',7,10);">1Sa 7:10</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',12,17);">12:17</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',28,26);">Job 28:26</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',38,25);">38:25</a>)): Thunder is the noise resulting from the lightning discharge. It is very common in the winter storms of Syria and Palestine and occurs in the extra-season storms. Thunder accompanied the storm of hail in Egypt at the time of the plagues: "The Lord sent thunder and hail" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',9,23);">Ex 9:23</a>).<P>Lightning and thunder are indications of the power of Yahweh and His might. "The thunder of his power who can understand?" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',26,14);">Job 26:14</a>); "The God of glory thundereth" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',29,3);">Ps 29:3</a>). Yahweh also confused the Philistines with thunder (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',7,10);">1Sa 7:10</a>), and His foes were "visited of Yahweh of hosts with thunder" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',29,6);">Isa 29:6</a>). Thunder was regarded as the voice of Yahweh: "God thundereth with the voice of his excellency" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',37,4);">Job 37:4</a>), and God spoke to Jesus in the thunder (bronte, <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',12,29);">Joh 12:29</a>).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=LIGHTNING">LIGHTNING</a>`85';
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isbe[8775]='Thyatira`thi-a-ti\'-ra (Thuateira): Thyatira was a wealthy town in the northern part of Lydia of the Roman province of Asia, on the river Lycus. It stood so near to the borders of Mysia, that some of the early writers have regarded it as belonging to that country. Its early history is not well known, for until it was refounded by Seleucus Nicator (301-281 BC) it was a small, insignificant town. It stood on none of the Greek trade routes, but upon the lesser road between Pergamos and Sardis, and derived its wealth from the Lycus valley in which it rapidly became a commercial center, but never a metropolis. The name "Thyatira" means "the castle of Thya." Other names which it has borne are Pelopia and Semiramis. Before the time of Nicator the place was regarded as a holy city, for there stood the temple of the ancient Lydian sun-god, Tyrimnos; about it games were held in his honor. Upon the early coins of Thyatira this Asiatic god is represented as a horseman, bearing a double-headed battle-ax, similar to those represented on the sculptures of the Hittites. A goddess associated with him was Boreatene, a deity of less importance. Another temple at Thyatira was dedicated to Sambethe, and at this shrine was a prophetess, by some supposed to represent the Jezebel of <a onClick="return mV(\'Rev\',2,20);">Re 2:20</a>, who uttered the sayings which this deity would impart to the worshippers.<P>Thyatira was specially noted for the trade guilds which were probably more completely organized there than in any other ancient city. Every artisan belonged to a guild, and every guild, which was an incorporated organization, possessed property in its own name, made contracts for great constructions, and wielded a wide influence. Powerful among them was the guild of coppersmiths; another was the guild of the dyers, who, it is believed, made use of the madder-root instead of shell-fish for making the purple dyestuffs. A member of this guild seems to have been Lydia of Thyatira, who, according to <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,14);">Ac 16:14</a>, sold her dyes in Philippi. The color obtained by the use of this dye is now called Turkish red. The guilds were closely connected with the Asiatic religion of the place. Pagan feasts, with which immoral practices were associated, were held, and therefore the nature of the guilds was such that they were opposed to Christianity. According to <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',19,10);">Ac 19:10</a>, Paul may have preached there while he was living at Ephesus, but this is uncertain; yet Christianity reached there at an early time. It was taught by many of the early church that no Christian might belong to one of the guilds, and thus the greatest opposition to Christianity was presented.<P>Thyatira is now represented by the modern town of Ak-Hissar on a branch line of the Manisa-Soma Railroad, and on the old Roman road 9 hours from Sardis. Ak-Hissar is Turkish for "white castle," and near the modern town may be seen the ruins of the castle from which the name was derived. The village is of considerable size; most of the houses are of mud, but several of the buildings erected by Caracalla are still standing, yet none of them are perfect. In the higher part of the town are the ruins of one of the pagan temples, and in the walls of the houses are broken columns and sarcophagi and inscribed stones. The population of 20,000 is largely Greek and Armenian, yet a few Jews live among them. Before the town is a large marsh, fever-laden, and especially unhealthful in the summer time, formed by the Lycus, which the Turks now call Geurdeuk Chai. The chief modern industry is rug-making.``7';
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isbe[8776]='Thyine, Wood`thi\'-in (xulon thuinon): An aromatic wood described as sold in "Babylon" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Rev\',18,12);">Re 18:12</a>, the King James Version margin "sweet wood"). It is the wood of the thya (thuia) tree, probably identical with Thuia articulata an evergreen tree growing in Northern Africa, resembling the cypress, which in Roman times was employed for making valuable furniture.``1';
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isbe[8777]='Tiberias`ti-be\'-ri-as ([Tiberias], <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',6,23);">Joh 6:23</a>): About the middle of the western shore of the Sea of Galilee, the mountains fall back from the coast, and leave a roughly crescent-shaped plain, about 2 miles in length. The modern city of Tiberias (Tabariyeh) stands at the northern extremity, where the ground begins to rise; and the Hot Baths (Hammath) at the south end. On the southern part of this plain Herod Antipas built a city (circa 26 AD), calling it "Tiberias" in honor of the emperor who had befriended him. In clearing the ground and digging foundations certain tombs were disturbed (Ant., XVIII ii, 3). It may have been the graveyard of old Hammath. The palace, the famous "Golden House," was built on the top of a rocky hill which rises on the west to a height of some 500 ft. The ruin is known today as Qasr bint el-Melek, "Palace of the King\'s Daughter" The strong walls of the city can be traced in almost their entire length on the landward side. Parts are also to be seen along the shore, with towers at intervals which guarded against attack by sea. The ruins cover a considerable area. There is nothing above ground older than Herod\'s city. Only excavation can show whether or not the Talmud is fight in saying that Tiberias was built on the site of Rakkath and Chinnereth (Neubauer, Geog. du Talmud, 208). The Jews were shy of settling in a city built over an old cemetery; and Herod had trouble in finding occupants for it. A strange company it was that he ultimately gathered of the "poorer people," foreigners, and others "not quite freemen"; and these were drawn by the prospect of good houses and land which he freely promised them. With its stadium, its palace "with figures of living things" and its senate, it may be properly described as a Greek city, although it also contained a proseuche, or place of prayer, for the Jews (BJ II, xxi, 6; Vita, XII,54,etc.). This accounts for it figuring so little in the Gospels. In his anxiety to win the favor of the Jews, Herod built for them "the finest synagogue in Galilee"; but many years were to elapse before it should become a really Jewish city.<P>Superseding Sepphoris, Tiberias was the capital of Galilee under Agrippa I and the Roman procurators. It surrendered to Vespasian, and was given by Nero to Agrippa II, Sepphoris again becoming the capital. During the Jewish war its inhabitants were mainly Jewish, somewhat turbulent and difficult to manage. In 100 AD, at Agrippa\'s death, the Romans assumed direct control. After the fall of Jerusalem, the Sanhedrin retreated to Galilee, first to Sepphoris, and then to Tiberias. Here, some time before 220 AD, under supervision of the famous Rabbi Jehuda ha-Nasi\', "Judah the Prince," or, as he is also called ha-qadhosh, "the Holy," the civil and ritual laws, decrees, customs, etc., held to be of binding obligation, handed down by tradition, but not having Scriptural authority, were codified and written down, under the title of "Mishna." Here also later was compiled the Jerusalem Talmud (Yerushalmi), as distinguished from that compiled in Babylon (Babhli). The city thus became a great center of Jewish learning. Maimonides\' tomb is shown near the town, and that of Aqiba on the slope of the mountain, where it is said 24,000 of his disciples are buried with him.<P>In Christian times Tiberias was the seat of a bishop. It fell to the Moslems in 637. It changed hands several times as between the Crusaders and the Saracens. It was finally taken by the Moslems in 1247.<P>The enclosing walls of the modern city, and the castle, now swiftly going to ruin, were built by Tancred and repaired by Daher el-\'Omar in 1730. There are over 5,000 inhabitants, mostly Jews, in whose hands mainly is the trade of the place. The fishing in the lake, in which some 20 boats are occupied, is carried on by Moslems and Christians. Tiberias is the chief inhabited place on the lake, to which as in ancient days it gives its name, Bachr Tabariyeh, "Sea of Tiberias" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',6,1);">Joh 6:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',21,1);">21:1</a>). It is the market town for a wide district. The opening of the Haifa-Damascus Railway has quickened the pulse of life considerably. A steamer and motor boat ply between the town and the station at Semach, bringing the place into easy touch with the outside world. The water of the lake is largely used for all purposes, although there are cisterns for rain water under some of the houses.<P>After a residence of over five years in the city, the present writer can say that it does not deserve the evil reputation which casual travelers have given it. In matters of cleanliness and health it stands comparison very well with other oriental towns. Sometimes, in east wind; it is very hot, thermometer registering over 114 Degrees Fahrenheit in the shade. The worst time is just at the beginning of the rainy season, when the impurities that have gathered in the drought of summer are washed into the sea, contaminating the water.<P>The United Free Church of Scotland has here a well-equipped mission to the Jews.``54';
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isbe[8778]='Tiberias, Sea of``<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=GALILEE+SEA+OF">GALILEE, SEA OF</a>`1';
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isbe[8779]='Tiberius`ti-be\'-ri-us (Tiberios):<P>1. Name and Parentage:<P>The 2nd Roman emperor; full name Tiberius Claudius Nero, and official name as emperor Tiberius Caesar Augustus; born November 16, 42 BC. His father<65>of the same name<6D>had been an officer under Julius Caesar and had later joined Antony against Octavian (Augustus). His mother was Livia, who became the 3rd wife of Augustus; thus Tiberius was a stepson of Augustus.<P>2. Early Life and Relation to Augustus:<P>Much of his early life was spent in successful campaigning. Although the ablest of the possible heirs of Augustus, Tiberius was subjected to many an indignity, Augustus accepting him as his successor only when every other hope failed. When Julia, daughter of Augustus, became a widow for the second time (12 BC), Tiberius was obliged to marry her (11 BC) in order to become protector of the future emperors. For this purpose he was compelled to divorce his wife, Vipsania Agrippina, who had borne him a son, Drusus. Julia brought Tiberius nothing but shame, and for her immorality was banished by her father (2 BC). Tiberius was consul in 12 BC, and received the proconsular authority, 9 BC. He carried on successful wars in Pannonia, Dalmatia, Armenia and Germany. He retired in disgust to voluntary exile at Rhodes where he spent several years in study. In 2 AD, he returned to Rome, and lived there in retirement, 2-4 AD. On June 27, 4 AD, Tiberius and Agrippa Postumus were adopted by Augustus. From this date on Tiberius came more and more into prominence, receiving the tribunician power for 10 years.<P>3. Reign:<P>In 13 AD (or according to Mommsen 11 AD) Tiberius was by a special law raised to the co-regency. Augustus died August 19, 14 AD, and Tiberius succeeded. A mutiny in the Rhine legions was suppressed by Germanicus. The principal events of his reign (see also below) were the campaigns of Germanicus and Drusus, the withdrawal of the Romans to the Rhine, the settlement of the Armenian question, the rise and fall of Sejanus, the submission of Parthia. In 26 AD, Tiberius retired to Capreae, where rumor attributed to him every excess of debauchery. On March 16, 37 AD, Tiberius died at Misenum and was succeeded by Caius.<P>4. Administration:<P>On the whole, Tiberius followed the conservative policy of Augustus and maintained the "diarchy." But he approached nearer to monarchy by receiving supreme power for an indefinite period. He went beyond Augustus in practically excluding the people from government by transferring the right of election from the comitia of the people to the senate, leaving to the people the right merely to acclaim the nominees of the senate, and further by imposing laws upon the people without their counsel or discussion. He established a permanent praetorian camp at Rome<6D>a fact of great importance in later Roman history. The administration of Tiberius was that of a wise, intelligent statesman with a strong sense of duty. The civil service was improved, and officers were kept longer at their posts to secure efficiency. Taxes were light on account of his economy. Public security increased. He paid attention to the administration of justice and humane laws were placed on the statute-book.<P>5. Character:<P>Though Tiberius was unpopular, he left the empire in a state of prosperity and peace. Of his character the most opposite views are held. His fame has suffered especially from his suspecting nature, which extended the law of majestas to offenses against his person and encouraged delation, which made the latter part of his reign one of terror. The tyranny of Sejanus, too, has been laid upon his shoulders, and he has been accused of the wildest excesses in his retreat at Capreae<61>a charge which seems to be refuted by the fact that no interruption to his wise administration took place. His character has been blackened most by Tacitus and Suetonius. But on nearer criticism Tiberius\'s character will appear in better light. No doubt, toward the close of his reign he degenerated, but his cruelties affected only the upper classes. He was called a tyrant and was refused deification after death, and Augustus was said to have prophesied "Alas for the Roman people who shall be ground under such slow jaws." Tiberius was stern and taciturn, critical with himself and, soured by his own disappointments, was suspicious of others. Pliny the Elder calls him "the gloomiest of men." Much of his unpopularity was due to his inscrutability, to the fact that people could not understand him or penetrate into the mystery of his motives. He rarely took counsel with anyone. His life was frugal and modest<73>a rebuke to the contemporary dissipation. He felt contempt for the inanities of court life and was supremely indifferent to public opinion, but actuated by a strong sense of duty.<P>6. Tiberius and the New Testament:<P>The reign of Tiberius is memorable as that in which fell our Lord\'s public ministry, death and resurrection. It also witnessed the preaching of John the Baptist (<a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',3,1);">Lu 3:1</a>), the conversion of Paul and perhaps his first preaching, the martyrdom of Stephen and the first Christian persecution (by the Jews). Tiberius is mentioned by name only once in the New Testament (<a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',3,1);">Lu 3:1</a>): "the 15th year of the reign (hegemonia) of Tiberius." The question is, From what date is this to be reckoned<65>the date of Tiberius\'s co-regency, 13 (or 11) AD, or from his accession, 14 AD? He is the "Caesar" mentioned in the Gospels in connection with Jesus\' public ministry (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',12,14);">Mr 12:14</a> and parallel\'s; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',19,12,15);">Joh 19:12,15</a>). Herod Antipas built Tiberias in honor of Tiberius (Josephus, Ant, XVIII, ii-iii). It is unlikely that Tiberius ever heard anything about Christianity; it had not risen as yet into prominence. Early Christian writers wished to represent Tiberius, if not friendly to the new faith, at least as condemning the action of Pilate. According to one apocryphal tradition, Tiberius actually summoned Pilate to Rome to answer for crucifying Jesus. It is true that Pilate was sent to Rome by the governor of Syria to answer to a charge of unjustifiable cruelty, but Tiberius died before Elate reached Rome.<P>7. Tiberius and the Jews:<P>Under Tiberius Palestine was governed by Roman procurators. Toward the Jews in Italy, Tiberius showed some intolerance. In 19 AD all the Jews were expelled from Rome according to Josephus (Ant., XVIII, iii, 5), from Italy according to Tacitus (Ann. ii.85), and 4,000 Jewish freedmen were deported to Sardinia to reduce bands of brigands. Philo attributes this severity to Sejanus, and says that after Sejanus\' fall Tiberius, recognizing that the Jews had been persecuted without cause, gave orders that officials should not annoy them or disturb their rites. They were therefore probably allowed to return to Rome (see Schurer, III, 60f; 4th edition).<P>LITERATURE.<P>(a) Ancient literature, as modern, is divided on its estimate of Tiberius; Tacitus Annals i-vi; Dio Cassius Rom. Hist. xivi-xivii, and Suetonius Tib. painting him in the darkest colors, while Velleius Paterculus II gives the other side.<P>(b) Of modern literature it is enough to cite on opposite sides: J. C. Tarver, Tiberius the Tyrant, 1902; Ihne, Zur Ehrenrettung des K. Tib.,1892,and the moderate estimate of Merivale, Romans under the Empire.``5';
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isbe[8780]='Tibhath`tib\'-hath (tibhchath; Metabechas, Codex Alexandrinus Matebeth; Vulgate (Jerome\'s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) Thebath; Peshitta Tebhach): A city of Hadadezer, king of Zobah, from which David took much of the brass used later by Solomon in the construction of the temple-furnishings (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',18,8);">1Ch 18:8</a>). In <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',8,8);">2Sa 8:8</a> we must for the betach of the Massoretic Text read with the Syriac Tebhach. It may be the same as the Tubihi of the Tell el-Amarna Letters; the Dibhu of the Karnak lists; and the Tubihi mentioned with Kadesh on the Orontes in the "Travels of an Egyptian" in the reign of Rameses II. The site is unknown, but it must have been on the eastern slopes of Anti-Lebanon, between which and the Euphrates we must locate Hadadezer\'s kingdom of Zobah. "Tebah" occurs also as an Aramaic personal or tribal name in <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',22,24);">Ge 22:24</a>.``23';
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isbe[8781]='Tibni`tib\'-ni (tibhni; Codex Vaticanus Thamnei, Codex Alexandrinus Thamni, Lucian Thabennei): A rival of Omri for the throne of Israel after the death of Zimri (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',16,21);">1Ki 16:21</a>f). This is the only reference to Tibni that has come down to us; a comparison of this passage with the account of Zimri\'s death (especially <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',16,15);">1Ki 16:15</a>) shows that the length of the struggle was four years.``1';
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isbe[8782]='Tidal`ti\'-dal (tidh\'al; Thalga, Thalgal, Codex E, Thargal):<P>1. The Name and Its Forms:<P>Tidal is mentioned in <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',14,1,9);">Ge 14:1,9</a> in the account of the expedition of Chedorlaomer of Elam, with his allies, Amraphel of Shinar (Babylonia), Arioch of Ellasar, and Tidal, who is called "king of nations" (the King James Version) (goyim, Targum \'ammin). Whether the last-named took part in this expedition as one of Chedorlaomer\'s vassals or not is unknown. The Greek form possibly prints to an earlier pronunciation Tadgal.<P>2. Its Babylonian Equivalent:<P>The only name in the cuneiform inscriptions resembling Tidal is Tudhula, or, as it was probably later pronounced, Tudhul. This, from its form, might be Sumerian, meaning "evil progeny," or the like. In addition to the improbability of a name with such a signification, however, his title "king of goyim," or "nations," in <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',14,1);">Ge 14:1</a>, presupposes a ruler of another race.<P>3. The Babylonian Tudhula and His Time:<P>The inscription in which the name Tudhula occurs is one of three of late date (4th to 3rd century BC), all referring, apparently, to the same historical period. The text in question (Sp. iii.2) is of unbaked clay, and is broken and defaced. After referring to a ruler who did not maintain the temples, Durmah-ilani son of Eri-Aku (Arioch) is referred to, appatently as one who ravaged the country, and "waters (came) over Babylon and E-sagila," its great temple. The words which follow suggest that Durmah-ilani was slain by his son, after which a new invader appeared, who would seem to have been Tudhula, son of Gazza(ni?). He likewise ravaged the land, and floods again invaded Babylon and E-sagila. To all appearance he met with the fate which overtook Durmah-ilani<6E>death at the hands of his son, who "smote his head." Then came the Elamite, apparently Chedorlaomer, who was likewise slain. This inscription, therefore, gave historical quotations of the fate which overtook those who were regarded as enemas of the gods.<P>4. Doubts as to His Identity:<P>Though we have here the long-sought name of Tidal, it may legitimately be doubted whether this personage was the ruler of that name mentioned in <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',14,\'1-\');">Ge 14</a>. The "nations" (goyim) which he ruled are regarded by Sayce as having been wandering hordes (umman manda), probably Medes. On the other hand, the occurrence of the name Dudhalia, son of Hattusil (Khetasir), contemporary of Rameses II, in the inscriptions found at Hattu, the capital of the Hittites, suggests that that extensive confederation may have been the "nations" referred to. In other words, Tidal or Tudhula (for Dudhalia) was an earlier ruler bearing the same name as Hattusil\'s son.<P>5. Probably a Hittite:<P>If he be, as is possible, the same personage as is mentioned in <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',14,\'1-\');">Ge 14</a>, he must have fought against Arioch\'s son, conquered his domains and been killed, in his turn, by either the Biblical Chedorlaomer or another Elamite ruler beaming the same or a similar name.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=AMRAPHEL">AMRAPHEL</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ARIOCH">ARIOCH</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=CHEDORLAOMER">CHEDORLAOMER</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ERI-AKU">ERI-AKU</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=NATIONS">NATIONS</a>`136';
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isbe[8783]='Tidings, Glad``<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=GLAD+TIDINGS">GLAD TIDINGS</a>`1';
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isbe[8784]='Tiglath-Pileser`tig-lath-pi-le-zer<P>tighlath pil\'eser, as the name is read in 2 Kings, tilleghath pilnecer, in 2 Chronicles; Septuagint Algathphellasar; Assyrian, Tukulti-abal-i-sarra): King of Assyria in the days of Menahem, Pekahiah, and Pekah, kings of Israel, and of Uzziah, Jotham and Ahaz, kings of Judah. The king of Assyria, whom the historian of 2 Kings knows as exacting tribute from Menahem, is Pul (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',15,19);">2Ki 15:19</a>f). In the days of Pekah who had usurped the throne of Menahem\'s son and successor, Pekahiah, the king of Assyria is known as Tiglath-pileser, who invaded Naphtali and carried the inhabitants captive to Assyria (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',15,29);">2Ki 15:29</a>). This invasion is described by the Chronicler (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',5,25);">1Ch 5:25</a>f) rather differently, to the effect that "the God of Israel stirred up the spirit of Pul king of Assyria, and the spirit of Tilgath-pilneser king of Assyria, and he carried them away, even the Reubenites and the Gadites, and the half-tribe of Manasseh, and brought them unto Halah, and Habor, and Hara, and to the river of Gozan, unto this day." Still later we find Pekah forming a coalition with Rezin, king of Damascus, into which they tried to force Ahaz, even going the length of besieging him in Jerusalem (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',16,5);">2Ki 16:5</a>). The siege was unsuccessful. Ahaz called in the aid of Tiglath-pileser, sacrificing his independence to get rid of the invaders (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',16,7,8);">2Ki 16:7,8</a>). He offered the Assyrian the silver and gold that were found in the house of the Lord and in the royal treasury; and Tiglath-pileser, in return, invaded the territories of Damascus and Israel in the rear, compelling the allied forces to withdraw from Judah, while he captured Damascus, and carried the people away to Kir and slew Rezin (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',16,9);">2Ki 16:9</a>). It was on the occasion of his visit to Damascus to do homage to his suzerain Tiglath-pileser, that Ahaz fancied the idolatrous altar, a pattern of which he sent to Urijah, the priest, that he might erect an altar to take the place of the brazen altar which was before the Lord in the temple at Jerusalem. It is a significant comment which is made by the Chronicler (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',28,21);">2Ch 28:21</a>) upon the abject submission of Ahaz to the Assyrian king: "It helped him not."<P>From the inscriptions we learn particulars which afford striking corroboration of the Biblical narrative and clear up some of the difficulties involved. It is now practically certain that Pul, who is mentioned as taking tribute from Menahem, is identical with Tiglath-pileser (Schrader, COT, I, 230, 231). In all probability Pul, or Pulu, was a usurper, who as king of Assyria assumed the name of one of his predecessors, Tiglath-pileser I, and reigned as Tiglath-pileser III. This king of Assyria, who reigned, as we learn from his annals, from 745 BC to 727 BC, was one of the greatest of Assyrian monarchs. See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ASSYRIA">ASSYRIA</a>. From the fact that no fewer than five Hebrew kings are mentioned in his annals, the greatest interest attaches to his history as it has come down to us. These kings are Uzziah or Azariah, and Jehoahaz, that is Ahaz, of Judah; and Menahem, Pekah and Hushes of Israel. Along with them are mentioned their contemporaries Rezin of Damascus, Hiram of Tyre, and two queens of Arabia otherwise unknown, Zabibi and Samsi. When he died in 727 BC, he was succeeded by Shalmaneser IV, who had occasion to suspect the loyalty of his vassal Hoshea, king of Israel, and besieged him in Samaria.<P>LITERATURE.<P>Schrader, COT, I, 229-57; McCurdy, HPM, sections 279-341.``128';
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isbe[8785]='Tigris`ti\'-gris the Greek equivalent of the Hebrew chiddeqel): One of the rivers of Eden going "eastward to Assyria" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',2,14);">Ge 2:14</a> margin), called the Great River (<a onClick="return mV(\'Dan\',10,4);">Da 10:4</a>), elsewhere mentioned in the apocryphal books, as in Tob 6:1; Judith 1:6; Ecclesiasticus 24:25, called Diglath in Josephus, and Diglit in Pliny, now called in Mesopotamia Dijleh, generally supposed to be a Semitic corruption of Tigra, meaning originally an arrow, which from its rapidity of motion is symbolized. The Tigris rises in the mountains of Armenia, latitude 38 degrees 10 minutes, longitude 39 degrees 20 minutes, only a few miles from the main branch of the Euphrates. After pursuing a tortuous southeasterly course for 150 miles, it is joined by the east branch at Osman Kieui, some distance below Diarbekr. Here the stream is 450 ft. wide and 3 or 4 ft. deep. Passing through numerous mountain gorges for another 150 miles, it emerges into the region of low hills about Nineveh, and a little below into the great alluvial plain of Mesopotamia. Thence in its course to Bagdad it is joined by the Great Zab, the Lesser Zab, the Adhem, and the Diyaleh rivers, bringing a large amount of water from the Zagros Mountains. At Bagdad the overflows from the Euphrates in high water often increase the inundations. The flood season begins early in the month of March, reaching its climax about May 1, declining to its natural level by midsummer. In October and November, the volume of water increases considerably, but not so much as to overflow its banks. Below Bagdad, throughout the region of Babylonia proper, the Tigris joins with the Euphrates in furnishing the water for irrigation so successfully used in ancient times. English engineers are at present with great promise of success aiming to restore the irrigating systems of the region and the prosperity of ancient times. The total length of the river <span class="noTag">is</span> 1,146 miles. It now joins the Euphrates about 40 miles northwest of the Persian Gulf, the two streams there forming the Shat el Arab, but in early historical times they entered the Persian Gulf by separate mouths, the Gulf then extending a considerable distance above the present junction of the rivers, the sediment of the streams having silted up the head of the Gulf to that distance.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=EDEN">EDEN</a>`198';
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isbe[8786]='Tikvah; Tikvath`tik\'-va, tik\'-vath (tiqwah, "hope"): <P>(1) The father-in-law of Huldah the prophetess (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',22,14);">2Ki 22:14</a>) (Codex Vaticanus Thekkouau; Codex Alexandrinus Thekkoue; Lucian Thekoue), called in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',34,22);">2Ch 34:22</a> "Tokhath" (Qere Kethibh Codex Vaticanus Kathoual; Codex Alexandrinus Thakouath, Lucian Thekoe). The reading of 2 Kings is to be preferred.<P>(2) The father of Jahzeiah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',10,15);">Ezr 10:15</a>) (Codex Vaticanus Helkeia; Codex Alexandrinus Thekoue, called "Theocanus," Revised Version "Thocanus" in 1Esdras 9:14).``1';
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isbe[8787]='Tile; Tiling`til, til\'-ing (lebhenah, "brick" <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',4,1);">Eze 4:1</a>; keramos, "potter\'s clay," "a tile," <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',5,19);">Lu 5:19</a>).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=EZEKIEL">EZEKIEL</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=HOUSE">HOUSE</a>`1';
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isbe[8788]='Tilgath-Pilneser`til\'-gath-pil-ne\'-zer, til\'-gath-pil-ne\'-ser.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TIGLATH+PILESER">TIGLATH-PILESER</a>`1';
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isbe[8789]='Tillage`til\'-aj.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=AGRICULTURE">AGRICULTURE</a>`1';
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isbe[8790]='Tilon`ti\'-lon (tilon; Kethibh, Qere; Codex Vaticanus Inon; Codex Alexandrinus Thilan; Lucian Tholeim: A son of Shimon (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',4,20);">1Ch 4:20</a>).``1';
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isbe[8791]='Timaeus`ti-me\'-us (Timaios (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',10,46);">Mr 10:46</a>); English Versions of the Bible, "Timaeus").`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=BARTIMAEUS">BARTIMAEUS</a>`1';
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isbe[8792]='Timbrel`tim\'-brel.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=MUSIC">MUSIC</a>`1';
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isbe[8793]='Time`tim: The basis of the Hebrew measurement of time was the day and the lunar month, as with the Semites generally. The division of the day into hours was late, probably not common until after the exile, although the sun-dial of Ahaz (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',20,9);">2Ki 20:9</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',38,8);">Isa 38:8</a>) would scent to indicate some division of the day into periods of some sort, as we know the night was divided, The word used for "hour" is Aramaic she\'a\' (sha\'ta\'), and does not occur in the Old Testament until the Book of Daniel (<a onClick="return mV(\'Dan\',4,33);">4:33</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Dan\',5,5);">5:5</a>), and even there it stands for an indefinite period for which "time" would answer as well.<P>1. The Day:<P>The term "day" (yom) was in use from the earliest times, as is indicated in the story of the Creation (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',1,\'1-\');">Ge 1</a>). It there doubtless denotes an indefinite period, but is marked off by "evening and morning" in accordance with what we know was the method of reckoning the day of 24 hours, i.e. from sunset to sunset.<P>2. Night:<P>The night was divided, during pre-exilic times, into three divisions called watches (\'ashmurah, \'ashmoreth), making periods of varying length, as the night was longer or shorter (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',7,19);">Jud 7:19</a>). This division is referred to in various passages of the Old Testament, but nowhere with indication of definite limits (see <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',90,4);">Ps 90:4</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',119,148);">119:148</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',51,12);">Jer 51:12</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Hab\',2,1);">Hab 2:1</a>).<P>In the New Testament we find the Roman division of, etc.). But the use of the word in the indefinite sense, as in the expressions: "day of the Lord," "in that day," "the day of judgment," etc., is far more frequent (see DAY). Other more or less indefinite periods of the day and night are: dawn, dawning of the day, morning, evening, noonday, midnight, cock-crowing or crowing of the cock, break of day, etc.<P>3. Week:<P>The weekly division of time, or the seven-day period, was in use very early and must have been known to the Hebrews before the Mosaic Law, since it was in use in Babylonia before the days of Abraham and is indicated In the story of the Creation. The Hebrew shabhua\', used in the Old Testament for "week," is derived from shebha\', the word for "seven." As the seventh day was a day of rest, or Sabbath (Hebrew shabbath), this word came to be used for "week," as appears in the New Testament sabbaton, sabbata), indicating the period from Sabbath to Sabbath (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',28,1);">Mt 28:1</a>). The same usage is implied in the Old Testament (<a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',23,15);">Le 23:15</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',25,8);">25:8</a>). The days of the week were indicated by the numerals, first, second, etc., save the seventh, which was the Sabbath. In New Testament times Friday was called the day of preparation (paraskeue) for the Sabbath (<a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',23,54);">Lu 23:54</a>).<P>4. Month:<P>The monthly division of time was determined, of course, by the phases of the moon, the appearance of the new moon being the beginning of the month, chodhesh. Another term for month was yerach yerach, meaning "moon," which was older and derived from the Phoenician usage, but which persisted to late times, since it is found in the Aramaic inscriptions of the 3rd century AD in Syria. The names of the months were Babylonian and of late origin among the Hebrews, probably coming into use during and after the Captivity. But they had other names, of earlier use, derived from the Phoenicians, four of which have survived in "Abib," "Ziv," "Ethanim" and "Bul."<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=CALENDAR">CALENDAR</A>.<P>5. Year:<P>The Hebrew year (shanah) was composed of 12 or 13 months, the latter being the year when an intercalary month was added to make the lunar correspond with the solar year. As the difference between the two was from ten to eleven days, this required the addition of a month once in about three years, or seven in nineteen years. This month was added at the vernal equinox and was called after the month next preceding, we-\'adhar, or the "second Adar." We do not know when this arrangement was first adopted, but it was current after the Captivity. There were two years in use, the civil and the ritual, or sacred year. The former began in the autumn, as would appear from <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',23,16);">Ex 23:16</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',34,22);">34:22</a>, where it is stated that the "feast of ingathering" should be at the end of the year, and the Sabbatic year began in the 7th month of the calendar or sacred year, which would correspond to September-October (<a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',25,9);">Le 25:9</a>). Josephus says (Ant., I, iii, 3) that Moses designated Nican (March-April) as the 1st month of the festivals, i.e. of the sacred year, but preserved the original order of the months for ordinary affairs, evidently referring to the civil year. This usage corresponds to that of the Turkish empire, where the sacred year is lunar and begins at different seasons, but the financial and political year begins in March O.S. The beginning of the year was called ro\'sh ha-shanah, and was determined by the priests, as was the beginning of the month. Originally this was done by observation of the moon, but, later, calculation was employed in connection with it, until finally a system based on accurate calculation was adopted, which was not until the 4th century AD. New-Year was regarded as a festival.<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ASTRONOMY">ASTRONOMY</a>, sec. I, 5; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=YEAR">YEAR</A>.<P>6. Seasons:<P>The return of the seasons was designated by summer and winter, or seed-time and harvest; for they were practically the same. There is, in Palestine, a wet season, extending from October to March or April, and a dry season comprising the remainder of the year. The first is the winter (choreph), and this is the seed-time (zera\'), especially the first part of it called yoreh, or the time of the early rain; the second is the summer (qayits, "fruit-harvest," or qatsir, "harvest").<P>Seed-time begins as soon as the early rains have fallen in sufficient quantity to moisten the earth for plowing, and the harvest begins in some parts, as in the lower Jordan region, near the Dead Sea, about April, but on the high lands a month or two later. The fruit harvest comes in summer proper and continues until the rainy season. "The time when kings go out to war" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',11,1);">2Sa 11:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',20,22);">1Ki 20:22</a>) probably refers to the end of the rainy season in Nican.<P>7. No Era:<P>We have no mention in the Old Testament of any era for time reckoning, and we do not find any such usage until the time of the Maccabees. There are occasional references to certain events which might have served for eras had they been generally adopted. Such was the Exodus in the account of the building of the temple (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',6,1);">1Ki 6:1</a>) and the Captivity (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',33,21);">Eze 33:21</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',40,1);">40:1</a>) and the Earthquake (<a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',1,1);">Am 1:1</a>). Dates were usually fixed by the regnal years of the kings, and of the Persian kings after the Captivity. When Simon the Maccabee became independent of the Seleucid kings in 143-142 or 139-138 BC, he seems to have established an era of his own, if we may attribute to him a series of coins dated by the years "of the independence of Israel" (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=COINS">COINS</a>: <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=MONEY">MONEY</a>; also 1Macc 13:41 and 15:6,10). The Jews doubtless were familiar with the Seleucid era, which began in 312 BC, and with some of the local eras of the Phoenician cities, but we have no evidence that they made use of them. The era of the Creation was not adopted by them until after the time of Christ. This was fixed at 3,830 years before the destruction of the later temple, or 3760 BC.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ERA">ERA</a>`138';
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isbe[8794]='Time, Last``<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=LAST+TIME">LAST TIME</a>`1';
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isbe[8795]='Time, Times And A Half`(<a onClick="return mV(\'Dan\',12,7);">Da 12:7</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Dan\',7,25);">7:25</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Rev\',12,14);">Re 12:14</a>): A luni-solar cycle.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ASTRONOMY">ASTRONOMY</a>`1';
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isbe[8796]='Times, Observer of``<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=DIVINATION">DIVINATION</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=MAGIC">MAGIC</a>`1';
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isbe[8797]='Timna`tim\'-na (timna\'; Thamna): A conbubine of Eliphaz, Esau\'s son, and the mother of Amalek (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',36,12);">Ge 36:12</a>). But in <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',36,22);">Ge 36:22</a> and <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',1,39);">1Ch 1:39</a> Timna is the sister of Lotan, and in <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',36,40);">Ge 36:40</a> and <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',1,51);">1Ch 1:51</a> a chief or elan of Edom (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TIMNAH">TIMNAH</a> (3)). These variations are to be expected when the origin of genealogies is recalled. (In Genesis, English Versions of the Bible read, contrary to rule, "Timnah.") Gunkel\'s theory is that <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',36,12);">Ge 36:12</a> is a later insertion in P.``1';
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isbe[8798]='Timnah`tim\'-na (timnah, timnathah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',19,43);">Jos 19:43</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',14,1,2,5);">Jud 14:1,2,5</a>), "allotted portion"; Codex Vaticanus Thamnatha; also several Greek variations; King James Version has Timnath in <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',38,12,13,14);">Ge 38:12,13,14</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',14,1,2,5);">Jud 14:1,2,5</a>; and Thimnathah in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',19,43);">Jos 19:43</a>):<P>(1) A town in the southern part of the hill country of Judah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',15,57);">Jos 15:57</a>). Tibna proposed by Conder, a ruin 8 miles west of Bethlehem, seems too far N. (PEF, III, 53, Sh XVII). It is possible this may be the "Timnah" of <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',38,12,13,14);">Ge 38:12,13,14</a>.<P>(2) A town on the northern border of Judah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',15,10);">Jos 15:10</a>), lying between Beth-shemesh and Ekron. It is probably the same Timnah as Judah visited (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',38,\'12-14\');">Ge 38:12-14</a>), and certainly the scene of Samson\'s adventures (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',14,1);">Jud 14:1</a>f); his "father-in-law" is called a "Timnite" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',15,6);">Jud 15:6</a>). At this time the place is clearly Philistine (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',14,1);">Jud 14:1</a>), though in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',19,43);">Jos 19:43</a> it is reckoned to Dan. Being on the frontier, it probably changed hands several times. In <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',28,18);">2Ch 28:18</a> it was captured from the Philistines by Ahaz, and we learn from Assyrian evidence (Prison Inscription) that Sennacherib captured a Tamna after the battle of Alteka before he besieged Ekron (Schrader, Die Keilinschriften und das Altes Testament, 170). The site is undoubted. It is now a deserted ruin called Tibneh on the southern slopes of the Wady es Surar (Valley of Sorek), about 2 miles west of Beth-shemesh. There is a spring, and there are evident signs of antiquity (PEF, II, 417, 441, Sh XVI).<P>(3) There was probably a Timna in Edom (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',36,12,22,40);">Ge 36:12,22,40</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',1,39,51);">1Ch 1:39,51</a>). Eusebius and Jerome (in Onomasticon) recognized a Thamna in Edom at their time.<P>(4) The "Thamnatha" of 1Macc 9:50 (the King James Version) is probably another Timnah, and identical with the Thamna of Josephus (BJ, III, iii, 5; IV, viii, 1). This is probably the Tibneh, 10 miles northwest of Bethel, an extensive ruin.``117';
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isbe[8799]='Timnath`tim\'-hath.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TIMNAH">TIMNAH</a>`1';
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isbe[8800]='Timnath-Heres`tim-nath-he\'rez (timnath cherec, "portion of the sun"; Codex Vaticanus Thamnathares; Codex Alexandrinus Thamnathar; heos): This is the form of the name given to Joshua\'s property and place of burial in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',2,9);">Jud 2:9</a>. The name in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',19,50);">Jos 19:50</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',24,30);">24:30</a> is Timnath-serah. "Serah" simply reverses the order of the letters in "Heres." Scholars are divided in opinion as to which form is correct. It is possible that the change from Heres to Serah may have been deliberate, in order to avoid a form which might savor of idolatry<72>sun-worship. The Jews and Samaritans hold that Heres is the original form.``54';
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