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isbe[8601]='Talmud`tal\'-mud (talmudh):<P><b>I. PRELIMINARY REMARKS AND VERBAL EXPLANATIONS</b><P><b>II. IMPORTANCE OF THE TALMUD</b><P><b>III. THE TRADITIONAL LAW UNTIL THE COMPOSITION OF THE MISHNA</b><P><b>IV. DIVISION AND CONTENTS OF THE MISHNA (AND THE TALMUD)</b><P class="in15">1. Zera\'im, "Seeds"<P class="in15">2. Mo\'edh, "Feasts"<P class="in15">3. Nashim, "Women"<P class="in15">4. Neziqin, "Damages"<P class="in15">5. Kodhashim, "Sacred Things"<P class="in15">6. Teharoth, "Clean Things"<P class="in15"><b>V. THE PALESTINIAN TALMUD</b><P><b>VI. THE BABYLONIAN TALMUD</b><P><b>VII. THE NON-CANONICAL LITTLE TREATISES AND THE TOSEPHTA\'</b><P class="in15">1. Treatises after the 4th Cedher<P class="in15">2. Seven Little Treatises<P><b>LITERATURE</b><hr /><P>The present writer is, for brevity\'s sake, under necessity to refer to his Einleitung in den Talmud, 4th edition, Leipzig, 1908. It is quoted here as Introduction.<P>There are very few books which are mentioned so often and yet are so little known as the Talmud. It is perhaps true that nobody can now be found, who, as did the Capuchin monk Henricus Seynensis, thinks that "Talmud" is the name of a rabbi. Yet a great deal of ignorance on this subject still prevails in many circles. Many are afraid to inform themselves, as this may be too difficult or too tedious; others (the anti-Semites) do not want correct information to be spread on this subject, because this would interfere seriously with their use of the Talmud as a means for their agitation against the Jews.<P>I. Preliminary Remarks and Verbal Explanations.<P>(1) Mishnah, "the oral doctrine and the study of it" (from shanah, "to repeat," "to learn," "to teach"), especially<P>(a) the whole of the oral law which had come into existence up to the end of the 2nd century AD;<P>(b) the whole of the teaching of one of the rabbis living during the first two centuries AD (tanna\', plural tanna\'im);<P>(c) a single tenet;<P>(d) a collection of such tenets;<P>(e) above all, the collection made by Rabbi Jehudah (or Judah) ha-Nasi\'.<P>(2) Gemara\', "the matter that is leaned" (from gemar, "to accomplish," "to learn"), denotes since the 9th century the collection of the discussions of the Amoraim, i.e. of the rabbis teaching from about 200 to 500 AD.<P>(3) Talmudh, "the studying" or "the teaching," was in older times used for the discussions of the Amoraim; now it means the Mishna with the discussions thereupon.<P>(4) Halakhah (from halakh, "to go"): (a) the life as far as it is ruled by the Law; (b) a statutory precept.<P>(5) Haggadhah (from higgidh, "to tell"), the non-halakhic exegesis.<P>II. Importance of the Talmud.<P>Commonly the Talmud is declared to be the Jewish code of Law. But this is not the case, even for the traditional or "orthodox" Jews. Really the Talmud is the source whence the Jewish Law is to be derived. Whosoever wants to show what the Jewish Law says about a certain case (point, question) has to compare at first the Shulchan \'arukh with its commentary, then the other codices (Maimonides, Alphasi, etc.) and the Responsa, and finally the Talmudic discussions; but he is not allowed to give a decisive sentence on the authority of the Talmud alone (see Intro,116,117; David Hoffmann, Der Schulchan-Aruch, 2nd edition, Berlin,1894,38, 39). On the other hand, no decision is valid if it is against the yield of the Talmudic discussion. The liberal (Reformed) Jews say that the Talmud, though it is interesting and, as a Jewish work of antiquity, ever venerable, has in itself no authority for faith and life.<P>For both Christians and Jews the Talmud is of value for the following reasons:<P>(1) on account of the language, Hebrew being used in many parts of the Talmud (especially in Haggadic pieces), Palestinian Aramaic in the Palestinian Talmud, Eastern Aramaic in the Babylonian Talmud (compare "Literature," (7), below). The Talmud also contains words of Babylonian and Persian origin;<P>(2) for folklore, history, geography, natural and medical science, jurisprudence, archaeology and the understanding of the Old Testament (see "Literature," (6), below, and Introduction, 159-75). For Christians especially the Talmud contains very much which may help the understanding of the New Testament (see "Literature," (12), below).<P>III. The Traditional Law until the Composition of the Mishna.<P>The Law found in the Torah of Moses was the only written law which the Jews possessed after their return from the Babylonian exile. This law was neither complete nor sufficient for all times. On account of the ever-changing conditions of life new ordinances became necessary. Who made these we do not know. An authority to do this must have existed; but the claim made by many that after the days of Ezra there existed a college of 120 men called the "Great Synagogue" cannot be proved. Entirely untenable also is the claim of the traditionally orthodox Jews, that ever since the days of Moses there had been in existence, side by side with the written Law, also an oral Law, with all necessary explanations and supplements to the written Law.<P>What was added to the Pentateuchal Torah was for a long time handed down orally, as can be plainly seen from Josephus and Philo. The increase of such material made it necessary to arrange it. An arrangement according to subject-matter can be traced back to the 1st century AD; very old, perhaps even older, is also the formal adjustment of this material to the Pentateuchal Law, the form of Exegesis (Midrash). Compare Introduction, 19-21.<P>A comprehensive collection of traditional laws was made by Rabbi Aqiba circa 110-35 AD, if not by an earlier scholar. His work formed the basis of that of Rabbi Me\'ir, and this again was the basis of the edition of the Mishna by Rabbi Jehudah ha-Nasi\'. In this Mishna, the Mishna par excellence, the anonymous portions generally, although not always, reproduce the views of Rabbi Me\'ir.<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TIBERIAS">TIBERIAS</A>.<P>The predecessors Rabbi (as R. Jehudah ha-Nasi\', the "prince" or the "saint," is usually called), as far as we know, did not put into written form their collections; indeed it has been denied by many, especially by German and French rabbis of the Middle Ages, that Rabbi put into written form the Mishna which he edited. Probably the fact of the matter is that the traditional Law was not allowed to be used in written form for the purposes of instruction and in decisions on matters of the Law, but that written collections of a private character, collections of notes, to use a modern term, existed already at an early period (see Intro, 10ff).<P>IV. Division and Contents of the Mishna (and the Talmud).<P>The Mishna (as also the Talmud) is divided into six "orders" (cedharim) or chief parts, the names of which indicate their chief contents, namely, Zera\'im, Agriculture; Moe\'dh, Feasts; Nashim, Women; Neziqin, Civil and Criminal Law; Qodhashim, Sacrifices; Teharoth, Unclean Things and Their Purification.<P>The "orders" are divided into tracts (maccekheth, plural maccikhtoth), now 63, and these again into chapters (pereq, plural peraqim), and these again into paragraphs (mishnayoth). It is Customary to cite the Mishna according to tract chapter and paragraph, e.g. Sanh. (Sanhedhrin) x.1. The Babylonian Talmud is cited according to tract and page, e.g. (Babylonian Talmud) Shabbath 30b; in citing the Palestinian Talmud the number of the chapter is also usually given, e.g. (Palestinian Talmud) Shabbath vi.8d (in most of the editions of the Palestinian Talmud each page has two columns, the sheet accordingly has four).<P>1. Zera\'im, "Seeds":<P>(1) Berakhoth, "Benedictions": "Hear, O Israel" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',6,4);">De 6:4</a>, shema\'); the 18 benedictions, grace at meals, and other prayers.<P>(2) Pe\'ah, "Corner" of the field (<a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',19,9);">Le 19:9</a>f; <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',24,19);">De 24:19</a>).<P>(3) Dema\'i, "Doubtful" fruits (grain, etc.) of which it is uncertain whether the duty for the priests and, in the fixed years, the 2nd tithe have been paid.<P>(4) Kil\'ayim, "Heterogeneous," two kinds, forbidden mixtures (<a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',19,19);">Le 19:19</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',22,9);">De 22:9</a>).<P>(5) Shebhi\'ith, "Seventh Year," Sabbatical year (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',23,11);">Ex 23:11</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',25,1);">Le 25:1</a>); Shemiqqah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',15,1);">De 15:1</a>).<P>(6) Terumoth, "Heave Offerings" for the priests (<a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',18,8);">Nu 18:8</a>ff; <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',18,4);">De 18:4</a>).<P>(7) Ma\'aseroth or Ma\'aser ri\'shon, "First Tithe" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',18,21);">Nu 18:21</a>).<P>(8) Ma\'aser sheni, "Second Tithe" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',14,22);">De 14:22</a>).<P>(9) Challah, (offering of a part of the) "Dough" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',15,18);">Nu 15:18</a>).<P>(10) \'Orlah, "Foreskin" of fruit trees during the first three years (<a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',19,23);">Le 19:23</a>).<P>(11) Bikkurim, "First-Fruits" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',26,1);">De 26:1</a>ff; <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',23,19);">Ex 23:19</a>).<P>2. Mo\'edh, "Feasts":<P>(1) Shabbath (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',20,10);">Ex 20:10</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',23,12);">23:12</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',5,14);">De 5:14</a>).<P>(2) \'Erubhin, "Mixtures," i.e. ideal combination of localities with the purpose of facilitating the observance of the Sabbatical laws.<P>(3) Pesachim, "Passover" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',12,\'1-\');">Ex 12</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',23,5);">Le 23:5</a>ff; <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',28,16);">Nu 28:16</a>ff; <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',16,1);">De 16:1</a>); <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',9,\'1-\');">Numbers 9</a>, the Second Passover (<a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',9,10);">Nu 9:10</a>). (4) Sheqalim, "Shekels" for the Temple (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',10,33);">Ne 10:33</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',30,12);">Ex 30:12</a>ff).<P>(5) Yoma\', "The Day" of Atonement (<a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',16,\'1-\');">Le 16</a>).<P>(6) Cukkah, "Booth," Feast of Tabernacles (<a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',23,34);">Le 23:34</a>ff; <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',29,12);">Nu 29:12</a>ff; <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',16,13);">De 16:13</a>).<P>(7) Betsah, "Egg" (first word of the treatise) or Yom Tobh, "Feast," on the difference between the Sabbath and festivals (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',12,10);">Ex 12:10</a>).<P>(8) Ro\'sh ha-shanah, "New Year," first day of the month Tishri (<a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',23,24);">Le 23:24</a>f; <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',29,1);">Nu 29:1</a>).<P>(9) Ta\'anith, "Fasting."<P>(10) Meghillah, "The Roll" of Esther, Purim (<a onClick="return mV(\'Est\',9,28);">Es 9:28</a>).<P>(11) Mo\'edh qatan, "Minor Feast," or Mashqin, "They irrigate" (first word of the treatise), the days between the first day and the last day of the feast of Passover, and likewise of Tabernacles.<P>(12) Chaghighah, "Feast Offering," statutes relating to the three feasts of pilgrimage (Passover, Weeks, Tabernacles); compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',16,16);">De 16:16</a> f.<P>3. Nashim, "Women":<P>(1) Yebhamoth, "Sisters-in-Law" (perhaps better, Yebhamuth, Levirate marriage; <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',25,5);">De 25:5</a>ff; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Rth\',4,5);">Ru 4:5</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',22,24);">Mt 22:24</a>).<P>(2) Kethubhoth, "Marriage Deeds."<P>(3) Nedharim, "Vows," and their annulment (<a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',30,\'1-\');">Nu 30</a>).<P>(4) Nazir, "Nazirite" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',6,\'1-\');">Nu 6</a>).<P>(5) Gittin, "Letters of Divorce" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',24,1);">De 24:1</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',5,31);">Mt 5:31</a>).<P>(6) Cotah, "The Suspected Woman" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',5,11);">Nu 5:11</a>).<P>(7) Qiddushin, "Betrothals."<P>4. Nezikin, "Damages":<P>(1) (2) and (3) Babha\' qamma\', Babha\' metsi\'a\', Babha\' bathra\', "The First Gate," "The Second Gate," "The Last Gate," were in ancient times only one treatise called Neziqin: (a) Damages and injuries and the responsibility; (b) and (c) right of possession.<P>(4) and (5) Sanhedhrin, "Court of Justice," and Makkoth "Stripes" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',25,1);">De 25:1</a>ff; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',11,24);">1Co 11:24</a>). In ancient times only one treatise; criminal law and criminal proceedings.<P>(6) Shebhu\'oth, "Oaths" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',5,1);">Le 5:1</a>ff).<P>(7) \'Edhuyoth, "Attestations" of later teachers as to the opinions of former authorities.<P>(8) \'Abhodhah zarah, "Idolatry," commerce and intercourse with idolaters.<P>(9) \'Abhoth, (sayings of the) "Fathers"; sayings of the Tanna\'im.<P>(10) Horayoth, (erroneous) "Decisions," and the sin offering to be brought in such a case (<a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',4,13);">Le 4:13</a>ff).<P>5. Qodhashim, "Sacred Things":<P>(1) Zebhahim, "Sacrifices" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',1,\'1-\');">Le 1</a>ff).<P>(2) Menachoth, "Meal Offerings" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',2,5,11);">Le 2:5,11</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',6,7);">6:7</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',5,15);">Nu 5:15</a>, etc.).<P>(3) Chullin, "Common Things," things non-sacred; slaughtering of animals and birds for ordinary use.<P>(4) Bekhoroth, "The Firstborn" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',13,2,12);">Ex 13:2,12</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',27,26,32);">Le 27:26,32</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',8,6);">Nu 8:6</a>, etc.).<P>(5) \'Arakhin, "Estimates," "Valuations" of persons and things dedicated to God (<a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',27,2);">Le 27:2</a>).<P>(6) Temurah, "Substitution" of a common (non-sacred) thing for a sacred one (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',27,10,33);">Le 27:10,33</a>).<P>(7) Kerithoth, "Excisions," the punishment of being cut off from Israel (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',17,14);">Ge 17:14</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',12,15);">Ex 12:15</a>, etc.).<P>(8) Me\'ilah, "Unfaithfulness," as to sacred things, embezzlement (<a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',5,6);">Nu 5:6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',5,15);">Le 5:15</a>).<P>(9) Tamidh, "The Daily Morning and Evening Sacrifice" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',29,38);">Ex 29:38</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',28,3);">Nu 28:3</A>).<P>(10) Middoth, "Measurements" of the Temple.<P>(11) Qinnim, "Nests," the offering of two turtle-doves or two young pigeons (<a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',1,14);">Le 1:14</a>ff; <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',5,1);">5:1</a>ff; <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',12,8);">12:8</a>).<P>6. Teharoth, "Clean Things":<P>This title is used euphemistically for "unclean things":<P>(1) Kelim, "Vessels" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',6,20);">Le 6:20</a>f; <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',11,32);">11:32</a>ff; <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',19,14);">Nu 19:14</a>ff; <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',31,20);">31:20</a>).<P>(2) \'Oholoth, "Tents," the impurity originating with a corpse or a part of it (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',19,14);">Nu 19:14</a>).<P>(3) Negha\'im, "Leprosy" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',13,\'1-\');">Le 13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',14,\'1-\');">14</a>).<P>(4) Parah, "Red Heifer"; its ashes used for the purpose of purification (<a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',19,2);">Nu 19:2</a>).<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=HEIFER,+RED">HEIFER, RED</A>.<P>(5) Teharoth, "Clean Things," euphemistically for defilements.<P>(6) Mikwa\'oth, "Diving-Baths" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',15,12);">Le 15:12</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',31,33);">Nu 31:33</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',14,8);">Le 14:8</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',15,5);">15:5</a>ff; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',7,4);">Mr 7:4</a>).<P>(7) Niddah, "The Menstruous" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',15,19);">Le 15:19</a>ff; <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',12,\'1-\');">12</a>).<P>(8) Makhshirin, "Preparers," or Mashqin, "Fluids" (first word of the treatise). Seven liquids (wine, honey, oil, milk, dew, blood, water) which tend to cause grain, etc., to become defiled (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',11,34,37);">Le 11:34,37</a>f) .<P>(9) Zabhim, "Persons Having an Issue," flux (<a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',15,\'1-\');">Le 15</a>).<P>(10) Tebhul yom, "A Person Who Has Taken the Ritual Bath during the Day," and is unclean until sunset (<a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',15,5);">Le 15:5</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',22,6);">22:6</a>f).<P>(11) Yadhayim, "Hands," the ritual impurity of hands and their purification (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',15,2,20);">Mt 15:2,20</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',7,22);">Mr 7:22</a>ff).<P>(12) \'Uqtsin, "Stalks," the conveyance of ritual impurity by means of the stalks and hulls of plants.<P>V. The Palestinian Talmud.<P>Another name, Talmudh Yerushalmi ("Jerusalem Talmud"), is also old, but not accurate. The Palestinian Talmud gives the discussions of the Palestinian Amoraim, teaching from the 3rd century AD until the beginning of the 5th, especially in the schools or academies of Tiberias, Caesarea and Sepphoris. The editions and the Leyden manuscript (in the other manuscripts there are but few treatises) contain only the four cedharim i-iv and a part of Niddah. We do not know whether the other treatises had at any time a Palestinian Gemara. "The Mishna on which the Palestinian Talmud rests" is said to be found in the manuscript Add. 470,1 of the University Library, Cambridge, England (ed W.H. Lowe, 1883). The treatises \'Edhuyoth and \'Abhoth have no Gemara in the Palestinian Talmud or in the Babylonian.<P>Some of the most famous Palestinian Amoraim may be mentioned here (compare Introduction, 99ff): 1st generation: Chanina bar Chama, Jannai, Jonathan, Osha\'ya, the Haggadist Joshua ben Levi; 2nd generation: Jochnnan bar Nappacha, Simeon ben Lackish; 3rd generation: Samuel bar Nachman, Levi, Eliezer ben Pedath, Abbahu, Ze\'ira (i); 4th generation: Jeremiah, Acha\', Abin (i), Judah, Huna; 5th generation: Jonah, Phinehas, Berechiah, Jose bar Abin, Mani (ii), Tanhuma\'.<P>VI. The Babylonian Talmud.<P>The Babylonian Talmud is later and more voluminous than the Palestinian Talmud, and is a higher authority for the Jews. In the first cedher only Berakhoth has a Gemara; Sheqalim in the 2nd cedher has in the manuscripts and in the editions the Palestinian Gemara; Middoth and Qinnim in the 5th cedher have no Babylonian Gemara. The greatest Jewish academies in Babylonia were in Nehardea, Cura, Pumbeditha and Mahuza.<P>Among the greatest Babylonian Amoraim are the following (compare Introduction, 99ff): 1st generation: Abba Arikha or, shortly, Rab in Cura (died 247 AD). Mar Samuel in Nehardea (died 254 AD). 2nd generation: Rab Huna, Rab Judah (bar Ezekiel). 3rd generation: Rab Chisda, Rab Shesheth, Rab Nachman (bar Jacob), Rabbah bar Chana, the story-teller, Rabbah bar Nahmai, Rab Joseph (died 323 AD). 4th generation: Abaye, Raba\' (bar Joseph). 5th generation: Rab Papa. 6th generation: Amemar, Rab Ashi.<P>VII. The Non-canonical Little Treatises and the Tocephta\'.<P>In the editions of the Babylonian Talmud after the 4th cedher we find some treatises which, as they are not without some interest, we shall not pass over in silence, though they do not belong to the Talmud itself (compare Introduction, 69ff).<P>1. Treatises after the 4th Cedher:<P>(1) \'Abhoth deRabbi Nathan, an expansion of the treatise \'Abhoth, edition. S. Schechter, Vienna, 1887.<P>(2) Copherim, edition Joe Muller, Leipzig, 1878.<P>(3) \'Ebhel Rabbathi, "Mourning," or, euphemistically, Semachoth, "Joys."<P>(4) Kallah, "Bride."<P>(5) Derekh \'erets, "Way of the World," i.e. Deportment; Rabba\' and Zuta\', "Large" and "Small."<P>2. Seven Little Treatises:<P>Septem Libri Talmudici parvi Hierolymitani, edition. R. Kirchheim, Frankfurt a. Main, 1851: Cepher Torah, Mezuzah, Tephillin, Tsitsith, \'Abhadhim, Kuthim (Samaritans), Gerim (Proselytes).<P>The Tocephta\', a work parallel to Rabbi\'s Mishna, is said to represent the views of R. Nehemiah, disciple of R. Aqiba, edition. M. S. Zuckermandel, Posewalk, 1880. Zuckermandel tries to show that the Tocephta\' contains the remains of the old Palestinian Mishna, and that the work commonly called Mishna is the product of a new revision in Babylonia (compare his Tosephta, Mischna und Boraitha in ihrem Verhaltnis zu einander, 2 volumes, Frankfurt a. Main, 1908, 1909).<P>LITERATURE.<P>(1) Introductions:<P>Hermann L. Strack, Einleitung in d. Talmud, 4th edition, Leipzig,1908,in which other books on this subject are mentioned, pp. 139-44.<P>(2) Manuscripts (Introduction, 72-76):<P>There are manuscripts of the whole Mishna in Parma, in Budapest, and in Cambridge, England (the latter is published by W.H. Lowe, 1883). The only codex of the Palestinian Talmud is in Leyden; Louis Ginsberg, Yerushalmi Fragments from the Genizah, volume I, text with various readings from the editio princeps, New York, 1909 (372 pp., 4to). The only codex of the Babylonian Talmud was published whole in 1912 by the present writer: Talmud Babylonian codicis Hebrew Monacensis 95 phototypice depictum, Leyden (1140 plates, royal folio). On the manuscripts in the Vatican see S. Ochser, ZDMG,1909,365-93,126, 822 f.<P>(3) Editions (Introduction, 76-81):<P>(a) Mishna, editio princeps, Naples,1492,folio, with the commentary of Moses Maimonides; Riva di Trento,1559,folio, contains also the commentary of Obadiah di Bertinoro. The new edition printed in Wilna contains a great number of commentaries<P>(b) Palestinian Talmud, editio princeps, Venice, 1523f; folio; Cracow,1609,folio. Of a new edition begun by Asia Minor Luncz, Jerusalem, 1908ff, two books, Berakhoth and Pe\'ah, are already published. Another new critical edition, with German translation and notes, was begun in 1912 by G. Beer and O. Holtzman (Die Mischna, Giessen). Compare also B. Ratner, Ahabath Tsijjon Wirushalayim, Varianten und Erganzungen des Jerusalem Talmuds, Wilna, 1901ff.<P>(c) Babylonian Talmud, editio princeps, Venice, 1520-23. The edition, Bale, 1578-81, is badly disfigured by the censorship of Marcus Marinus, Amsterdam, 1644-48, Berlin 1862-66. Compare R. Rabbinowicz, Variae Lectiones in Mishna et in Talmud Babylonicum, Munich, 1868-86, Przemysl, 1897 (the cedharim 3, 6 and 5 in part are missing).<P>(4) Translations:<P>E. Bischoff, Krit. Geschichte d. Tal-mudubersetzungen, Frankfurt a. Main, 1899.<P>(a) Mishna, Latin: Gull. Surenhusius, Amsterdam, 1698-1703 (contains also a translation of Maimonides and Obadiah di Bertinoro); German.: J.J. Rabe, Onolzbach, 1760ff; A. Saminter, D. Hoffmann and others, Berlin, 1887ff (not yet complete); English: De Sola and Raphall, 18 Treatises from the Mishna, London, 1843; Josephus Barclay, The Talmud, a Translation of 18 Treatises, London, 1878 (but 7 treatises also in De Sola and Raphall; Fiebig, Ausgewahlte Mischnatractate, Tubingen, 1905ff (annotated German translation).<P>(b) Palestinian Talmud, Latin: 20 treatises in B. Ugolini, Thesaurus antiquitatum sacrarum, volumes XVII-XXX, Venice, 1755ff. French: M. Schwab, Paris, 1878-89 (in 1890 appeared a 2nd edition of volume I).<P>(c) Babylonian Talmud, German.: L. Goldschmidt, Berlin (Leipzig), 1897ff; gives also the text of the 1st Venetian edition and some variant readings (cedharim 1,2,and 4 are complete); A. Wunsche, Der Babylonian Talmud in seinen haggadischen Bestandteilen ubersetzt, Leipzig, 1886-89. English: M.L. Rodkinson, New Edition of the Babylonian Talmud...Translated into English, New York, 1896ff (is rather an abridgment (unreliable)).<P>(5) Commentaries (Introduction, 146-51):<P>(a) Mishna:<P>Moses Maimonides (1135-1204), Obadiah di Bertinoro (died 1510), Yom-Tobh Lipmann Heller (1579-1654), Israel Lipschutz.<P>(b) Babylonian Talmud:<P>Rashi or Solomon Yitschaqi (died 1105); The Tosaphoth (see L. Zunz, Zur Geschichte und Literatur, Berlin, 1845, 29-60); Menahem ben Solomon or Me\'-iri (1249-1306); Solomon Luria (died 1573), commonly called Maharshal; Bezaleel Ashkenazi (16th century), author of the Shittah Mequbbetseth; Samuel Edels (1559-1631) or Maharsha\'; Meir Lublin (died 1616); Elijah Wilna (died 1797); Aqiba Eger (died 1837).<P>(6) Single Treatises (Compare Introduction, 151-55):<P>(a) Mishna:<P>The present writer is publishing: Ausgewahlte Misnatraktate, nach Handschriften und alten Drucken (Text vokalisiert, Vokabular), ubersetzt und mit Berucksichtigung des Neuen Testaments erlautert, Leipzig (J. C. Hinrichs); Yoma\', 3rd edition,1912,\'Abhodhah Zarah, 2nd edition,1909,Pirqe \'Abhoth, 4th edition,1914,Shabbath, 2nd edition,1914,Sanhedhrin, Makkoth,1910,Pecachim 1911, Berakhoth, 1914. This series is to be continued (H. Laible, e.g., is writing Nedharim); Ch. Taylor, Sayings of the Jewish Fathers, in Hebrew and English, 2nd edition, Cambridge, 1897; W. A. L. Elmslie, The Mishna on Idolatry, with Translation, Cambridge, 1911.<P>(b) Gemara, Berakhoth, German:<P>E. M. Pinner, Berlin,1842,fol; Pe\'ah (Palestintan Talmud), German.: J. J. Rabe, Ansbach, 1781; Cukkah, Latin: F. B. Dachs, Utrecht,1726,4to; Ro\'sh ha-shanah, German: M. Rawicz, Frankfurt a. Main, 1886; Ta\'anith German.: Straschun Halle, 1883; Chaghighah, English: A. W. Streane Cambridge, 1891; Kethubhoth, German: M. Rawicz, 1891; Cotah, Latin: J. Chr. Wagenseil, Altdorf, 1674-78; Babha\' Metsi\'a\', German: A. Sammter, Berlin, 1876, fol; Sanhedhrin, Latin: Ugolini, Thesaurus, volume XXV, German.: M. Rawicz, 1892; \'Abhodhah Zarah, German: F. Chr. Ewald, Nurnberg, 1856; Zebhachin and Menachoth, Latin: Ugolini, Thesaurus, volume XIX; Hullin, German: M. Rawicz, Offenburg, 1908; Tamidh, Latin: Ugolini, Thesaurus, Vol XIX.<P>(7) Helps for the Grammatical Understanding (Introduction, 155-58):<P>(a) Mishna:<P>M. H. Segal, "Misnaic Hebrew," JQR,1908,647-737; K. Albrecht, Grammatik des Neuhebraischen (Sprache der Mishna), Munich, 1913;<P>(b) Talmud:<P>J. Levy, Neuhebr. und chald. Worterbuch, Leipzig, 1876-89; M. Jastrow, Dictionary of the...Talmud Babylonian and Yerushalmi, New York, 1886-1903; W. Bacher, Die Terminologie der jud. Traditionsliteratur, Leipzig, 1905; G. Dalman, Grammatik des judischpalastin. Aramaisch, 2nd edition, Leipzig, 1905; C. Levias, Grammar of the Aramaic Idiom Contained in the Babylonian Talmud, Cincinnati, 1900; Max L. Margolis, Grammar of the Aramaic Language of the Babylonian Talmud with a Chrestomathy, Munich, 1909.<P>(8) The Haggadah (Introduction, 159-62):<P>The Haggadic elements of the Palestinian Talmud are collected by Samuel Jaffe in Yepheh Mar\'eh, Constantinople,1587,etc., those of the Babylonian by Jacob ibn Chabib in \'En Ya\'aqobh, Saloniki, about 1516, etc.; W. Bacher, Die Agada der Tannaiten, 2 volumes, Strassburg,1884,1890 (1st volume, 2nd edition, 1903); Die A. der babylon. Amoraer, 1878; Die A. der palastinensischen Amoraer, 1892-99, 3 volumes; P. T. Hershon, A Talmudic Miscellany or 1001 Extracts, London, 1880; Treasures of the Talmud, London, 1882.<P>(9) Theology (Introduction, 162-65):<P>F. Weber, Judische Theologie, 2nd edition, Leipzig, 1897; J. Klausner, Die messianischen Vorstellungen des jud. Volkes im Zeitalter der Tannaiten, Berlin, 1904; R.T. Herford, Christianity in Talmud and Midrash, London, 1903; H.L. Strack, Jesus, die Haretiker und die Christen nach den altesten jud. Angaben (texts, translation, commentary), Leipzig, 1910; L. Blau, Das altjudische Zauberwesen, Budapest, 1898; M. Lazarus, Die Ethik des Judentums, 2 volumes, Frankfurt a. Main,1898,1911.<P>(10) The Talmud and the Old Testament (Introduction, 167f):<P>G. Aicher, Das Altes Testament in der Mischna, Freiburg i. Baden, 1906; V. Aptowitzer, Das Schriftwort in der rabbin. Literatur, 4 parts, Wien, 1906-11 (to be continued; various readings in the quotations); P.T. Hershon, Genesis, with a Talmudical Commentary, London, 1883.<P>(11) The Talmud and the New Testament (Introduction, 165-67):<P>Joh. Lightfoot, Horae hebraicae et talmudicae, edition Leusden, 2 volumes, fol T, Franeker, 1699; Chr. Schottgen, Horae hebraicae et talmudicae in universum Novum Test., 2 volumes, 4to, Dresden, 1733; Franz Delitzsch, "Horae hebraicae et talmudicae," in Zeitschrift fur die gesammte luther. Theologie u. Kirche, 1876-78; Aug. Wunsche, Neue Beitrage zur Erlauterung der Evangelien aus Talmud und Midrash, Goettingen, 1878; Th. Robinson, The Evangelists and the Mishna, London, 1859; W.H. Bennett, The Mishna as Illustrating the Gospels, Cambridge, 1884; Erich Bischoff, Jesus und die Rabbinen, Jesu Bergpredigt und "Himmelreich" in ihrer Unabhangigkeit vom Rabbinismus, Leipzig, 1905.<P>(12) Jurisprudence (Introduction, 169-71):<P>J. L. Saalschtitz, Das Mosaische Recht, 2nd edition, Berlin, 1853; Josephus Kohler, "Darstellung des talludischen Rechts," in Zeitschrift fur vergleichende Rechtswissenschaft,1908,161-264; Z. Frankel, Der gerichtliche Beweis nach mosaisch-talmud. Rechte, Berlin, 1846; P.B. Benny, The Criminal Code of the Jews, London, 1880; S. Mendelsohn, The Criminal Jurisprudence of the Ancient Hebrews, Baltimore, 1891; H.B. Fassel, Das mosaisch-rabbinische Civilrecht, Gross-Kanischa, 2 volumes, 1852-54; Das mos.-rabb. Gerichtsverfahren in civilrechtl. Sachen, 1859; M. Mielziner, The Jewish Law of Marriage and Divorce, Cincinnati, 1884; D.W. Amram, The Jewish Law of Divorce, Philadelphia, 1896; M. Rapaport, Der Talmud und sein Recht, Berlin, 1912.<P>(13) History (Introduction, 171f):<P>J. Derenbourg, Histoire de la Palestine depuis Cyrus jusqu\'a Adrien, Paris, 1867; L. Herzfeld, Handelsgeschichte der Juden des Altertums, 2nd edition, Braunschweig, 1894; A. Buchler, The Political and the Social Leaders of the Jewish Community of Sepphoris, London, 1909; S. Funk, Die Juden in Babylonien 200-500, 2 volumes, Berlin,1902,1908.<P>(14) Medical Science (Intro, 173):<P>Jul. Preuss, Biblisch-talmudische Medizin, Berlin, 1911 (735 pp.); L. Kotelmann, Die Ophthalmologie bei den alten Hebraern, Hamburg, 1910 (436 pp.).<P>(15) Archaeology:<P>Sam. Krauss, Talmudische Archaologic, 3 volumes, Leipzig, 1910-1912.``166';
isbe[8602]='Talsas`tal\'-sas (Codex Alexandrinus Saloas, Codex Vaticanus Zalthas; the Revised Version (British and American) "Saloas"): In 1Esdras 9:22 the King James Version = "Elasha" of <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',10,22);">Ezr 10:22</a>.``1';
isbe[8603]='Tamah`ta\'-ma.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TEMAH">TEMAH</a>`1';
isbe[8604]='Tamar (1)`ta\'-mar (tamar, "palm"; Codex Vaticanus Themar; Codex Alexandrinus Thamar (so Codex Vaticanus in Genesis)):<P>(1) The wife of Er, the oldest son of Judah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',38,6);">Ge 38:6</a>). Upon her husband\'s death under the displeasure of Yahweh, his brother Onan ought to have performed the husband\'s part, but he evaded his duty in this respect, and likewise perished. Shelah, the next brother, was promised to her, but not given. This led Tamar to the extraordinary course narrated in <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',38,13);">Ge 38:13</a>ff, on which see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=JUDAH">JUDAH</a>. By her father-in-law she became the mother of Perez and Zerah (the King James Version "Pharez and Zarah"). Judah, who at first condemned her to be burned (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',38,24);">Ge 38:24</a>), was compelled to vindicate her (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',38,25,26);">Ge 38:25,26</a>). Through Perez she became an ancestress of Jesus (Thamar, <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',1,3);">Mt 1:3</a>).<P>(2) A daughter of David and sister of Absalom (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',13,1);">2Sa 13:1</a>). Her beauty inflamed her half-brother Amnon with passion, and by stratagem he forcibly violated her. This brought upon Amnon the terrible revenge of Absalom.<P>(3) A daughter of Absalom (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',14,27);">2Sa 14:27</a>).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ABSALOM">ABSALOM</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=AMNON">AMNON</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=MAACAH">MAACAH</a>`132';
isbe[8605]='Tamar (2)`(tamar, "palm tree"; Thaiman):<P>(1) This name occurs in Ezekiel\'s ideal delimitation of the territory to be occupied by Israel (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',47,19);">Eze 47:19</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',48,28);">48:28</a>). The Dead Sea is the eastern border; and the southern boundary runs from Tamar as far as the waters of Meriboth-kadesh to the Brook of Egypt and the Great Sea. The place therefore lay somewhere to the southwest of the Dead Sea. "Hazazon-tamar (the same is En-gedi)" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',20,2);">2Ch 20:2</a>) is of course out of the question, being much too far to the north. Eusebius (in Onomasticon) mentions Asasonthamar, with which Thamara was identified. This place was a village with fortress and Roman garrison, a day\'s journey from Mampsis on the way from Hebron to Elath. It is the Thamaro mentioned by Ptolemy (v.16, 8), as a military station on the road from Hebron to Petra. It is named also in the Peutinger Tables. Neither Mampsis nor Thamaro has been identified.<P>(2) Among the towns "built" or fortified by Solomon, named in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',9,18);">1Ki 9:18</a>, is Tamar (the Revised Version (British and American) following Kethibh), or Tadmor (the King James Version following Qere; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',8,4);">2Ch 8:4</a>). Gezer, Beth-horon and Baalath, named along with it, are all in Southern Palestine, while Tamar is described as in the wilderness in the land, pointing to the Negeb or to the Wilderness of Judah. It was probably intended to protect the road for trade from Ezion-geber to Jerusalem. We may with some confidence identify it with (1) above. It is interesting to note that the Chronicler (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',8,4);">2Ch 8:4</a>) takes it out of connection with the other cities (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',8,5);">2Ch 8:5</a>), and brings its building into relation with Solomon\'s conquest of Hamath-zobah. Clearly in his mind it denoted the great and beautiful city of Palmyra, which has so long been known as "Tadmor in the Wilderness."``54';
isbe[8606]='Tamarisk`tam\'-a-risk:<P>(1) \'eshel (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',21,33);">Ge 21:33</a>, the King James Version "grove," margin "tree"; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',22,6);">1Sa 22:6</a>, the King James Version "tree," margin "grove"; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',31,13);">1Sa 31:13</a>, the King James Version "tree"). The Revised Version (British and American) translation is due to the similarity of \'eshel to the Arabic \'athl, "the tamarisk."<P>(2) ar\'ar (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',17,6);">Jer 17:6</a> margin (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',48,6);">Jer 48:6</a>), English Versions of the Bible "<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=HEATH">heath</a>" (which see)).<P>The tamarisk (Tamarix, with various species in Palestine, chiefly T. Syriaca) is a very characteristic tree of Palestine, especially in the Maritime Plain, near the sea itself, and in the Jordan Valley. Eight species are described. They are characterized by their brittle, feathery branches and by their tiny scale-like leaves. Some varieties flourish not infrequently in salty soil unsuited to any ordinary vegetation.``117';
isbe[8607]='Tammuz`tam\'-uz, tam\'-mooz (tammuz; Thammouz):<P>(1) The name of a Phoenician deity, the Adonis of the Greeks. He was originally a Sumerian or Babylonian sun-god, called Dumuzu, the husband of Ishtar, who corresponds to Aphrodite of the Greeks. The worship of these deities was introduced into Syria in very early times under the designation of Tammuz and Astarte, and appears among the Greeks in the myth of Adonis and Aphrodite, who are identified with Osiris and Isis of the Egyptian pantheon, showing how widespread the cult became. The Babylonian myth represents Dumuzu, or Tammuz, as a beautiful shepherd slain by a wild boar, the symbol of winter. Ishtar long mourned for him and descended into the underworld to deliver him from the embrace of death (Frazer, Adonis, Attis and Osiris). This mourning for Tammuz was celebrated in Babylonia by women on the 2nd day of the 4th month, which thus acquired the name of Tammuz (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=CALENDAR">CALENDAR</A>). This custom of weeping for Tammuz is referred to in the Bible in the only passage where the name occurs (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',8,14);">Eze 8:14</a>). The chief seat of the cult in Syria was Gebal (modern Gebail, Greek Bublos) in Phoenicia, to the south of which the river Adonis (Nahr Ibrahim) has its mouth, and its source is the magnificent fountain of Apheca (modern \'Afqa), where was the celebrated temple of Venus or Aphrodite, the ruins of which still exist. The women of Gebal used to repair to this temple in midsummer to celebrate the death of Adonis or Tammuz, and there arose in connection with this celebration those licentious rites which rendered the cult so infamous that it was suppressed by Constantine the Great.<P>The name Adonis, by which this deity was known to the Greeks, is none other than the Phoenician \'Adhon, which is the same in Hebrew. His death is supposed to typify the long, dry summer of Syria and Palestine, when vegetation perishes, and his return to life the rainy season when the parched earth is revivified and is covered with luxuriant vegetation, or his death symbolizes the cold, rough winter, the boar of the myth, and his return the verdant spring.<P>Considering the disgraceful and licentious rites with which the cult was celebrated, it is no wonder that Ezekiel should have taken the vision of the women weeping for Tammuz in the temple as one of the greatest abominations that could defile the Holy House.<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ADONIS">ADONIS</a>.<P>(2) The fourth month of the Jewish year, corresponding to July. The name is derived from that of a Syrian god, identified with Adonis (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',8,14);">Eze 8:14</a>).<P>See above, and <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=UPPERCASE">CALENDAR.``138';
isbe[8608]='Tanach`ta\'-nak (ta\'nakh, ta\'andkh).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TAANACH">TAANACH</a>`1';
isbe[8609]='Tanhumeth`tan-hu\'-meth (tanchumeth): One of those who were left in Judah by Nebuchadnezzar under the governorship of Gedallah (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',25,23);">2Ki 25:23</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',40,8);">Jer 40:8</a>).``1';
isbe[8610]='Tanis`ta\'-nis (Tanis (Judith 1:10)).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ZOAN">ZOAN</a>`1';
isbe[8611]='Tanner`tan\'-er (burseus, from bursa "a hide"): The only references to a tanner are in <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',9,43);">Ac 9:43</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',10,6,32);">10:6,32</a>. The Jews looked upon tanning as an undesirable occupation and well they might, for at best it was accompanied with unpleasant odors and unattractive sights, if not even ceremonially unclean. We can imagine that Simon the tanner found among the disciples of Jesus a fellowship which had been denied him before. Peter made the way still easier for Simon by choosing his house as his abode while staying in Joppa. Simon\'s house was by the seashore, as is true of the tanneries along the Syrian coast today, so that the foul-smelling liquors from the vats can be drawn off with the least nuisance, and so that the salt water may be easily accessible for washing the skins during the tanning process. These tanneries are very unpretentious affairs, usually consisting of one or two small rooms and a courtyard. Within are the vats made either of stone masonry, plastered within and without, or cut out of the solid rock. The sheep or goat skins are smeared on the flesh side with a paste of slaked lime and then folded up and allowed to stand until the hair loosens. The hair and fleshy matter are removed, the skins are plumped in lime, bated in a concoction first of dog dung and afterward in one of fermenting bran, in much the same way as in a modern tannery. The bated skins are tanned in sumach (Arabic summak), which is the common tanning material in Syria and Palestine. After drying, the leather is blackened on one side by rubbing on a solution made by boiling vinegar with old nails or pieces of copper, and the skin is finally given a dressing of olive oil. In the more modern tanneries degras is being imported for the currying processes. For dyeing the rams\' skins red (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',25,\'1-\');">Ex 25</a>) they rub on a solution of qermes (similar to cochineal; see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=DYEING">DYEING</a>), dry, oil, and polish with a smooth stone.<P>Pine bark is sometimes used for tanning in Lebanon. According to Wilkinson (Ancient Egypt, II, 186), the Arabs use the juice of a desert plant for dehairing and tanning skins. The skins for pouches are either tawed, i.e. tanned with a mineral salt like alum, or treated like parchment (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=PARCHMENT">PARCHMENT</A>). About Hebron oak branches, chopped into small chips, are used for tanning the leather bottles or water skins. In this case the hair is not removed. The tanning is accomplished, after removing the fleshy matter, by filling the skin with oak chips and water, tying up all openings in the skins, and allowing them to lie in the open on their "backs," with "legs" upright, for weeks. The field near Hebron where they arrange the bulging skins in orderly rows during the tanning process presents a weird sight. These are the bottles referred to in the King James Version (the Revised Version (British and American) "skins") (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',9,4,13);">Jos 9:4,13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Hsa\',7,5);">Ho 7:5</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',9,17);">Mt 9:17</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',2,22);">Mr 2:22</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',5,37);">Lu 5:37</a>).<P>Leather was probably used more extensively than any records show. We know that the Egyptians used leather for ornamental work. They understood the art of making stamped leather. The sculptures give us an idea of the methods used for making the leather into sandals, trimmings for chariots, coverings of chairs, decorations for harps, sarcophagi, etc. There are two Biblical references to leather, where leather girdles are mentioned (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',1,8);">2Ki 1:8</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',3,4);">Mt 3:4</a>).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=CRAFTS">CRAFTS</a>`133';
isbe[8612]='Tapestry`tap\'-es-tri (marebhaddim, from rabhadh, "to spread"): "Carpets of tapestry" are mentioned in <a onClick="return mV(\'Pro\',7,16);">Pr 7:16</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Pro\',31,22);">31:22</a>. We have no means of knowing just what form of weaving is here referred to.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=WEAVING">WEAVING</a>`1';
isbe[8613]='Taphath`ta\'-fath (taphath): Daughter of Solomon and wife of Ben-abinadab (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',4,11);">1Ki 4:11</a>).``1';
isbe[8614]='Taphon`ta\'-fon`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TEPHON">TEPHON</a>`1';
isbe[8615]='Tappuah (1)`tap\'-u-a, ta-pu\'-a (tappuach, "apple"):<P>(1) A royal city of the Canaanites, the king of which was slain by Joshua (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',12,17);">12:17</a>). It is named between Beth-el and Hepher, and may possibly be identical with the city named in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',16,8);">Jos 16:8</a>; see (3) below. There is nothing to guide us to a decision.<P>(2) (Omitted by Septuagint.) A city in the Shephelah of Judah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',15,34);">Jos 15:34</a>). It is named between Engannim and Enam in a group of cities that lay in the northwest of the territory of Judah. Tristram suggested identification with \'Artuf, about 1 1/2 miles southeast of Zorah. G.A. Smith places it in Wady el \'Afranj, possibly identifying it with Tuffuch, fully 4 miles west of Hebron. This position, however, is not in the Shephelah. The place probably represents "Beth-tappuah" of <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',15,53);">Jos 15:53</a>. No quite satisfactory identification has yet been suggested.<P>(3) A place on the border between Ephraim and Manasseh (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',16,8);">Jos 16:8</a>). "The land of Tappuah," i.e. the land adjoining the town, belonged to Manasseh, but the town itself belonged to Ephraim (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',17,8);">Jos 17:8</a>). En-tappuah was probably a neighboring spring. Tappuah was to the south of Michmethath, and the border ran from here westward to the brook Kanah. Some would place it at Khirbet \'Atuf, about 11 miles northeast of Nablus. More probably it should be sought to the southwest of the plain of Makhneh (Michmethath). It may be identical with Tephon, which, along with Timnath, Pharathon, and other cities, Bacchides fortified "with high walls and gates and bars" (1Macc 9:50). No identification is possible.``54';
isbe[8616]='Tappuah (2)`(Tappuach; Codex Vaticanus Thapous; Codex Alexandrinus Thaphphou; Lucian, Phethrouth): A "son" of Hebron (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',2,43);">1Ch 2:43</a>).``1';
isbe[8617]='Tarah`ta\'-ra, tar\'-a (<a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',33,27);">Nu 33:27</a>f the King James Version).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TERAH">TERAH</a>`1';
isbe[8618]='Taralah`tar\'-a-la (tar\'alah; Codex Vaticanus Thareela; Codex Alexandrinus Tharala): A town in the territory of Benjamin named between Irpeel and Zelah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',18,27);">Jos 18:27</a>). Eusebius, Onomasticon (s.v. "Therama") simply says it was in the tribe of Benjamin. In the times of Eusebius and Jerome, therefore, the site was already lost, and has not since been covered.``1';
isbe[8619]='Tarea`ta\'-re-a, ta-re\'-a (ta\'area\', a copyist\'s mistake (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',8,35);">1Ch 8:35</a>) for tacharea, "the shrewd one," in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',9,41);">1Ch 9:41</a>; Codex Vaticanus Theree; Codex Alexandrinus Tharee; Lucian, Tharaa; in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',9,41);">1Ch 9:41</a>, Codex Vaticanus Tharach; Codex Alexandrinus Thara; Lucian, Tharaa; see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TAHREA">TAHREA</A>): A descendant of Saul mentioned in a genealogy of Benjamin (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',9,41);">1Ch 9:41</a>).``1';
isbe[8620]='Tares`tarz (zizania (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',13,25);">Mt 13:25</a>), margin "darnel"): Zizania is equivalent to Arabic zuwan, the name given to several varieties of darnel of which Lolium temulentum, the "bearded darnel," is the one most resembling wheat, and has been supposed to be degenerated wheat. On the near approach of harvest it is carefully weeded out from among the wheat by the women and children. Zuwan is commonly used as chickens\' food; it is not poisonous to human beings unless infected with the mold ergot.``1';
isbe[8621]='Target`tar\'-get.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=MARK">MARK</a>`1';
isbe[8622]='Targum`tar\'-gum (targum):<P>1. Meaning and Etymology of the Term<P>2. Origin of the Targums<P>3. Language of the Targums<P>4. Mode in Which the Targums Were Given<P>5. Date of the Targums<P>6. Characteristics of the Different Targums<P class="in15">(1) Onqelos<6F>the Man Characteristics of His Targum<P class="in15">(2) The Targum of Jonathan ben Uzziel on the Prophets<P class="in30">Characteristics of His Targum<75>Earlier Prophets; Later Prophets<P class="in15">(3) Hagiographa: Psalms, Job and Proverbs<P class="in30">(a) The Meghilloth<P class="in30">(b) Chronicles<P class="in15">(4) The Non-official Targums<6D>Jonathan ben Uzziel and the Pentateuch<P>7. Use of the Targums<P>LITERATURE<hr /><P>The Targums were explanations of the Hebrew Scriptures in Chaldaic (Western Aramaic) for the benefit of those Jews who had partially or completely ceased to understand the sacred tongue.<P>1. Meaning and Etymology of the Term:<P>By Gesenius the word methurgam, which occurs in <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',4,7);">Ezr 4:7</a>, is interpreted as derived from ragham, "to pile up stones," "to throw," hence, "to stone," and then "to translate," though no example is given. Jastrow derives it from the Assyrian r-g-m, "to speak aloud," an etymology which suits the origin of the Targums. It is unfortunate that he gives no reference to any Assyrian document.<P>The word turgamanu is found, e.g., in the Tell el-Amarna Letters (Berlin edition,21,1. 25, Knudtzon, 154), with the meaning "interpreter." It may, none the less, be of Aramaic origin. See Muss-Arnolt, Concise Dictionary of the Assyrian Language, 1191f; and the references there given.<P>The word is used as the Aramaic interpretation of shiggayon (<a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',7,1);">Ps 7:1</a>), a term the precise force of which is yet unfixed. From this ragham comes meturgheman, "an interpreter," and our modern "dragoman." Whatever the original meaning of the root, the word came to mean "to translate," "to explain."<P>2. Origin of the Targums:<P>At the time when Nebuchadnezzar carried the inhabitants of Jerusalem and Judah captive to the banks of the Tigris and the Euphrates, the language of everyday life in Assyria and Babylonia had ceased to be that which has come down to us in the cuneiform inscriptions, and had become Aramaic, the lingua franca of southwestern Asia. It was the language of diplomacy, of business and of social intercourse, and had long been so. Dwelling in the midst of those who used Aramaic alone, the Jews soon adopted it for every occasion save worship. In the family they might retain their mother tongue for a time, but this would yield at length to continuous pressure from without. In Palestine a similar process had been going on in the absence of the captives. Intruders from various neighboring peoples had pressed in to occupy the blanks left by the removal of the Jewish captives to Babylon. Although it is not recorded, it is not impossible that following the example of the Assyrians, Nebuchadnezzar may have sent into Judea compulsory colonists from other parts of his empire. The language common to all these, in addition to their native dialect, was Aramaic. The Jewish inhabitants that had been left in the land would, like their relatives in Babylonia, have become accustomed to the use of Aramaic, to the exclusion, more or less complete, of Hebrew. Another process had begun among the captives. Away from the site of their destroyed temple, the exiles did not, like those in Upper Egypt, erect another temple in which to offer sacrifices. Their worship began to consist in the study of the Law in common, in chanting of the Psalms and united prayers. This study of the Law implied that it should be understood. Though some form of synagogue worship was known in the times preceding the captivity under the direction probably of the prophets (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',4,23);">2Ki 4:23</a>), it must have become weak and ineffective. With the arrival of Ezra there was a revival of the study of the Law, and with that the necessity for the interpretation of it in language which the people could understand.<P>3. Language of the Targums:<P>From the facts above narrated, this language was of necessity Aramaic. There were, however, forces at work to modify the language. A translation is liable to be assimilated so far, to the language from which it is made. Thus there is a difference, subtle but observable, between the English of our the King James Version of the Bible and that of Shakespeare, Bacon, or even Hooker. Or, to take an example more cognate, if less accessible to the general reader, the difference may be seen if one compares the Syriac of the New Testament Peshitta with that of the Peshitta of the Old Testament. The Aramaic of the Targums is Western Aramaic, but it is Western Aramaic tinctured with Hebrew. The fact that the returned captives originally had spoken Hebrew would doubtless have its effect on their Aramaic. German in Jewish lips becomes Yiddish. One very marked feature is the presence of yath, the sign of the accusative translating the Hebrew \'eth, whereas in ordinary Aramaic, Eastern and Western, this is unused, except as supporting the oblique case of pronouns. Further, the intensive construction of infinitive with finite sense, so frequent in Hebrew, though little used in ordinary Aramaic, appears in the Targums wherever it occurs in the Hebrew text. As a negative characteristic there is to be noted the comparative rarity with which the emphatic repetition of the personal pronoun, so frequent in ordinary Aramaic, occurs in the Targumic.<P>4. Mode in Which the Targums Were Given:<P>The account given in Nehemiah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',8,8);">8:8</a>) of the reading of the Law to the people not only mentions that Ezra\'s helpers read "distinctly" (mephorash), but "gave the sense" (som sekhel) "and caused them to understand the reading," the King James Version (wayyabhinu ba-miqra\'). This threefold process implies more than merely distinct enunciation. If this passage is compared with <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',4,18);">Ezr 4:18</a> it would seem that mephorash ought to mean "interpreted." The most natural explanation is that alongside of the readers of the Law there were interpreters, meturghemanim, who repeated in Aramaic what had been read in Hebrew. What interval separated this public reading of the Law from the reading of the Law as a portion of synagogue worship we have no means of knowing. The probability is that in no long time the practice of reading the Law with an Aramaic interpretation was common in all Jewish synagogues. Elaborate rules are laid down in the Talmud for this interpretation; how far these were those actually used we cannot be absolutely certain. They at least represent the ideal to which after-generations imagined the originators of the practice aspired. The Law was read by the reader verse by verse, and each verse was followed by a recitation by the meturgheman of the Aramaic version. Three verses of the prophetic books were read before the Aramaic was recited. The Talmudists were particular that the reader should keep his eye on the roll from which he read, and that the meturgheman should always recite his version without looking at any writing, so that a distinction should be kept between the sacred word and the version. At first the Targum was not committed to writing, but was handed down by tradition from meturgheman to meturgheman. That of the Law became, however, as stereotyped as if it had been written. So to some extent was it with the Prophets and also the Psalms. The Targums of the rest of the Kethubhim seem to have been written from the beginning and read in private.<P>5. Date of the Targums:<P>We have assumed that the action of Ezra narrated in <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',8,8);">Ne 8:8</a> implied not only the reading of the Law, but also the interpretation of its language<67>its translation in fact from Hebrew to Aramaic, and that, further, this practice was ere long followed in all the synagogues in Judea. This view is maintained by Friedmann (Onkelos u. Akylas, 1896) and was that assumed to be correct by the Talmud. Dr. Dalman assures his readers that this is a mistake, but without assigning any reasons for his assertion. Dr. Dalman is a very great authority, but authority is not science, so we venture to maintain the older opinion. The fact is undeniable that, during the Persian domination all over southwestern Asia, Aramaic was the lingua franca, so much so that we see by the Assouan and Elephantine papyri the Jewish garrison at Assouan in Egypt wrote to their co- religionists in Judea, and to the Persian governors, in Aramaic. Moreover, there is no trace that they used any other tongue for marriage contracts or deeds of sale.<P>We may assume that in Judea the language commonly used in the 5th century BC was Aramaic. We may neglect then the position of Mr. Stenning (Enc Brit (11th edition), XXVI, 418b) that "probably as early as the 2nd century BC the people had adopted Aramaic." By that time Aramaic was giving place to Greek. His reason for rejecting the position above maintained is that the dates assigned by criticism to certain prophetic writings conflict with it<69>a mode of reasoning that seems to derive facts from theories, not theories from facts.<P>The fact that the necessity for translation into Aramaic existed in the Persian period implies the existence of the meturgheman and the targum. It is more difficult to know when these Targums were committed to writing. It is probable that the same movement, which led Jehudah ha-Nasi\' to commit to writing the decisions of the rabbis which form the Mishna, would lead to writing down the Targums<6D>that is to say late in the 2nd century of our era. Aramaic was disappearing in Palestine and the traditional renderings would be liable to be forgotten. Talmudic stories as to dates at which the various Targums were written down are absolutely valueless.<P>6. Characteristics of the Different Targums:<P>The Targums that require most to be considered are the official Targums, those that are given in the rabbinic Bibles in columns parallel with the columns of Hebrew. In addition, there is for the Law the Targum Yerushalmi, another recension of which is called Targum Yonathan ben Uzziel. The Book of Esther has two Targums. Besides these, Targums of doubtful value have been written by private individuals. Certain books have no official Targums: Daniel, Ezra, Nehemiah and Chronicles. The reason for this is supposed to be that in both Daniel and Ezra there are portions written in Aramaic. Nehemiah and Chronicles were regarded as forming one book with Ezra. A late Targum on Chronicles has been found and published separately. Some of the apocryphal additions to Esther appear in a late Targum to that book. The official Targums of the Law and the Prophets approach more nearly the character of translations, though even in them verses are at times explained rather than translated. The others are paraphrastic to a greater or less degree.<P>(1) Onqelos<6F>the Man.<P>This is the name given to the official Targum of the Pentatuech. The legend is that it was written by one Onqelos, a proselyte son of Kalonymus or Kalonikus, sister\'s son of Titus. He was associated with the second Gamaliel and is represented as being even more minutely punctilious in his piety than his friend. The legend goes on to say that, when he became a proselyte, his uncle sent company after company of soldiers to arrest him, but he converted them, one after another. It is at the same time extremely doubtful whether there ever was such a person, a view that is confirmed by the fact that legends almost identical are related of Aquila, the translator of the Hebrew Scriptures into Greek. The names are similar, and it may be are identical. While there may have been a person so named, the admission of this does not imply that he had any connection with the Targum of the Pentateuch named after him. Another explanation is that as the Greek version of Aquila was much praised by the Jews for its fastidious accuracy, and this Targum of the Law was credited with equally careful accuracy, so all that is meant is that it was regarded as a version which as accurately represented in Aramaic the Hebrew of the Law as did Aquila\'s Greek. The probability is that whoever it was who committed the Targum to writing did little or no actual translating. It might not be the work of one unassisted author; the reference to the guidance Onqelos is alleged to have received from the rabbis Eliezer and Joshua suggests this. Owing to the fact that the Law was read through in the course of a year in Babylonian (once in three years in Pal) and every portion interpreted verse by verse in Aramaic, as it was read, the very words of the traditional rendering would be remembered. This gives the language of the Targum an antique flavor which may be seen when it is compared with that of the Palestinian lectionary discovered by Mrs. Gibson and Mrs. Lewis. Especially is this observed when the renderings of the same passage are put in comparison. Both in vocabulary and grammar there is a difference; thus mar occurs for shalleT, and yath as the sign of the accusative has disappeared in the lectionary. An analogy may be seen in the antique flavor of the language of our English Bible, even in the Revised Version (British and American). If any credence were to be given to the traditional account of the alleged authors, the date of this Targum would be the end of the 1st century AD. But we have seen that it has been named Aquila and that the title means "as accurate as Aquila." He, however, lived in the beginning of the 2nd century. His Greek version must have already gained a reputation before the Aramaic Targum appeared. We cannot therefore date the actual committing of this Targum to writing earlier than late in the 2nd century, not improbably, as suggested above, contemporary with the writing down of the Mishna by Jehadah ha-Nasi\'.<P>Characteristics of His Targum:<P>The characteristics of this Targum are in general close adherence to the original, sometimes even to the extent of doing violence to the genius of the language into which it has been translated. One prominent example of this is the presence of yath as the sign of the accusative; and there is also the intensive construction of infinitive with finite tense. There is a tendency to insert something between God and His worshipper, as "mimera\' Yahweh" instead of simply "Yahweh." Where anthropomorphisms occur, an exact translation is not attempted, but the sense is represented in an abstract way, as in <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',11,5);">Ge 11:5</a>, where instead of "The Lord (YHWH) came down" there is "The Lord (yiya\') was revealed." At the same time there is not a total avoidance of paraphrase. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',4,7);">Ge 4:7</a> the Targum renders, "If thou doest thy work well, is it not remitted unto thee? if thou doest not thy work well, thy sin is reserved unto the day of judgment when it will be required of thee if thou do not repent, but if thou repent it shall be remitted to thee." It will be observed that the last clause of the Hebrew is omitted. So in <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',3,22);">Ge 3:22</a>, instead of "Man has become as one of us," Onqelos writes "Man has become alone in the world by himself to know good and evil.\' A more singular instance occurs in <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',27,13);">Ge 27:13</a>, where Rebekah answers Jacob, "Upon me be thy curse, my son"; in the Targum it is, "Unto me it hath been said in prophecy, there shall be no curse upon thee my son." Sometimes there is a mere explanatory expansion, as in <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',3,1);">Ex 3:1</a>, where instead of "the mount of God," Onqelos has "the mountain on which the glory of the Lord was revealed." In the mysterious passage, <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',4,\'24-26\');">Ex 4:24-26</a>, later Jewish usage is brought in to make an easy sense: "And it was on the way in the inn (house of rest) that the angel of the Lord met him and sought to slay him. And Zipporah took a flint knife and cut off the foreskin of her son and came near before him and said \'In the blood of this circumcision is the bridegroom given back to us,\' and when therefore he had desisted she said, \'Had it not been for the blood of this circumcision the bridegroom would have been condemned to die.\'" Here chathan ("bridegroom") is used according to later custom of the child to be circumcised. Sometimes reasons of propriety come in, as when the sin of Onan is described "corrupting his way on the earth. It is, however, in the poetical passages that the writer gives loose rein to paraphrase. As an example the blessing of Judah in Jacob\'s blessing of his sons may be given: "Judah, thou art praise and not shame; thee thy brethren shall praise. Thy hands shall be strong upon thine enemies, those that hate thee shall be scattered; they shall be turned back before thee; the sons of thy father shall come before thee with salutations. (Thy) rule shall be in the beginning, and in the end the kingdom shall be increased from the house of Judah, because from the judgment of death, my son, thy soul hast thou removed. He shall rest, he shall abide in strength, as a lion and as a lioness there is nothing may trouble him. The ruler shall not depart from the house of Judah nor the scribe from his son\'s sons for ever till the Messiah come whose is the kingdom and whom the heathen shall obey. Israel shall trade in his cities, the people shall build his temple, the saints shall be going about to him and shall be doers of the Law through his instruction. His raiment shall be goodly crimson; his clothing covering him, of wool dyed bright with colors. His mountains shall be red with his vineyards, his hills shall flow down with wine, and his valleys shall be white with corn and with flocks of sheep."<P>Committed to writing in Palestine, the Targum of Onqelos was sent to Babylon to get the imprimatur of the famous rabbis residing there. There are said to be traces in the language of a revision by the Babylonian teachers, but as this lies in the prevalence of certain words that are regarded as more naturally belonging to Eastern than Western Aramaic, it is too restrictedly technical to be discussed here. The result of the Babylonian sanction was the reception of this Targum as the official interpretation of the books of the Law. It seems probable that the mistake which led to its being attributed to Onqelos was made in Babylon where Aquila\'s Greek version was not known save by vague reputation.<P>(2) The Targum of Jonathan ben Uzziel on the Prophets.<P>This Jonathan, to whom the Targum on the Prophets is attributed, is declared to be one of the most distinguished pupils of Hillel. The prophetic section of the Bible according to the Jews contains, besides what we ordinarily reckon prophetic books, also all the earlier historical books except Ruth, which is placed among the Hagiographa. During the persecution of the Jews by Epiphanes, when the Law was forbidden to be read in the synagogue, portions of the Prophets were read instead. There was no attempt to read the whole of the Prophets thus, but very considerable portions were used in worship. This necessitated the presence of the meturgheman. If one might believe the Talmudic traditions, Jonathan\'s Targum was committed to writing before that of Onqelos. Jonathan is regarded as the contemporary of the first Gamaliel, whereas Onqelos is the friend of Aqiba, the contemporary of Hadrian. The tradition is that when he published his Targum of the Prophets, all Palestine was shaken, and a voice from heaven was heard demanding, "Who is this who revealeth my secrets to the sons of men?" As an example of the vagueness of Talmudic chronology, it may be mentioned that Jonathan was said to have made his Targum under the guidance of Haggai, Zechariah and Malachi. He is said to have desired to write a Targum of the Kethubhim, but was forbidden by a voice from heaven. The Targum of Job was skid to have been already written, but was buried by Gamaliel. It is said to have been exhumed and that the present Targum on that book is from Jonathan\'s hand. The tomb of Jonathan ben Uzziel is shown on the face of a hill to the north of Safed, Palestine.<P>Characteristics of His Targum<75>Earlier Prophets; Later Prophets<P>In the former Prophets<74>the historical books<6B>the style does not differ much from that of Onqelos. Occasionally there are readings followed which are not in the Massoretic Text, as <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',8,12);">Jos 8:12</a>, where the Targum has "the west side of Ai" instead of as in the Massoretic Text, "the west side of the city." Sometimes two readings are combined, as in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',8,16);">8:16</a>, where the Massoretic Text has "all the people which were in the city," the Targum adds "in Ai." Again, the Targum translates proper names, as, in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',7,5);">Jos 7:5</a>, "Shebarim" (shebharim) is rendered "till they were scattered." Such are the variations to be seen in the narrative portion of the Targum of the earlier Prophets. When, however, a poetical piece occurs, the writer at times gives rein to his imagination. Sometimes one verse is exceedingly paraphrastic and the next an accurate rendering without any addition. In the song of Deborah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',5,\'1-\');">Jud 5</a>) the 1st verse has only a little of paraphrase: "Then sang praises Deborah and Barak the son of Abinoam on account of the lifting up and deliverance which had been wrought in that day, saying ...." The verse which follows is very paraphrastic; instead of the 7 words of the verse in the Massoretic Text the Targum has 55. it is too long to quote in full, but it begins, "Because the house of Israel rebelled against His Law, the Gentiles came up upon them and disturbed their assemblies, and because they refused to obey the Law, their enemies prevailed against them and drove them from the borders of the land of Israel," and so on, Sisera and all his host being introduced. <a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',5,3);">Jud 5:3</a> reads thus, "Hear O kings who are with him, with Sisera for war, who obey the officers of Jabin the king of Canaan; with your might and your valor ye shall not prevail nor go up against Israel, said I Deborah in prophecy before the Lord. I will sing praise and bless before Yahweh the God of Israel."<P>The later prophets are more paraphrastic as a whole than the earlier, as having more passages with poetic metaphors in them<65>a fact that is made plain to anyone by the greater space occupied in the rabbinic Bibles by the Targums of the Prophets. A marked example of this tendency to amplify is to be found in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',10,11);">Jer 10:11</a>: "Thus shall ye say unto them, The gods that have not made the heavens and the earth, these shall perish from the earth, and from under the heavens." As this verse is in Aramaic it might have been thought that it would have been transferred to the Targum unchanged, but the Targumist has made of the 10 words of the original text 57. Sometimes these expansions may be much shorter than the above example, but are illuminative, showing the views held by the Jewish teachers. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',29,1);">Isa 29:1</a>, "Ho Ariel, Ariel, the city where David encamped!" the Targum has "Woe to the altar, the altar which David built in the city in which he dwelt." In this rendering we see the Jewish opinion that "Ariel," which means "lion of God," in this connection stood for the "altar" which David erected in Jerusalem. It seems unlikely that this whole Targum was the work of one writer, but the style gives little indication of difference. The paraphrase of the synagogal haphtaroth being traditional, the style of the person who committed it to writing had little scope. The language represents naturally an older stage of development than we find in the contemporary Christian lectionaries. As only portions of the Prophets were used in synagogue worship, only those portions would have a traditional rendering; but these fixed the style. In the Revised Version (British and American) of the Apocrypha the 70 verses which had been missing from 2Esdras 7 are translated in the style adopted by the translators under King James. It is impossible to fix the date at which the Targum of any of the prophetic books was written down. It is probable that it was little if at all after that of Onqelos. The completion of the paraphrases of the prophetic writings, of which only portions were used in the synagogue, seems to imply that there were readers of the Aramaic for whose benefit those Targums were made.<P>(3) Hagiographa: Psalms, Job and Proverbs<P>(a) The Meghilloth<P>The Targums of the third division of the Hebrew sacred writings, the Kethubhim (the Hagiographa), are ascribed to Joseph Caecus, but this is merely a name. There is no official Targum of any of the Hagiographa, and several of them, Daniel, Nehemiah and Ezra, as above noted, have no Targum at all. Those of the longer books of this class, Psalms, Proverbs and Job, are very much closer to the text than are the Targums of the Meghilloth. In the Psalms, the paraphrase is explanatory rather than simply expansive. Thus in <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',29,1);">Ps 29:1</a>, "ye sons of the mighty" is rendered "ye companies of angels, ye sons of the mighty." <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',23,\'1-\');">Ps 23</a> is further from the text, but it also is exegetic; instead of "Yahweh is my shepherd, I shall not want," the Targum reads, "The Lord nourished His people in the wilderness so that they lacked nothing." So the last clause of the last verse of this psalm is, "\'I shall indeed dwell in the house of the holiness of the Lord for the length of days." Another example of exegesis is <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',46,4);">Ps 46:4</a>, in which the "river whose streams make glad the city of our God" is explained as "the nations as rivers making glad the city of Yahweh." Much the same may be said of Job, so examples need not be given.<P>The Targum of Proverbs has been very much influenced by the Peshitta; it may be regarded as a Jewish recension of it. Those of the five Meghilloth, as they are called, So of Songs, Ruth, Lamentation, Ecclesiates, and Esther, are excessively paraphrastic. If one compare the space occupied by the text of Canticles and Proverbs, it will be found that the former occupies about one-sixth of the latter; if the Targums of the two books are compared in Lagarde\'s text, the Canticles are two-thirds of Proverbs. So Lamentations occupies in the Massoretic Text less than a quarter the space which Proverbs occupies; but the Targum of Lain is two-fifths the size of the Targum of Proverbs. Ruth has not suffered such a dilatation; in the text it is a fifth, in the Targum a fourth, the size of Proverbs. The expansion mainly occurs in the first verse in which ten different famines are described. Ecclesiates in the Massoretic Text uses about three-eighths of the space occupied by Proverbs. This is increased to five-sixths in the Targum. There are two Targums of Esther, the first about five-sixths the size of Proverbs, the second, nearly double. The text is under one-half. We subjoin the Targum of La 11 from Mr. Greenup\'s translation: Jeremiah the prophet and high priest said: "How is it decreed against Jerusalem and against her people that they should be condemned to exile and that lamentation should be made for them? How? Just as Adam and Eve were condemned who were ejected from the garden of Eden and over whom the Lord of the universe lamented. How? God the judge answers and speaks thus: \'Because of the multitude of the sins which were in the midst of her, therefore she will dwell alone as the man in whose flesh is the plague of leprosy dwells alone! And the city that was full of crowds and many people hath been deserted by them and become like a widow. And she that was exalted among the peoples and powerful among the provinces, to whom they paid tribute, hath been scattered abroad so as to be oppressed and to give tribute to them after this." This gives a sufficient example of the extent to which expansion can go. Verse 1 of Esther in the first Targum informs us that the cessation of the work of building the Temple was due to the advice of Vashti, and that she was the daughter of Evil-merodach, the son of Nebuchadnezzar, and a number of equally accurate pieces of information. Yet more extravagant is the 2nd Targum; it begins by asserting that there are ten great monarchs of whom Achhashverosh was the 6th, the Greek and Roman were the 7th and the 8th, Messiah the king the 9th, and the Almighty Himself the 10th. It evidently has no connection with the first Targum.<P>(b) Chronicles<P>The Targum of Chronicles, although late, is modeled on the Targums of Jonathan ben Uzziel. In cases where the narrative of Chronicles runs parallel with that of Samuel the resemblance is very great, even to verbal identity at times. The differences sometimes are worthy of note, as where in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',21,2);">1Ch 21:2</a>, instead of "Dan" the Targum has "Pameas" (Paneas), which affords an evidence of the lateness of this Targum. In the rabbinic Bible, Chronicles appear, as do Ezra, Nehemiah and Daniel, without a parallel Targum.<P>(4) The Non-official Targums<6D>Jonathan ben Uzziel and the Pentateuch<P>There is a Targum on the Pentateuch attributed to Jonathan ben Uzziel which is very paraphrastic. Fragments of another closely related Targum have been preserved, known as the Jerusalem Targum. In face the two may really be regarded as different recensions of the same Targum. It is supposed that some manuscript was denominated simply "the targum of J," which, really being the initial representing, "Jerusalem," was taken as representing Jonathan. At the end of each of the books of the Pentateuch is is stated that this Targum is the "targum Yerushalmi" Of the two the Yerushalmi is the longer. Both assert that five signs accompanied Jacob in his stay in Haran: the time was shortcried; the distance was shortened; the four stones for his pillow became one; his strength was increased so that with his own arm he moved the stone covering the well which it took all the shepherds to move; the water gushed from the well all the days he dwelt in Haran. But the narrative of ben Uzziel is expanded to nearly twice the length in the Yerushalmi. This Targum may be regarded as to some extent semi-official.<P>7. Use of the Targums:<P>As the Targums appear to have been committed to writing after the Massoretic Text was fixed, textual differences are few and unimportant. Kohn mentions that in a few cases Onqelos agrees with the Samaritan against the Massoretic Text; they are, however, few, and possibly may be explained by differences of idiom, though from the slavish way in which Onqelos follows the Hebrew text this is improbable. The Palestine Targum agrees with the Samaritan and the versions in adding "Let us go into the field" in <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',4,8);">Ge 4:8</a>. The main benefit received from the Targums is the knowledge of the views of the Jewish rabbis as to the meaning of certain passages Thus in <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',49,10);">Ge 49:10</a> there is no doubt in the mind of the Targumist that "Shiloh" refers to the Messiah. Some other cases have been noted above. The frequency with which the word of the Lord (mimera\' yeya\') is used in Onqelos as equivalent to YHWH, as <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',3,8);">Ge 3:8</a>, "They heard the voice of the word of the Lord God," mimera\' dheyeya\' \'Elohim, requires to be noted from its bearing on Christian theology. There is a peculiar usage in <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',15,1);">Ge 15:1</a>: YHWH says to Abraham, "Fear not, Abram, my word (mimera\') shall help thee." Pharaoh is represented as using this periphrasis: "The word of the Lord (mimera\' yeya\') be for your help when I send away you and your little ones" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',10,10);">Ex 10:10</a>). A striking use of this phrase is to be found in <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',33,27);">De 33:27</a>, where instead of "Underneath are the everlasting arms," we have "By His word the world was made." This is at once seen to resemble the usage of Philo and the apostle John. As the Targums had not been committed to writing during the lifetime of either of these writers, it might be maintained that the Targumists had been influenced by Philo. This, however, does not follow necessarily, as both apostle and philosopher would have heard the Targum of the Law recited Sabbath after Sabbath from their boyhood, and the phrase mimera\' yeya\' would remain in their memory. The Targums of the pseudo-Jonathan and that of Jerusalem have a yet more frequent use of the term. Edersheim has counted 176 occurrences of the phrase in Onqelos and 321 in that of the pseudo-Jonathan and in the fragments of the Yerushalmi 99. This is made the more striking by the fact that it rarely occurs in the rest of Scripture. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',1,2);">Am 1:2</a>, instead of "Yahweh...will utter his voice from Jerusalem," we have "From Jerusalem will He lift up His word" (memerih). The usual equivalent for the prophet\'s formula "the word of the Lord" is pithgam YHWH. An example of the usage before us may be found in <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',56,4,10);">Ps 56:4,10</a>: "In the righteousness of the judgment of God will I praise his word" (memerih). There was thus a preparation for the Christian doctrine of the Trinity imbedded in the most venerated Targum, that of the Law.<P>LITERATURE.<P>The text of the official Targums is to be found in every rabbinic Bible. Berliner has published a careful, vocalized edition of Onqelos. The Prophets and the Hagiographa have been edited by Lagarde, but unvocalized. For the language Peterrnann\'s grammar in the Porta Linguarum Orientalium is useful. Levy\'s Chaldaisches Woterbuch is very good. Jastrow\'s Diet. of the Targumim is invaluable. Brextorf\'s Lexicon Talmudicum supplies information not easily available elsewhere. The Targums on the Pentateuch have been translated by Etheridge. There is an extensive literature on this subject in German. In English the different Bible Dictionaries. may be consulted, especially McClintock, DB, HDB, EB, etc. The article in Encyclopedia Brit is worthy of study, as also naturally that in the Jewish Encyclopedia.``173';
isbe[8623]='Tarpelites`tar\'-pel-its (Tarpelaye\' (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',4,9);">Ezr 4:9</a>)): Various theories have been advanced as to the identity of the Tarpelites. Rawlinson suggested the Tuplai, which name appears in the inscriptions as equivalent to the Greek Tibarenoi, a tribe on the coast of Pontus. Hitzig located them in Tripolis in Northern Phoenicia. The latest theory emends the text to Tiphceraya\', "tablet-writers" (from the Assyrian dup sarru); compare Schrader, Schrader, The Cuneiform Inscriptions and the Old Testament, on <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',51,27);">Jer 51:27</a>.``1';
isbe[8624]='Tarshish`tar\'-shish (tarshish):<P>(1) Eponym of a Benjamite family (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',7,10);">1Ch 7:10</a>); Rhamessai, A and Lucian, Tharseis<P>(2) One of the "seven princes" at the court of Ahasuerus (<a onClick="return mV(\'Est\',1,14);">Es 1:14</a> Massoretic Text).<P>(3) The Hebrew name of a precious stone (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',10,9);">Eze 10:9</a> margin, English Versions of the Bible "beryl"; <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',28,20);">Ex 28:20</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',39,13);">39:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',1,16);">Eze 1:16</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',28,13);">28:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Sgs\',5,14);">So 5:14</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Dan\',10,6);">Da 10:6</a>).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=STONES,+PRECIOUS">STONES, PRECIOUS</a>`1';
isbe[8625]='Tarshish, Navy (Ships) of``<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=SHIPS+AND+BOATS">SHIPS AND BOATS</a>`1';
isbe[8626]='Tarsus`tar\'-sus (Tarsos, ethnic Tarseus): <P>1. Situation<P>2. Foundation Legends<P>3. Tarsus under Oriental Power<P>4. Tarsus under Greek Sway<P>5. Tarsus in the Roman Empire<P>6. The University<P>7. The Tarsian Constitution 8. Paul of Tarsus<P>9. Later History<P>LITERATURE<hr /><P>1. Situation:<P>The chief city of Cilicia, the southeastern portion of Asia Minor. It lay on both banks of the river Cydnus, in the midst of a fertile alluvial plain, some 10 miles from the seacoast. About 6 miles below the city the river broadened out into a considerable lake called Rhegma (Strabo xiv.672), which afforded a safe anchorage and was in great part fringed with quays and dockyards. The river itself, which flowed southward from the Taurus Mountains with a clear and swift stream, was navigable to light craft, and Cleopatra, when she visited Antony at Tarsus in 38 BC, was able to sail in her richly decorated barge into the very heart of the city (Plut. Ant. 26). The silting-up of the river\'s mouth seems to have resulted in frequent floods, against which the emperor Justinian (527-65 AD) attempted to provide by cutting a new channel, starting a short distance north of the city, to divert the surplus water into a watercourse which lay to the east of Tarsus. Gradually, however, the original bed was allowed to become choked, and now the Cydnus flows wholly through Justinian\'s channel and passes to the east of the modern town. Two miles north of Tarsus the plain gives way to low, undulating hills, which extend to the foothills of Taurus, the great mountain chain lying some 30 miles north of the city, which divides Cilicia from Lycaonia and Cappadocia. The actual frontier-line seems to have varied at different periods, but the natural boundary lies at the Cilician Gates, a narrow gorge which Tarsian enterprise and engineering skill had widened so as to make it a wagon road, the chief highway of communication and trade between Cilicia and the interior of Asia Minor and one of the most decisive factors in Anatolian history. Eastward from Tarsus ran an important road crossing the Sarus at Adana and the Pyramus at Mopsuestia; there it divided, one branch running southeastward by way of Issus to Antioch on the Orontes, while another turned slightly northward to Castabala, and thence ran due east to the passage of the Euphrates at Zeugma. Thus the fertility of its soil, the safety and convenience of its harbor and the command of the main line of communication between Anatolia and Syria or Mesopotamia combined to promote the greatness of Tarsus, though its position was neither a healthful or a strong one and the town had no acropolis.<P>2. Foundation Legends:<P>Of the foundation of the city various traditions were current in antiquity, and it is impossible to arrive any certain conclusion, for such foundation legends often reflected the sympathies and wishes of a city\'s later population rather than the historic facts of its origin. At Anchiale, about 12 miles southeast of Tarsus, was a monument commonly known as the tomb of Sardanapalus, king of Assyria, bearing an inscription "in Assyrian letters" stating that that monarch "built Anchiale and Tarsus in a single day" (Strabo xiv. 672; Arrian Anab. ii.5). The statement of Alexander Polyhistor, preserved by Eusebius (Chron. i, p. 27, ed Schoene), that Sennacherib, king of Nineveh (705-681 BC), rounded the city, also ascribes to it an Assyrian origin.<P>On the other hand, the Greeks had their own traditions, claiming Tarsus as a Greek or semi-Gr foundation. Strabo says that it owed its rise to the Argives who with Triptolemus wandered in search of Io (xiv.673), while others spoke of Heracles or Perseus as the founder. It must be admitted that these tales, taken by themselves, give us little aid.<P>3. Tarsus under Oriental Power:<P>Ramsay believes that Tarsus existed from time immemorial as a native Cilician settlement, to which was added, at some early date unknown to us, a body of Ionians, which migrated from the western coast of Asia Minor under the auspices and direction of the oracle of Clarian Apollo near Colophon. The earliest historical record of the town is found on the Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser, about 850 BC, where it figures among the places captured by that king. It is thus proved that Tarsus already existed at that remote date. For many centuries it remained an oriental rather than a Hellenic city, and its history is almost a blank. After the fall of the Assyrian empire, Cilicia may have regained its independence, at least partially, but it subsequently became a province of the Persian empire, paying to the Great King an annual tribute of 260 white horses and 500 talents of silver (Herodotus iii.90) and contributing considerable fleets, when required, to the Persian navy. From time to time we hear of rulers named Syennesis, who appear to have been vassal princes in a greater or less degree of dependence upon the oriental empires. Two clear glimpses of the city are afforded us, thanks to the passage through it of Hellenic troops engaged upon eastern expeditions. Xenophon (Anab. i.2, 21ff) tells how, in 40l BC, Cyrus the Younger entered Cilicia on his famous march against his brother Artaxerxes, and how some of his Greek mercenaries plundered Tarsus, which is described as a great and prosperous city, in which was the palace of King Syennesis. The king made an agreement with Cyrus, who, after a delay of 20 days, caused by the refusal of his troops to march farther, set out from Tarsus for the Euphrates. Again, in 333 BC, Alexander the Great passed through the Cilician Gates on his way to Issus, where he met and routed the Persian army under Darius III. Arsames, the satrap of Cilicia, failed to post a sufficient force at the pass, the garrison fled without resistance and Alexander thus entered the province without striking a blow. The Persians thereupon set fire to Tarsus, but the timely arrival of the Macedonian advance guard under Parmenio saved the city from destruction. A bath in the cold waters of the Cydnus which Alexander took while heated with his rapid advance brought on a fever which all but cost him his life (Arrian Anab. ii.4; Q. Curtius Hist. Alex. iii.4f) For two centuries Tarsus had been the capital of a Persian satrapy, subject to oriental rather than to Hellenic influence, though there was probably a Hellenic element in its population, and its trade brought it into touch with the Greeks. The Cilician coins struck at Tarsus confirm this view. Down to Alexander\'s conquest, they ordinarily bear Aramaic legends, and many of them show the effigy of Baal Tarz, the Lord of Tarsus; yet, these coins are clearly influenced by Greek types and workmanship.<P>4. Tarsus under Greek Sway:<P>Alexander\'s overthrow of the Persian power brought about a strong Hellenic reaction in southeastern Asia Minor and must have strengthened the Greek element in Tarsus, but more than a century and a half were to elapse before the city attained that civic autonomy which was the ideal and the boast of the Greek polis. After Alexander\'s death in 323 BC his vast empire was soon dismembered by the rivalries and wars of his powerful generals. Cilicia ultimately fell under the rule of the Seleucid kings of Syria, whose capital was Antioch on the Orontes. Though Greeks, they inherited certain features of the old Persian policy and methods of rule; Cilicia was probably governed by a satrap, and there was no development within it of free city life. Early in the 2nd century, however, came a change. Antiochus III, defeated by the Romans in the battle of Magnesia (190 BC), was forced to evacuate most of his possessions in Asia Minor. Cilicia thus became a frontier province and gained greatly in importance. The outcome was the reorganization of Tarsus as an autonomous city with a coinage of its own, which took place under Antiochus IV Epiphanes (175-164), probably in 171 BC. It is at this time that Tarsus is first mentioned in the Bible, unless we are to accept the disputed identification with <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TARSHISH">TARSHISH</a> (which see). In 2Macc 4:30f we read that, about 171 "it came to pass that they of Tarsus and Mallus made insurrection, because they were to be given as a present to Antiochis, the king\'s concubine. The king therefore came to Cilicia in all haste to settle matters." That this settlement took the form of a compromise and the grant to Tarsus of at least a municipal independence we may infer from the fact that Tarsus struck its own coins from this reign onward. At first they bear the name of Antioch on the Cydnus, but from the death of Antiochus this new appellation falls into disuse and the old name reasserts itself. But it is almost certain that, in accordance with Seleucid policy, this reorganization was accompanied by the enlargement of the citizen body, the new citizens in this case consisting probably of Jews and Argive Greeks. From this time Tarsus is a city of Hellenic constitution, and its coins no longer bear Aramaic but Greek legends. Yet it must be remembered that there was still a large, perhaps a preponderating, native and oriental element in the population, while the coin types in many cases point to the continued popularity of non-Hellenic cults.<P>5. Tarsus in the Roman Empire:<P>About 104 BC part of Cilicia became a Hem province, and after the Mithridatic Wars, during which Tarsus fell temporarily into the hands of Tigranes of Armenia, Pompey the Great reorganized the eastern portion of the Hem Empire (64-63 BC), and Tarsus became the capital of a new and enlarged province, administered by Hem governors who usually held office for a single year. Thus we find Cicero in command of Cilicia from the summer of 51 BC to the summer of the following year, and though he expressly mentions Tarsus only rarely in his extant letters of this period (e.g. Ad Art. v.20,3; Ad Faro. ii.17,1), yet there is reason to believe that he resided there during part of his year of office. Julius Caesar passed through the city in 47 BC on his march from Egypt to Pontus, and was enthusiastically received. In his honor the name Tarsus was changed to Juliopolis, but this proved no more lasting than Antioch on the Cydnus had been. Cassius temporarily overawed it and imposed on it a crushing fine, but, after the overthrow of the republican cause at Philippi and the assignment of the east to Antony\'s administration, Tarsus received the position of an independent and duty-free state (civitas libera et immunis) and became for some time Antony\'s place of residence. This privileged status was confirmed by Augustus after the victory of Actium had made him sole master of the Roman Empire (31 BC). It did not by itself bestow Roman citizenship on the Tarsinas, but doubtless there were many natives of the city to whom Pompey, Caesar, Antony and Augustus granted that honor for themselves and, as a consequence, for their descendants.<P>6. The University:<P>It is under the rule of Augustus that our knowledge of Tarsus first becomes fairly full and precise, Strabo, writing about 19 AD, tells us (xiv.673ff) of the enthusiasm of its inhabitants for learning, and especially for philosophy. In this respect, he says, Tarsus surpasses Athens and Alexandria and every other university town. It was characterized by the fact that the student body was composed almost entirely of natives, who, after finishing their course, usually went abroad to complete their education and in most cases did not return home, whereas in most universities the students were to a large extent foreigners, and the natives showed no great love of learning. Alexandria, however, formed an exception, attracting a large number of foreign students and also sending out many of its younger citizens to other centers. In fact, adds Strabo, Rome is full of Tarsians and Alexandrians. Among the famous men who learned or taught at Tarsus, we hear of the Stoics Antipater, Archedemus, Nestor, Athenodorus surnamed Cordylion, the friend and companion of the younger Marcus Cato, and his more famous namesake (called Canaanites after the village of his birth), who was the tutor and confidant of Augustus, and who subsequently reformed the Tarsian constitution. Other philosophers of Tarsus were Nestor, a representative of the Academy, and tutor of Marcellus, Augustus\' nephew and destined successor, and of Tiberius, Plutiades and Diogenes; the latter was also famous as an improvisatore, and indeed the Tarsians in general were famed for their ease and fluency in impromptu speaking. Artemidorus and Diodorus the grammarians and Dionysides the tragic poet, a member of the group of seven writers known as "the Pleiad," complete Strabo\'s list of eminent Tarsians. A less attractive view of the life in Tarsus is given by Philostratus in his biography of Apollonius of Tyana, who went there to study in the early part of Tiberius\' reign (14-37 AD). So disgusted was he by the insolence of the citizens, their love of pleasure and their extravagance in dress, that he shook the dust of Tarsus off his feet and went to Aegae to pursue his studies in a more congenial atmosphere (Vit. Apollon. i.7). But Strabo\'s testimony is that of a contemporary and an accurate historian and must outweigh that of Philostratus, whose work is largely tinged with romance and belongs to the early years of the 3rd century AD.<P>7. The Tarsian Constitution:<P>Strabo also tells us something of an important constitutional reform carried out in Tarsus under the Emperor Augustus, probably about 15-10 BC. Athenodorus Canaanites, the Stoic, returned to his city as an old man, after some 30 years spent at Rome, armed with authority from the emperor to reform abuses in its civic life. He found the constitution a democracy, swayed and preyed upon by a corrupt clique headed by a certain Boethus, "bad poet and bad citizen," who owed his position partly to his ready and persuasive tongue, partly to the favor of Antony, whom he had pleased by a poem composed to celebrate the victory of Philippi. Athenodorus sought at first to mend matters by argument and persuasion, but, finding Boethus and his party obdurate, he at length exercised his extraordinary powers, banished the offenders and remodeled the constitution, probably in a timocratic mold, restricting the full citizenship to those possessed of a considerable property qualification. On his death, his place as head of the state was taken for a while by the academic philosopher Nestor (Strabo xiv.674f). Next to Strabo\'s account our most valuable source of information regarding Tarsus is to be found in the two orations of Dio Chrysostom addressed to the Tarsians about 110 AD (Orat. xxxiii, xxxiv; see Jour. Hell. Studies, XXIV, 58ff). Though admitting that the city was an Argive colony, he emphasized its non-Hellenic character, and, while criticizing much in its institutions and manners, found but a single feature to commend, the strictness with which the Tarsian women were veiled whenever they appeared in public.<P>8. Paul of Tarsus:<P>Such was Tarsus, in which Paul was born (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',22,3);">Ac 22:3</a>) and of which he was a citizen (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',9,11);">Ac 9:11</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',21,39);">21:39</a>). Its ancient traditions and its present greatness explain and justify the pride with which he claimed to be "a citizen of no mean city" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',21,39);">Ac 21:39</a>). It is probable that his forefathers had been among the Jews settled at Tarsus by Antiochus Epiphanes, who, without sacrificing nationality or religion, became citizens of a community organized after the Greek model. On what occasion and for what service Roman civitas had been conferred on one of Paul\'s ancestors we cannot say; this only we know, that before his birth his father had possessed the coveted privilege (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',22,28);">Ac 22:28</a>). It is a fascinating, but an elusive, quest to trace in Paul\'s life and writings the influence of his Tarsian ancestry, birth and early life. Jerome, it is true, claims that many Pauline words and phrases were characteristic of Cilicia, and some modern scholars profess to find traces, in the apostle\'s rhetoric and in his attitude toward pagan religion and secular learning, of Tarsian influence. But such speculations are likely to be misleading, and it is perhaps best to admit that, save in the trade learned by Paul, which was characteristic of his birthplace, we cannot with any precision gauge the effects of his early surroundings. At the same time it is certain that the character of his native city, its strong oriental element, its Greek constitution and speech, its position in the Roman Empire, its devotion to learning, must have made an impression upon one who, uniting Jewish nationality with membership of a Greek state and Roman citizenship, was to be the great interpreter to the Greco-Roman world of a religion which sprang from the soil of Judaism. How long Paul remained at Tarsus before beginning his studies in Jerusalem we cannot say. His own declaration that he was "born in Tarsus of Cilicia, but brought up in this city" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',22,3);">Ac 22:3</a>) seems to show that his training at Jerusalem began at an early age, and is inconsistent with the supposition that he was one of those Tarsian students who, after studying at their native university, completed their education abroad. During his first visit to Jerusalem after his conversion, plots were formed against his life, and he was induced to return to Tarsus (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',9,30);">Ac 9:30</a>), where, according to Ramsay\'s chronology, he remained for some 8 years. Thither Barnabas went to seek him when he felt the need of a helper in dealing with the new problems involved in the growth of the Antiochene church and the admission into it of Gentiles in considerable numbers (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',11,25);">Ac 11:25</a>). Tarsus is not again mentioned in the New Testament, but Paul doubtless revisited it on his second missionary journey, when he "went through Syria and Cilicia" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',15,41);">Ac 15:41</a>), and traveled thence by way of the Cilician Gates into Lycaonia, and again at the beginning of his third journey when, after some time spent at Antioch, "he departed, and went through the region of Galatia, and Phrygia, in order" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',18,23);">Ac 18:23</a>).<P>9. Later History:<P>This is not the place to discuss in detail the later history of Tarsus, many passages of which are obscure and difficult. It remained a focus of imperial loyalty, as is indicated by the names Hadriane, Commodiane, Severiane and others, which appear, isolated or conjoined, upon its coins, together with the title of metropolis and such epithets as "first," "greatest," "fairest." Indeed it was chiefly in the matter of such distinctions that it carried on a keen, and sometimes bitter, rivalry, first with Mallus and Adana, its neighbors in the western plain, and later with Anazarbus, the chief town of Eastern Cilicia. But Tarsus remained the capital of the district, which during the 1st century of the empire was united with Syria in a single imperial province, and when Cilicia was made a separate province Tarsus, as a matter of course, became its metropolis and the center of the provincial Caesar-worship, and, at a later date, the capital of "the three Eparchiae,"cilicia, Isauria and Lycaonia. Toward the close of the 4th century Cilicia was divided into two, and Tarsus became the capital of Cilicia Prima only. Soon after the middle of the 7th century it was captured by the Arabs, and for the next three centuries was occupied by them as their northwestern capital and base of operations against the Anatolian plateau and the Byzantine empire. In 965 it was recaptured, together with the rest of Cilicia, by the emperor Nicephorus Phocas, but toward the close of the following century it fell into the hands of the Turks and afterward of the Crusaders. It was subsequently ruled by Armenian princes as part of the kingdom of Lesser Armenia, and then by the Memluk sultans of Egypt, from whom it was finally wrested by the Ottoman Turks early in the 16th century. The modern town, which still bears the ancient name in the slightly modified form Tersous, has a very mixed population, numbering about 25,000, and considerable trade, but suffers from its unhealthful situation and the proximity of large marshy tracts. Few traces of its ancient greatness survive, the most considerable of them being the vast substructure of a Greco-Roman temple, known locally as the tomb of Sardanapalus (R. Koldewey in C. Robert, Aus der Anomia, 178ff).<P>LITERATURE.<P>The best account of Tarsus will be found in W. M. Ramsay, The Cities of Paul (London, 1907), 85-244; the same writer\'s articles on "Cilicia, Tarsus and the Great Taurus Pass" in the Geographical Journal,1903,357ff, and on "Tarsus" in HDB should also be consulted, as well as H. Bohlig, Die Geisteskultur yon Tarsos im augusteischen Zeitalter (Gottingen, 1913). For inscriptions see LeBas-Waddington, Voyage archeologique, III, numbers 1476ff; Inscr. Graec. ad res Roman. pertinetes, III, 876ff. For coins, B. V. Head, Historia Numorum2, 729ff; G. F. Hill, British Museum Catalogue of Coins: Lycaonia, Isauria and Cilicia, lxxviff, 162ff.``176';
isbe[8627]='Tartak`tar\'-tak (tartaq): In <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',17,31);">2Ki 17:31</a> mentioned as the name of an idol of the Avvites, one of the peoples sent by Shalmaneser to the cities of Samaria. It is otherwise unknown.``1';
isbe[8628]='Tartan`tar\'-tan (tartan): For a long time the word was interpreted as a proper name, but the Assyrian inscriptions have shown it to be the title of a high official. From the eponym lists it would seem that it was the title of the highest official next to the king, which in a military empire like Assyria would be the "commander-in-chief." The Assyrian form of the name is tartanu or turtanu. In both Old Testament passages the reference is to a military officer. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',20,1);">Isa 20:1</a> it is used of the officer sent by Sargon, king of Assyria, against Ashdod; according to <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',18,17);">2Ki 18:17</a>, Sennacherib sent Tartan and <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=RAB-SARIS">RAB-SARIS</A> (which see) and <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=RABSHAKEH">RABSHAKEH</A>(which see) with a great host against Jerusalem. The names of the-two officials are not known.``50';
isbe[8629]='Taskmaster`task\'-mas-ter: (sar mac, "chief of the burden" or "levy" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',1,11);">Ex 1:11</a>); noghes, "distress," "driver," "oppressor," "raiser of taxes," "taskmaster" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',3,7);">Ex 3:7</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',5,6,10,13,14);">5:6,10,13,14</a>)): Officials of this class seem to have been officially appointed by Pharaoh for the purpose of oppressing the Israelites and subduing their spirits, lest they seek complete independence or organize a rebellion against the government (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',1,11);">Ex 1:11</a>). The condition of the Israelites at this time became one of complete vassalage or slavery, probably owing to the fact that the Hyksos were driven out and a new dynasty was established, which knew nothing of Joseph and his people.``77';
isbe[8630]='Tassel`tas\'-\'l (tsitsith): This word occurs only in <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',15,38);">Nu 15:38</a> (Revised Version margin), which reads "tassels in the corners" for "fringes in the borders of their garments" (the King James Version).<P>It is probable that the dress of the Palestinian peasant has undergone little change in the centuries since the occupation of the land by the Hebrews. His outer garment, worn for protection against cold and rain, is the simlah of <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',22,26);">Ex 22:26</a>, now known as \'abayah by the Arabs. It is a square cloak, with unsewn spaces for armholes, and is composed of either three or four widths of woven stuff. The outer strips of the stuff, folded back and sewn at the upper edges, form shoulder-straps. It was to such a garment as this that the injunctions of <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',15,\'37-41\');">Nu 15:37-41</a> and of <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',22,12);">De 22:12</a> applied.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=FRINGES">FRINGES</a>`17';
isbe[8631]='Taste`tast (Hebrew Ta\'am, "the sense of taste," "perception," from Ta\'am, "to taste," "to perceive"; Aramaic Te\'em, "flavor," "taste" (of a thing); Hebrew chekh, "palate," "roof of the mouth" = "taste"; geuomai; noun geusis; in 2Macc 7:1 the verb is ephaptomai):<P>(1) Literal:<P>(a) Gustation, to try by the tongue: "The taste (ta\'am) of it manna was like wafers made with honey" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',16,31);">Ex 16:31</a>); "Doth not the ear try words, even as the palate (chekh) tasteth (Ta\'am) its food?" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',12,11);">Job 12:11</a>); "Belshazzar, while he tasted (literally, "at the taste of," Te\'em) the wine, commanded to bring the golden and silver vessels which Nebuchadnezzar his father had taken out of the temple which was in Jerusalem; that the king and his lords, his wives and his concubines, might drink therefrom" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Dan\',5,2);">Da 5:2</a>).<P>(b) "To sample," "to eat but a small morsel": "I did certainly taste (Ta\'am) a little honey with the end of the rod that was in my hand; and, lo, I must die" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',14,43);">1Sa 14:43</a>).<P>(2) Figurative:<P>"To experience," "to perceive": "Oh taste and see that Yahweh is good" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',34,8);">Ps 34:8</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'1Pe\',2,3);">1Pe 2:3</a>); "How sweet are thy words unto my taste!" (margin "palate," chekh) (<a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',119,103);">Ps 119:103</a>); "That by the grace of God he should taste of death for every man" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Hbr\',2,9);">Heb 2:9</a>); "For as touching those who were once enlightened and tasted of the heavenly gift, and were made partakers of the Holy Spirit, and tasted the good word of God, and the powers of the age to come..."(<a onClick="return mV(\'Hbr\',6,4,5);">Heb 6:4,5</a>).``106';
isbe[8632]='Tattenai`tat\'-e-ni (tattenay, various forms in the Septuagint; the King James Version Tatnai, tat\'ni, tat\'na-i\'): A Persian governor, who was the successor of Rehum in Samaria and some other provinces belonging to Judah, bordering on Samaria. He governed the provinces during the reign of Darius Hystaspis and Zerubbabel (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',5,3,6);">Ezr 5:3,6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',6,6,13);">6:6,13</a>). He was friendly to the Jews, and when he heard adverse reports from Jerusalem he suspended judgment till he had investigated the matter on the ground, and then reported to the Persian government in a very moderate manner. In 1Esdras 6:3,7,27; 7:1 he is called "Sisinnes."``178';
isbe[8633]='Tattler`tat\'-ler: Only in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ti\',5,13);">1Ti 5:13</a> for phluaros. A "silly talker," rather than a "revealer of secrets," is meant.``1';
isbe[8634]='Tav`tav.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TAW">TAW</a>`1';
isbe[8635]='Taverns, Three`tav\'-ernz: Three Taverns (Latin Tres Tabernae, Greek transliterates treis tabernai; Cicero Ad Att. i.13; ii.12, 13) was a station on the Appian Road at the 33rd milestone (301/3 English miles from Rome), according to the Itineraries of the Roman Empire (Itin. Ant. vii; Tab. Peut.; Geogr. Rav. iv.34), a converging point of traffic at the crossing of a road from Antium to Norba. Tripontium, 6 miles down the Appian Road in the direction of Appii Forum, was reckoned as the point where the highway entered the region of the Pontiac marshes, the most notable natural feature of this part of Italy.<P>Parties of the Christian brethren in Rome went out to greet the apostle Paul when news was brought that he had arrived at Puteoli, one group proceeding as far as Appii Forum, while another awaited his coming at Three Taverns (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',28,15);">Ac 28:15</a>).``3';
isbe[8636]='Taw`tau ("t", "th"): The 22nd letter of the Hebrew alphabet; transliterated in this Encyclopedia with the daghesh as "t", and as "th" without. It came also to be used for the number 400. For name, etc., see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ALPHABET">ALPHABET</A>.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=FOREHEAD">FOREHEAD</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=MARK">MARK</a>`1';
isbe[8637]='Tax; Taxing`taks, taks\'-ing:<P><b>I. INTRODUCTION</b><P class="in15">1. General Considerations<P class="in15">2. Limits of the Discussion<P><b>II. TAXES IN ISRAEL UNDER SELF-GOVERNMENT</b><P class="in15">1. In the Earliest Period<P class="in15">2. Under the Theocracy; in the Period of the Judges<P class="in15">3. Under the Kings<P><b>III. TAXES IN ISRAEL UNDER CONQUERORS</b><P class="in15">1. Under the Assyrians and Babylonians<P class="in15">2. Under the Persians<P class="in15">3. Under the Ptolemies and Seleucid Kings<P class="in15">4. Under the Romans<hr /><P>I. Introduction.<P>1. General Considerations:<P>Taxation, in the sense of regular, graduated imposts levied by authority upon wealth, whether in the form of flocks and herds, tilled lands or accumulated treasure, is a comparatively late product of social evolution. The beginnings of this trouble-breeding institution are, of course, very ancient. If in the beginning all wealth was common wealth, all property vested in the family or tribe, making any kind of levies unnecessary, with the rise of individualism, the prorata setting aside, for common uses, of certain possessions held as private property by individuals, which is the essence of taxation, is inevitable. With the advent of more advanced civilization, by which is meant fixed residence, systematic use and cultivation of defined and limited territory, established political organization centering in rulers of one kind or another, regular taxation must necessarily have begun. Throughout history the burden of taxation has kept pace with the elaboration of the machinery of government; kings, courts, ceremonials, legislative and judicial administration, wars, diplomacy<63>all these institutions spell expense and, consequently, taxation. In a very real sense, the history of taxation is the history of civilization.<P>2. Limits of the Discussion:<P>In following the history of taxation in the Bible, two lines of development are to be noted: Israel\'s internal history when left to herself, and her experiences as tributary to successive conquerors. These two lines of experience form the main divisions of this article. We shall confine ourselves so far as possible to the civil aspects of the subject, leaving for others those interesting problems of taxation connected with the origin and development of the priestly legislation.<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TITHE">TITHE</A> etc.<P>II. Taxes in Israel under Self-Government.<P>In the first glimpses of the ancestors of the Hebrew people given us in the Bible, no such institution as taxation appears.<P>1. In the Earliest Period:<P>Like all primitive communities, the nomadic Hebrews had no regular system of taxation nor use for any. Voluntary presents were given by the less to the more powerful in return for protection or other advantages. These are really ominous words, for even as late as the United Kingdom, when, of a certainty, the voluntary element had long since gone out the royal income was spoken of, with perhaps unconscious irony as "presents" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',10,27);">1Sa 10:27</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',4,21);">1Ki 4:21</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',10,25);">10:25</a>). One great tap-root of the whole after-development of systematic taxation is to be found in this primitive custom of giving presents (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',32,\'13-21\');">Ge 32:13-21</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',33,10);">33:10</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',43,11);">43:11</a>). The transition is so fatally easy from presents voluntarily given to those which are expected and finally to those which are demanded (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',16,8);">2Ki 16:8</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',7,14);">17:4</a>, where the King James Version has "presents").<P>The first evidence of what corresponds to compulsory taxation discoverable in the Bible is in connection with the conquered Canaanites who were compelled to serve under tribute, that is, to render forced labor (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',16,10);">Jos 16:10</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',17,13);">17:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',1,\'28-35\');">Jud 1:28-35</a>). In the early custom of making presents to the powerful and in the exactions laid upon conquered peoples, with the necessary public expense of community life as the natural basis, we have the main sources of what grew to be institutional taxation.<P>2. Under the Theocracy; in the Period of the Judges:<P>The only fixed impost under theocracy which has a semi-civil character was the so-called "atonement money" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',30,\'11-16\');">Ex 30:11-16</a>), really a poll-tax amounting to a half-shekel for each enrolled male member of the community above 20 years of age. The proceeds of this tax were to be used for the service of the Tent of Meeting (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TABERNACLE">TABERNACLE</A>). It seems to have been levied by the authorities and accepted by the people whenever faithfulness to the ordinances of Yahweh was the order of the day (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',24,\'4-14\');">2Ch 24:4-14</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',10,32);">Ne 10:32</a>; note here the emphasis laid upon the offering as voluntary, and the variation in amount from one-half to one-third shekel). In later times this tax was devoted to the service of the temple, and was paid by Jews at a distance during the Dispersion. Josephus speaks of the large amounts accruing to the temple-treasury from this source (Ant., XIV, vii, 2). It was still collected as the distinctive temple-tax levied upon the citizen as such (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',17,24);">Mt 17:24</a>). It is interesting to note that Jesus paid it under protest and with one of the most distinctive of His miracles, on the ground of His being the founder and head of a new temple, and hence, not subject to the impost which was the badge of citizenship in the old order.<P>The period of the Judges was too disorganized and chaotic to exhibit many of the characteristics of a settled mode of procedure. As far as we know the only source of public moneys was the giving of presents. If the action of Gideon (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',8,24);">Jud 8:24</a>) is to be taken as indicating the ordinary policy of the period, the judges received nothing. more than a share of the spoil taken in battle. The account emphasizes, evidently with purpose, the fact that Gideon proffers a request (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',8,24);">Jud 8:24</a>), and that the people respond freely and gladly.<P>3. Under the Kings:<P>As was to be expected, taxation assumes far greater prominence the moment we cross the threshold of the kingdom. <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',8,\'10-18\');">1Sa 8:10-18</a> is equally significant for our purpose whether it was, as appears on the face of the narrative, the actual words of warning uttered by Samuel in view of the well-known attitude of kings in general, or a later recension from the viewpoint of experience. In either case, the passage gives us a fairly exhaustive list of royal prerogatives. Aside from various forms of public and private service, the king would take (note the word) the best of the vineyards, etc., together with a tenth of the seed and of the flocks. The underlying principle, suggested by Samuel\'s summary and fully exemplified in the actions of Israel\'s kings, is that the king would take what he needed for his public and private needs from the strength and substance of his people. Constitutional laws regulating the expenditure of public funds and the amount of exactions from the people in taxation seem never to have been contemplated in these early monarchies. The king took what he could get; the, people gave what they could not hold back. The long battle for constitutional rights has centered from the beginning about the matter of taxation.<P>In <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',10,27);">1Sa 10:27</a> (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',17,5);">2Ch 17:5</a>) the case cited of worthless fellows who brought Saul no present clearly shows that fealty to the new king was expressed in the giving of presents. The refusal to make these so-called presents was an act of constructive treason, so interpreted by the writer, who mentions Saul\'s silence in the premises as something notable. It is evident that the word "present" has become euphemistic. In <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',17,25);">1Sa 17:25</a> exemption from taxation is specifically mentioned, together with wealth and marriage into the royal family, as one element in the reward to be obtained for ridding Israel of the menace of Goliath.<P>In David\'s time an unbroken series of victories in war so enriched the public treasury (see <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',8,2,7,8);">2Sa 8:2,7,8</a>) that we hear little of complaints of excessive taxation. If David\'s census was for fiscal purposes (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',24,2);">2Sa 24:2</a>), we can understand why he was so severely dealt with for it, but the matter is still obscure. David\'s habit of dedicating spoil to Yahweh (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',8,\'10-12\');">2Sa 8:10-12</a>) kept the sacred treasury well supplied. Solomon undoubtedly inherited David\'s scale of public expense (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',27,\'25-31\');">1Ch 27:25-31</a>) and added to it through his well-developed love of luxury and power. At the same time the cessation of war made the development of internal resources for carrying on his ambitious schemes imperative. The boundaries of his kingdom are specified (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',4,21);">1Ki 4:21 (Hebrew 5:1)</a>) together with the amount of his income (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',10,14,28);">1Ki 10:14,28</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',3,4);">2Ki 3:4</a>). It is also stated that other kingdoms paid tribute to him. His system of fiscal administration was very thoroughly organized. He put the whole country under twelve officers (to specify one feature) whose business was to provide, by months, provisions for the court (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',4,\'7-19\');">1Ki 4:7-19</a>). Under Solomon also, for the first time, so far as we know, Israelites were compelled to render forced labor (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',5,\'13-17\');">1Ki 5:13-17</a>). By the end of his reign the burden of taxation had become so severe that in the public address made to Rehoboam the people demanded a lightening of the "grievous service" of Solomon as the condition of their fealty to his successor. Rehoboam\'s foolish answer of defiance precipitated the separation of the tribes which proved in the end so disastrous. During the period of prophetic activity which follows, one recurring specification in the denunciations uttered by the prophets against the kings was the excessive burden of taxation imposed upon the people. Amos speaks of "exactions of wheat taken from the poor" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',5,11);">5:11</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',2,6,7,8);">2:6-8</a>). In <a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',7,1);">7:1</A> he incidentally refers to a custom which has grown up of rendering to the king the first mowings of grass. Isaiah speaks of eating up the vineyards and taking the spoil of the poor (<a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',3,14);">3:14</A>). Micah, with even greater severity, denounces rulers "who eat the flesh of my people" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mic\',3,\'1-4\');">3:1-4</a>). These citations are sufficient to show that all through the later monarchy the Israelites suffered more or less from official rapacity and injustice.<P>III. Taxes in Israel under Conquerors.<P>1. Under the Assyrians and Babylonians: During the reign of Menahem, who-succeeded Jeroboam II as king of Israel, the Assyrian invasion under Tiglath-pileser III (Biblical "Pul," <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',15,19);">2Ki 15:19</a>) began. The one act of Menahem (aside from his general sinfulness) which is specified in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',15,\'17-22\');">2Ki 15:17-22</a>, the remainder of his unedifying career being left to the Chronicles of the Kings of Israel, is that he bought off the Assyrian conqueror by a tribute of a thousand talents which he obtained by mulcting men of wealth in his kingdom to the extent of fifty talents each. A little later, Ahaz of Judah sent a present to the same ruler. He took the novel method of robbing the temple-treasury and adding the sum thus gained to the accumulations at hand in the royal treasury. Both these kings were somewhat original in their methods. Hoshea of Israel, a contemporary of Ahaz, was reduced to tribute; later, upon his neglect to pay, he was put in prison (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',17,4);">2Ki 17:4</a>). A little later still, Jehoahaz, the son of Josiah, was deposed by Pharaoh-necoh, who placed a tribute upon the land of a hundred talents of silver and one of gold (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',23,\'31-33\');">2Ki 23:31-33</a>). Jehoiakim, the puppet king, raised this tribute by a special tax upon the people (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',23,34,35);">2Ki 23:34,35</a>). This latter passage is especially interesting because it seems to indicate (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',23,35);">2Ki 23:35</a>f) a graduated system of taxation supposedly honored more often in the breach than in the observance. This same unfortunate Jehoiakim came under the heavy hand of Nebuchadnezzar (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',24,\'1-7\');">2Ki 24:1-7</a>). This latter ruler seems not to have levied a special tribute, at least it is not mentioned; but reimbursed himself for the expenses of conquest by carrying away to Babylon the vessels of the temple (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',36,7);">2Ch 36:7</a>).<P>2. Under the Persians:<P>In <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',4,13);">Ezr 4:13</a>, a part of a letter addressed to Artaxerxes by officials "west of the river" (see whole passage <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',4,\'7-24\');">Ezr 4:7-24</a>) who were hostile to the Jews, it is charged that in the event of rebuilding the city the inhabitants would not pay "tribute, custom, or toll." These three words, which are evidently combined in a formula and indicate three distinct classes of taxes, are interesting as being characteristic of the Persian period. <P>The three words are:<P>(1) middah = "tribute" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',4,13);">Ezr 4:13,20</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',5,4);">Ne 5:4</a>, where the expression is "king\'s tribute");<P>(2) belo = according to Gesenius under the word: "tax on articles consumed" or "excise". (HDB "impost") (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',4,13,20);">Ezr 4:13,20</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',7,24);">7:24</a>);<P>(3) halakh = "road-toll" or "custom tax" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',4,20);">Ezr 4:13,20</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',7,24);">7:24</a>).<P>These Assyrian words are to be contrasted with the words used elsewhere:<P>(1) mac = "forced labor" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',5,13);">1Ki 5:13 (Hebrew 5:27)</a>; compare ut sup. <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',16,10);">Jos 16:10</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',17,13);">17:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',1,28,30,33,35);">Jud 1:28,30,33,35</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',20,11);">De 20:11</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Est\',10,1);">Es 10:1</a>);<P>(2) massa\' = "burden" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',17,11);">2Ch 17:11</a>);<P>(3) mekhec = "measure," used of tribute exacted for Yahweh, taken from people, cattle, and spoil, etc. (<a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',31,\'25-31\');">Nu 31:25-31</a>).<P>From this enumeration and comparison it will be seen that the Hebrew had no general word corresponding to the English word "tax."<P>To return to the situation in the Persian period, it is evident that the Persian rulers exacted practically the same classified tributes, direct and indirect, that are found elsewhere. It is recorded that Artaxerxes, in response to the letter of his officers in Palestine (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',4,21);">Ezr 4:21</a>), stopped the work of the rebuilding of Jerusalem in anticipation of the refusal of the Jewish leaders to pay taxes. The work was resumed in the 2nd year of Darius under the protection of a royal decree which gave to the Jewish authorities a sufficient amount from the "tribute beyond the river" to finish without delay.<P>Artaxerxes, in addition to his generous gifts, exempted the priests and temple-servants from all taxation (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',7,24);">Ezr 7:24</a>). In the days of Nehemiah a serious condition arose. The king\'s tribute was so heavy that the Jewish common people were compelled to borrow money upon mortgages, and in so doing fell into the hands of usurers of their own people, by whom they were so impoverished as to be compelled to sell their sons and daughters into slavery (<a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',5,\'1-13\');">Ne 5:1-13</a>). In addition to the royal tribute, they were forced to support the governors who were entitled to bread, wine and forty shekels of silver annually (<a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',5,14,15);">Ne 5:14,15</a>). In the prayer offered on the fast day (<a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',9,\'1-\');">Ne 9</a>) it was asserted that their burdens of taxation were so heavy that they were servants in their own land (<a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',9,36,37);">Ne 9:36,37</a>).<P>3. Under the Ptolemies and Seleucid Kings:<P>The Ptolemies, who practically controlled Palestine from 301 to 218 BC, do not appear to have been excessive in their demands for tribute (twenty talents for Jews (Ant., XII, iv, 1) seems no great amount), but the custom which they introduced, or at least established, of farming the taxes to the highest bidder, introduced a principle which prevailed through all the subsequent history and was the cause of much popular suffering and discontent. The story of Joseph, the Jewis tax-collector (Ant., XII, iv, 1-5), who was for 23 years farmer-general of taxes for Palestine under Ptolemy Euergetes, and the cause of "a long train of disasters" is peculiarly significant for the student of the New Testament.<P>The conquest of Palestine by Antiochus the Great (202 BC) brought a certain amount of relief to the "storm-tossed" (Josephus) Jews of Palestine, as of old the buffer state between contending powers. According to Josephus (Ant., XII, iii, 3), Antiochus gave the Jews generous gifts in money, remitted their taxes for three years, and permanently reduced them one-third (see Kent\'s discussion of the credibility of these statements, Historical Series for Bible Students, Babylonian, Persian, Greek Periods, 296).<P>That the Selucid kings were particularly severe in their exactions is clearly shown in the letter of Demetrius to the Jews, whose favor he was seeking in rivalry with Alexander Balas of Smyrna, the pretender to the Selucid throne (see 1Macc 10:26-30; 11:34,35; 13:39; compare <span class="noTag">11:28</span>).<P>In this quoted letter Demetrius promises the following exemptions:<P>from (1) "tributes" (phori = "polltaxes");<P>(2) tax on salt;<P>(3) crown taxes (stephanoi = "crowns of gold" or their equivalents);<P>(4) the tribute of one-third of the seed;<P>(5) another of one-half of the fruit of the trees (1Macc 10:29,30).<P>This seems almost incredibly severe, but evidence is not lacking of its probability (Lange\'s Commentary Apocrypha, edition 1901, 525). With Selcucus IV (187-176 BC) the Jews felt for the first time, indirectly but powerfully, the pressure of Rome. This disreputable ruler had to pay tribute to Rome as well as to find means whereby to gratify his own passion for luxury, and was correspondingly rapacious in the treatment of his subjects (2Macc 3).<P>4. Under the Romans:<P>During the early part of the Heroadian epoch, taxes were paid to the king and collected by officers appointed by him. This method which worked fairly well, at least under Herod the Great, had passed away before any books of the New Testament were written. After the deposition of Archelaus (6 AD), at the request of the Jews themselves, Judea was incorporated into the Roman empire and put under procurators who were in charge of all financial administration, although the tetrarchs still collected the internal taxes. This fact conditions all that is to be said about "tribute" and "publicans" in connection with the New Testament. It is to be noted first of all (a fact that is often overlooked by the student) that in the imperial era the direct taxes were not farmed out, but collected by regular imperial officers in the regular routine of official duty. The customs or tolls levied upon exports and imposts, and upon goods in the hands of merchants passing through the country, were sold to the highest bidders, who were called publicans.<P>With this distinction clearly in mind we may dismiss the subject of general taxation with the following remarks: First that the taxes in Judea went to the imperial treasury (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',22,17);">Mt 22:17</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',12,14);">Mr 12:14</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',20,22);">Lu 20:22</a>); second that these taxes were very heavy. These two facts explain why the question of paying tribute to Caesar, which our Lord was obliged to meet, was so burning an issue. It touched at once religious and financial interest<73>a powerful combination. In 7 AD, immediately after the appointment of Coponius as procurator, Quirinius (see Quirinius, New Testament Chronology, etc.) was sent to Judea to take a census (apographe) for the purpose of poll-tax (kensos, phoros, or epikephalaion (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',22,17);">Mt 22:17</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',12,13,14);">Mr 12:13,14</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',20,20);">Lu 20:20</a>)). This census was the occasion for the bloody uprising of Judas of Gamala (or Galilee) (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',5,37);">Ac 5:37</a>; compare Ant, XVIII, i 1, 6). As a matter of historical fact this same census was the occasion of the final destruction of the Jewish commonwealth, for the fierce antagonism to Rome which was aroused at that time never died out until it was extingushed in blood, 70 AD.<P>We are now free to discuss those matters which center in a general way about the term "publican." According to Stapfer (PTC, 215) this term (telones) is commonly used to cover several grades of minor officials engaged in the customs service. The word was extended in meaning from the publicanus, properly so called, the farmer-general of a province, to his subordinate local officials. The publicans of the New Testament "examined the goods and collected tolls on roads and bridges" (Stapfer, op. cit., 216; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',9,9);">Mt 9:9</a>). These tolls (Latin, portoria; Greek tele) were collected in Palestine at Caesarea, Capernaum and Jericho (Josephus, BJ, II, xiv, 4). Those collected at Capernaum went into the treasury of Herod Antipas. At Jericho there was a chief publican (architelones), but most of the publicans mentioned in the New Testament were probably subordinate to men higher in authority.<P>Sufficient cause for the unpopularity of publicans in New Testament times is not far seek. Hatred of paying duties seems to be ingrained in human nature. Customs officials are always unpopular. The method is necessarily inquisitorial. The man who opens one\'s boxes and bundles to appraise the value of what one has, is at best a tolerated evil. In Judea, under the Roman system, all circumstances combined to make the publican the object of bitter hatred. He represented and exercised in immediate contact, at a sore spot with individuals, the hatred power of Rome. The tax itself was looked upon as an inherent religious wrong, as well as civil imposition, and by many the payment of it was considered a sinful act of disloyalty to God. The tax-gatherer, if a Jew, was a renegade in the eyes of his patriotic fellows. He paid a fixed sum for the taxes, and received for himself what he could over and above that amount. The ancient and widespread curse of arbitrariness was in the system. The tariff rates were vague and indefinite (see Schurer, HJP, I, ii, 67f). The collector was thus always under the suspicion of being an extortioner and probably was in most instances. The name was apt to realize itself. The unusual combination in a publican of petty tyrant, renegade and extortioner, made by circumstances almost inevitable, was not conductive to popularity. In the score of instances in the New Testament where publicans are mentioned, their common status, their place in the thought and action of Jesus, their new hope in the gospel are clearly set forth. The instances in which our Lord speaks of them are especially illuminating:<P>(1) He uses them on the basis of the popular estimate which the disciples undoubtedly shared, to point in genial irony a reproach addressed to His hearers for their low standard of love and forgiveness (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',5,46,47);">Mt 5:46,47</a>).<P>(2) He uses the term in the current combination in giving directions about excommunicating a persistently unrepentant member of the church (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',18,17);">Mt 18:17</a>).<P>(3) He uses the term in the popular sense in describing the current condemnation of His attitude of social fellowship with them, and constructively accepts the title of "friend of publicans and sinners" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',11,19);">Mt 11:19</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',7,34);">Lu 7:34</a>).<P>(4) Most significant of all, Jesus uses the publican, as He did the Samaritan, in a parable in which the despised outcast shows to advantage in an attitude acceptable to God (<a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',18,9);">Lu 18:9</a>).<P>This parable is reinforced by the statement, made more than once by our Lord, that the readiness to repent shown by the publicans and other outcasts usually found with them was more promising of salvation than the spiritual pride shown by some who were satisfied with themselves (<a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',3,12);">Lu 3:12</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',7,29);">7:29</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',21,31,32);">Mt 21:31,32</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',15,1);">Lu 15:1</a>). The choice of Levi as a disciple (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',10,3);">Mt 10:3</a>, etc.) and the conversion of Zaccheus (<a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',19,8);">Lu 19:8</a>f), of whom Jesus speaks so beautifully as a son of Abraham (<a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',19,9);">Lu 19:9</a>), justified the characteristic attitude which our Lord adopted toward the despised class, about equally guilty and unfortunate. He did not condone their faults or crimes; neither did He accept the popular verdict that pronounced them unfit for companionship with the good and without hope in the world. According to the teaching and accordant action of jesus, no man or woman is without hope until the messenger of hope has been definitely rejected.<P>It is fitting, if somewhat dramatic, that a study of taxation<6F>that historic root of bitterness periodically springing up through the ages<65>should end in comtemplation of Him who spoke to an outcast and guilty tax-collector (<a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',19,10);">Lu 19:10</a>) the wonderful words: "The Son of man came to seek and to save that which was lost."``169';
isbe[8638]='Teach; Teacher; Teaching`tech, tech\'-er, tech\'-ing:<P><b>I. OLD TESTAMENT TERMS</b><P class="in15">1. Discipline<P class="in15">2. Law<P class="in15">3. Discernment<P class="in15">4. Wisdom<P class="in15">5. Knowledge<P class="in15">6. Illumination<P class="in15">7. Vision<P class="in15">8. Inspiration<P class="in15">9. Nourishment<P><b>II. NEW TESTAMENT TERMS</b><P class="in15">1. Instruction<P class="in15">2. Acquisition<P class="in15">3. Presentation<P class="in15">4. Elucidation<P class="in15">5. Exposition<P class="in15">6. Authority<P class="in15">7. Care<P class="in15">8. Supervision<P>III. OLD TESTAMENT HISTORY<P class="in15">1. In the Home<P class="in15">2. In Public<P><b>IV. EXTRA-BIBLICAL TEACHING</b><P><b>V. NEW TESTAMENT HISTORY</b><P class="in15">1. Christ\'s Life<P class="in15">2. Apostolic Labors<P class="in15">3. General Considerations<hr /><P>A rich variety of words is employed in the Bible to describe the teaching process. The terms do not so much indicate an office and an official as a function and a service, although both ideas are often expressed or implied.<P>I. Old Testament Terms.<P>1. Discipline:<P>lamadh, "to beat": A very common word for "to teach"; it may have meant "to beat with a rod," "to chastise," and may have originally referred to the striking and goading of beasts by which they were curbed and trained. By a noble evolution the term came to describe the process of disciplining and training men in war, religion and life (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',2,3);">Isa 2:3</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Hsa\',10,11);">Ho 10:11</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mic\',4,2);">Mic 4:2</a>). As teaching is both a condition and an accompaniment of disciplining, the word often means simply "to teach," "to inform" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',17,7);">2Ch 17:7</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',71,17);">Ps 71:17</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Pro\',5,13);">Pr 5:13</a>). The glory of teaching was its harmony with the will of God, its source in God\'s authority, and its purpose to secure spiritual obedience (<a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',4,5,14);">De 4:5,14</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',31,12,13);">31:12,13</a>).<P>2. Law:<P>yarah, "to cast": The teaching idea from which the law was derived is expressed by a verb which means "to throw," "to cast as an arrow or lot." It is also used of thrusting the hand forth to point out or show clearly (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',46,28);">Ge 46:28</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',15,25);">Ex 15:25</a>). The original idea is easily changed into an educational conception, since the teacher puts forth new ideas and facts as a sower casts seed into the ground. But the process of teaching was not considered external and mechanical but internal and vital (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',35,34,35);">Ex 35:34,35</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',6,27);">2Ch 6:27</a>). The nominal form is the usual word for law, human and divine, general and specific (<a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',4,8);">De 4:8</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',19,8);">Ps 19:8</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Pro\',1,8);">Pr 1:8</a>). The following are suggestive phrases: "the book of the law" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',28,61);">De 28:61</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',22,8);">2Ki 22:8</a>); "the book of the law of Moses" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',8,31);">Jos 8:31</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',14,6);">2Ki 14:6</a>); "the book of the law of God" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',24,26);">Jos 24:26</a>); "the book of the law of Yahweh" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',17,9);">2Ch 17:9</a>). Thus even in the days of Joshua there was in the possession of the religious teachers a book of the Law of the Lord as given by Moses. This recorded revelation and legislation continued to be the divine norm and ultimate authority for priest, king and people (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',23,11);">2Ch 23:11</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',8,\'1-3\');">Ne 8:1-3</a>).<P>3. Discernment:<P>bin, "to separate": The word meaning "to separate," "to distinguish," is often used in a causative sense to signify "to teach." The idea of teaching was not an aggregation of facts bodily transferred like merchandise. Real learning followed genuine teaching. This word suggests a sound psychological basis for a good pedagogy. The function of teaching might be exercised with reference to the solution of difficult problems, the interpretation of God\'s will, or the manner of a godly life (<a onClick="return mV(\'Dan\',8,16,26);">Da 8:16,26</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',8,\'7-9\');">Ne 8:7-9</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',119,34);">Ps 119:34</a>).<P>4. Wisdom:<P>sakhal, "to be wise": The verb from which the various nominal forms for "wisdom" are derived means "to look at," "to behold," "to view," and in the causative stem describes the process by which one is enabled to see for himself what had never before entered his physical or intellectual field of consciousness. The noun indicates a wise person or sage whose mission is to instruct others in the ways of the Lord (<a onClick="return mV(\'Pro\',16,23);">Pr 16:23</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Pro\',21,11);">21:11</a>; and often in the Wisdom literature). In <a onClick="return mV(\'Dan\',12,3);">Da 12:3</a> we read: "They that are wise (margin, "the teachers") shall shine as the brightness of the firmament."<P>5. Knowledge:<P>yadha\', "to see" (compare oida): This verb literally means "to see" and consequently "to perceive," "to know," "to come to know," and "cause to know or teach." It describes the act of knowing as both progressive and completed. The causative conception signifies achievement in the sphere of instruction. It is used of the interpretation and application by Moses of the principles of the law of God (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',18,16,20);">Ex 18:16,20</a>), of the elucidation of life\'s problems by the sages (<a onClick="return mV(\'Pro\',9,9);">Pr 9:9</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Pro\',22,19);">22:19</a>), and of constant Providential guidance in the way of life (<a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',16,11);">Ps 16:11</a>).<P>6. Illumination:<P>zahar, "to shine": This verbal root signifies "to shine," and when applied to the intellectual sphere indicates the function of teaching to be one of illumination. Ignorance is darkness, knowledge is light. Moses was to teach the people statutes and laws, or to enlighten them on the principles and precepts of God\'s revelation (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',18,20);">Ex 18:20</a>). The service rendered by the teachers<72>priests, Levites and fathers<72>sent forth by Jehoshaphat, was one of illumination in the twofold sense of instruction and admonition (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',19,\'8-10\');">2Ch 19:8-10</a>).<P>7. Vision:<P>ra\'-ah, "to see": The literal meaning of this verb is "to see," and the nominal form is the ancient name for prophet or authoritative teacher who was expected to have a clear vision of spiritual realities, the will of God, the need of man and the way of life (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',9,9);">1Sa 9:9</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',9,22);">1Ch 9:22</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',16,7);">2Ch 16:7</a>f; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',30,10);">Isa 30:10</a>).<P>8. Inspiration;<P>nabha\', "to boil up": The most significant word for "prophet" is derived from the verb which means "to boil up or forth like a fountain," and consequently to pour forth words under the impelling power of the Spirit of God. The Hebrews used the passive forms of the verb because they considered the thoughts and words of the prophets due not to personal ability but to divine influence. The utterances of the prophets were characterized by instruction, admonition, persuasion and prediction (<a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',18,\'15-22\');">De 18:15-22</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',33,\'1-20\');">Eze 33:1-20</a>).<P>9. Nourishment:<P>ra\'ah, "to feed a flock": The name "shepherd," so precious in both the Old Testament and the New Testament, comes from a verb meaning "to feed," hence, to protect and care for out of a sense of devotion, ownership and responsibility. It is employed with reference to civil rulers in their positions of trust (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',5,2);">2Sa 5:2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',23,2);">Jer 23:2</a>); with reference to teachers of virtue and wisdom (<a onClick="return mV(\'Pro\',10,21);">Pr 10:21</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Ecc\',12,11);">Ec 12:11</a>); and preeminently with reference to God as the great Shepherd of His chosen people (<a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',23,1);">Ps 23:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Hsa\',4,16);">Ho 4:16</a>). <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',34,\'1-\');">Eze 34</a> presents an arraignment of the unfaithful shepherds or civil rulers; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',23,\'1-\');">Ps 23</a> reveals Yahweh as the Shepherd of true believers, and <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',10,\'1-\');">Joh 10</a> shows how religious teachers are shepherds under Jesus the Good Shepherd.<P>II. New Testament Terms.<P>Further light is thrown upon religious teaching in Bible times by a brief view of the leading educational terms found in the New Testament.<P>1. Instruction:<P>didasko, "to teach": The usual word for "teach" in the New Testament signifies either to hold a discourse with others in order to instruct them, or to deliver a didactic discourse where there may not be direct personal and verbal participation. In the former sense it describes the interlocutory method, the interplay of the ideas and words between pupils and teachers, and in the latter use it refers to the more formal monologues designed especially to give information (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',4,23);">Mt 4:23</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',5,\'1-\');">Mt 5-7</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',13,36);">13:36</a>f; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',6,59);">Joh 6:59</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',4,17);">1Co 4:17</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ti\',2,12);">1Ti 2:12</a>). A teacher is one who performs the function or fills the office of instruction. Ability and fitness for the work are required (<a onClick="return mV(\'Rom\',2,20);">Ro 2:20</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Hbr\',5,12);">Heb 5:12</a>). The title refers to Jewish teachers (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',1,38);">Joh 1:38</a>), to John the Baptist (<a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',3,12);">Lu 3:12</a>), to Jesus (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',3,2);">Joh 3:2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',8,4);">8:4</a>, and often), to Paul (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ti\',2,7);">1Ti 2:7</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ti\',1,11);">2Ti 1:11</a>), and to instructors in the early church (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',13,1);">Ac 13:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Rom\',12,7);">Ro 12:7</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',12,28);">1Co 12:28</a>). Teaching, like preaching, was an integral part of the work of an apostle (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',28,19);">Mt 28:19</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',16,15);">Mr 16:15</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Eph\',4,1);">Eph 4:1</a>).<P>2. Acquisition:<P>manthano, "to learn": The central thought of teaching is causing one to learn. Teaching and learning are not scholastic but dynamic, and imply personal relationship and activity in the acquisition of knowledge (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',11,29);">Mt 11:29</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',28,19);">28:19</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',14,21);">Ac 14:21</a>). There were three concentric circles of disciples in the time of our Lord: learners, pupils, superficial followers, the multitude (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',6,66);">Joh 6:66</a>); the body of believers who accepted Jesus as their Master (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',10,42);">Mt 10:42</a>); and the Twelve Disciples whom Jesus also called apostles (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',10,2);">Mt 10:2</a>).<P>3. Presentation:<P>paratithemi, "to place beside": The presentative idea involved in the teaching process is intimately associated with the principle of adaptation. When it is stated that Christ put forth parables unto the people, the sacred writer employs the figure of placing alongside of, or near one, hence, before him in an accessible position. The food or teaching should be sound, or hygienic, and adapted to the capacity and development of the recipient (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',13,24);">Mt 13:24</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',8,6);">Mr 8:6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,34);">Ac 16:34</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',10,27);">1Co 10:27</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ti\',4,3);">2Ti 4:3</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Hbr\',5,\'12-14\');">Heb 5:12-14</a>).<P>4. Elucidation:<P>diermeneuo, "to interpret": In the walk to Emmaus, Christ explained to the perplexed disciples the Old Testament Scriptures in reference to Himself. The work of interpreter is to make truth clear and to effect the edification of the hearer (<a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',24,27);">Lu 24:27</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',12,30);">1Co 12:30</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',14,5,13,17);">14:5,13,17</a>).<P>5. Exposition:<P>ektithemi, "to place out": The verb literally means "to set or place out," and signifies to bring out the latent and secret ideas of a literary passage or a system of thought and life. Thus Peter interpreted his vision, Aquila and Priscilla unfolded truth to Apollos, and Paul expounded the gospel in Rome (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',11,4);">Ac 11:4</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',18,26);">18:26</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',28,23);">28:23</a>). True teaching is an educational exposition.<P>6. Authority:<P>prophetes, "one who speaks for": A prophet was a man who spoke forth a message from God to the people. He might deal with past failures and achievements, present privileges and responsibilities, or future doom and glory. He received his message and authority from God (<a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',18,\'15-22\');">De 18:15-22</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',6,\'1-\');">Isa 6</a>). The word refers to Old Testament teachers (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',5,12);">Mt 5:12</a>), to John the Baptist (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',21,26);">Mt 21:26</a>), to Jesus the Messiah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',3,25);">Ac 3:25</a>), and to special speakers in the Apostolic age (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',10,41);">Mt 10:41</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',13,1);">Ac 13:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',14,29,37);">1Co 14:29,37</a>).<P>7. Care:<P>poimen, "a shepherd": The word for shepherd signifies one who tends a flock, and by analogy a person who gives mental and spiritual nourishment, and guards and supports those under his care (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',9,36);">Mt 9:36</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',10,2,16);">Joh 10:2,16</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Pe\',2,25);">1Pe 2:25</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Eph\',4,11);">Eph 4:11</a>). Love is a fundamental prerequisite to the exercise of the shepherding function (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',21,\'15-18\');">Joh 21:15-18</a>). The duties are to be discharged with great diligence and in humble recognition of the gifts and appointment of the Holy Spirit (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',20,28);">Ac 20:28</a>).<P>8. Supervision:<P>episkopos, "an overseer": The bishop or overseer was to feed and protect the blood-bought church of God (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',20,28);">Ac 20:28</a>). Among the various qualifications of the religious overseers was an aptitude for teaching (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ti\',3,2);">1Ti 3:2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Tts\',1,9);">Tit 1:9</a>). The Lord is pre-eminently shepherd and bishop (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Pe\',2,25);">1Pe 2:25</a>).<P>III. Old Testament History.<P>1. In the Home:<P>In the Jewish home the teaching of the law of the Lord was primarily incumbent upon the parents. The teaching was to be diligent, the conversation religious, and the atmosphere wholesome (<a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',6,\'7-9\');">De 6:7-9</a>).<P>2. In Public:<P>Provision was also made for public instruction the law of God (<a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',31,12,13);">De 31:12,13</a>). This is a compact summary of early Hebrew teaching in regard to the extent of patronage, the substance of instruction, and the purpose of the process. Samuel the judge and prophet recognized that his duty was fundamentally to pray, to God for his people and to teach the nation "the good and the right way" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',12,23);">1Sa 12:23</a>). The glory and prosperity of Judah under Jehoshaphat were due in large measure to the emphasis he laid upon religious instruction as the basis of national character and stability. His peripatetic Bible school faculty consisted of five princes, nine Levites and two priests who effected a moral and religious transformation, for "they taught in Judah, having the book of the law of Yahweh with them" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',17,\'7-9\');">2Ch 17:7-9</a>). The most striking illustration we have of public religious instruction in the Old Testament is found in <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',8,\'1-\');">Ne 8</a>. Ezra the priest and scribe was superintendent, and had an ample corps of teachers to instruct the multitude of men, women and children eager to hear. Prayer created a devotional atmosphere. The reading was distinct, the interpretation correct and intelligible. There was real teaching because the people were made to understand and obey the law. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',9,\'1-\');">Ne 9</a> and <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',10,\'1-\');">10</A> we have recorded the spiritual, ceremonial, social and civic effects of ancient religious instruction.<P>IV. Extra-Biblical Teaching.<P>The captivity gave mighty impulse to teaching. In far-away Babylon the Jews, deprived of the privilege and inspiration of the temple, established the synagogue as an institutional center of worship and instruction. During the latter part of the inter-Biblical period, religious teaching was carried on in the synagogue and attendance was compulsory, education in the Law being considered the fundmental element of national security (Deutsch, Literary Remains, 23; Edersheim, Life and Times of Jesus the Messiah, I, 230). The Bible text alone was taught those from 5 to 10 years of age, the first lessons being taken from Leviticus (Taylor, Sayings of the Jewish Fathers, 111). From 10 to 15 years of age the pupil was taught the substance of the Mishna or unwritten tradition, and accorded the privilege of entering into the discussions of the Mishna which constitute the Gemara (Edersheim, op. cit., I, 232). Selections of Scriptures like the shema (<a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',6,\'4-9\');">De 6:4-9</a>) were made for study, and lesson helps were adapted to the capacity of the pupils (Ginsburg, article "Education" in Cyclopedia of Biblical Literature). The significance of the teaching idea among the Jews is indicated by numerous expressions for school (article "Education," Cyclopedia of Biblical Literature) and the prevalence of the synagogues, there being perhaps 480 in Jerusalem in the time of Christ (Hor. Heb. I, 78). The pupil was not expected to be a passive hearer but an active participant (Ab., vi.6; Taylor, Sayings of the Jewish Fathers, 115f). Great emphasis was laid upon audible repetition and exact memory, yet the teacher was culpable if the pupil failed to understand the prescribed lesson (Hamburger, RE, II, 672, 674). The pupil was regarded as the child of his teacher (Sanhedhrin 19), which is a familiar idea in the New Testament. The faithful teacher was considered destined to occupy a high seat among the ancients (<a onClick="return mV(\'Dan\',12,3);">Da 12:3</a>). The scribes were secretaries or copyists of the sacred Law, and would thus acquire at least an accurate verbal knowledge of its contents. Quite naturally they would become religious teachers (<a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',8,4);">Ne 8:4</a>). Hence, also their prominence in the New Testament.<P>LITERATURE.<P>Article "Torah," Jewish Encyclopedia (compare the articles "Talmud<75>and "Education"); Trumbull, Yale Lectures on the Sunday-School, 3-40; Hamburger. See Hauck-Herzog, Realencyklopadie fur protestantische Theologie und Kirche.<P>V. New Testament History.<P>1. Christ\'s Life:<P>In the New Testament we find that Jesus is pre-eminently the teacher, though He was also preacher and healer (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',4,23);">Mt 4:23</a>). His Sermon on the Mount was matchless teaching. He opened His mouth and "taught" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',5,2);">Mt 5:2</a>). The titles "teacher," "master," "rabbi" all indicate the most prominent function of His active ministry. Even at the age of 12 years He revealed His wisdom and affinity in the midst of the rabbis or Jewish teachers of the Law in the temple (<a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',2,41);">Lu 2:41</a>f). In the power of the Spirit He taught so that all recognized His authority (<a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',4,14,15);">Lu 4:14,15</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',7,29);">Mt 7:29</a>). He explained to the disciples in private what He taught the people in public (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',13,36);">Mt 13:36</a>). His principles and methods of teaching constitute the standard by which all true pedagogy is measured, and the ideal toward which all subsequent teachers have toiled with only partial success (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',7,28,29);">Mt 7:28,29</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',1,49);">Joh 1:49</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',3,2);">3:2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',6,46);">6:46</a>). In the Commission as recorded in <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',28,18,19,20);">Mt 28:18,19,20</a> we have the work of Christianity presented in educational terms. We find the supreme authority (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',28,18);">28:18</a>), the comprehensive content<6E>the evangelistic, the ceremonial, the educational, the practical (28:19 and 20a), and the inspiring promise (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',28,20);">28:20b</A>).<P>2. Apostolic Labors:<P>The emphasis laid upon teaching in the Apostolic age is a natural consequence of the need of the people and the commands of Jesus. The practice of the apostles is quite uniform. They preached or proclaimed, but they also expounded. In Jerusalem the converts continued in the apostles\' teaching (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',2,42);">Ac 2:42</a>); and daily in the temple and in the homes of the people the teaching was correlated with preaching (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',5,42);">Ac 5:42</a>). In Antioch, the center of foreign missionary operations, Paul, Silas, Barnabas and many others taught the word of the Lord (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',15,35);">Ac 15:35</a>). In Thessalonica, Paul and Silas for three weeks reasoned with the people out of the Scriptures, opening up the sacred secrets and proving to all candid minds that Jesus was the Messiah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',17,\'1-3\');">Ac 17:1-3</a>). In Berea, instruction in the synagogue was followed by private study, and as a result many believed in the Lord (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',17,\'10-15\');">Ac 17:10-15</a>). In Athens, Paul discussed and explained the things of the kingdom of God, both in the synagogue 3 times a week and in the market daily (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',17,16);">Ac 17:16</a>f). In Corinth, Paul having been denied the use of the synagogue taught the word of the Lord for a year and a half in the house of Justus, and thus laid the foundation for a great church (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',18,\'1-11\');">Ac 18:1-11</a>). In Ephesus, Paul taught for 2 years in the school of Tyrannus, disputing and persuading the people concerning the kingdom of God (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',19,\'8-10\');">Ac 19:8-10</a>). In Rome, Paul expounded the word, testified to its truth, and persuaded men to accept the gospel (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',28,23);">Ac 28:23</a>). His method of work in Rome under trying limitations is described as cordially receiving the people and preaching the kingdom of God, and "teaching the things concerning the Lord Jesus Christ" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',28,30,31);">Ac 28:30,31</a>).<P>3. General Considerations:<P>The office of teacher is fundamentally related to the creation of a missionary atmosphere (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',13,1);">Ac 13:1</a>). Religious teaching is necessary to the development of Christian character and the highest efficiency in service (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',12,\'4-11\',28,29);">1Co 12:4-11,28,29</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Eph\',4,11,12);">Eph 4:11,12</a>). The qualification of the pastor is vitally connected with the teaching function of the church. He is to hold the truth, or to be orthodox (<a onClick="return mV(\'Tts\',1,9);">Tit 1:9</a>), to apply the truth, or to be practical (<a onClick="return mV(\'Tts\',1,9);">Tit 1:9</a>), to study the truth, or to be informed (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ti\',4,13,15);">1Ti 4:13,15</a>), to teach the truth, or to be equipped or able and tactful (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ti\',2,2);">2Ti 2:2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ti\',3,2);">1Ti 3:2</a>), to live the truth, or to be faithful in all things (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ti\',2,2);">2Ti 2:2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ti\',4,16);">1Ti 4:16</a>). The teaching function of Christianity in the 2nd century became strictly official, thereby losing much of its elasticity. A popular manual for the guidance of religious teachers was styled the "Teaching of the Twelve" \'(see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=DIDACHE">DIDACHE</A>). The writings of the Apostolic Fathers give valuable information in regard to the exercise of the gifts of teaching in the early centuries (Didache xiii.2; xv. 1, 2; Barnabas 18; Ignatius to the Ephesians 31).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=CATECHIST">CATECHIST</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=EDUCATION">EDUCATION</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=SPIRITUAL+GIFTS">SPIRITUAL GIFTS</a>`38';
isbe[8639]='Tear Bottle``<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TEARS">TEARS</a>`1';
isbe[8640]='Tears`terz (dim\'ah; dakrua): In the instances recorded in Scripture weeping is more frequently associated with mental distress than with physical pain. Eastern peoples show none of the restraint of emotion in lamentation which is characteristic of modern Occidentals, and there are many records of this manifestation of woe, even among men accustomed to hardships and warfare, such as David and his soldiers. The flow of tears is the evidence of sorrow in prospect of approaching death in <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',39,12);">Ps 39:12</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',20,5);">2Ki 20:5</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',38,5);">Isa 38:5</a>, and of the suffering consequent on oppression (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ecc\',4,1);">Ec 4:1</a>), or defeat in battle (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',16,9);">Isa 16:9</a>), or hopeless remorse, as with Esau (<a onClick="return mV(\'Hbr\',12,17);">Heb 12:17</a>, probably referring to <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',27,34);">Ge 27:34</a>). The Psalmist describes his condition of distress metaphorically as feeding on the bread of tears and having tears to drink (<a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',80,5);">Ps 80:5</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',42,3);">42:3</a>). Tears in the figurative sense of anxiety for the future are referred to in <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',126,5);">Ps 126:5</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',9,24);">Mr 9:24</a> the King James Version, and the tears accompanying penitence in <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',7,38);">Lu 7:38 (44 the Revised Version margin)</a>. Jeremiah is sometimes called the "weeping prophet" on account of his expressive hyperbole in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',9,1,18);">Jer 9:1,18</a> (see also <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',14,7);">14:7</A>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',31,16);">31:16</A>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Lam\',1,2);">La 1:2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Lam\',2,11,18);">2:11,18</a> and ten other passages). Conversely the deliverance from grief or anxiety is described as the wiping away of tears (<a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',116,8);">Ps 116:8</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',25,8);">Isa 25:8</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Rev\',7,17);">Re 7:17</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Rev\',21,4);">21:4</a>).<P>The expression in <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',56,8);">Ps 56:8</a> in which the Psalmist desires that God should remember his wanderings and his tears has given rise to a curious mistake. There is a paronomasia in the passage as he pleads that God should record his wanderings (Hebrew, nodh) and that his tears should be put into God\'s no\'-dh (receptacle or bottle). No\'dh literally means a leathern or skin bottle, as is evident from <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',119,83);">Ps 119:83</a> and <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',9,\'4-13\');">Jos 9:4-13</a>. The request is obviously figurative, as there is no evidence that there was even a symbolical collection of tears into a bottle in any Semitic funeral ritual, and there is no foundation whatever for the modern identification of the long, narrow perfume jars so frequently found in late Jewish and Greek-Jewish graves, as "lachrymatories" or tear bottles.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=BOTTLE">BOTTLE</a>`107';
isbe[8641]='Teat`tet (shadh (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',32,12);">Isa 32:12</a>), dadh (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',23,3,11);">Eze 23:3,11</a>)): In all these passages the Revised Version (British and American) has replaced the word by "breast" or "bosom," both of which occasionally stand in poetical parallelism. The above passages in Ezekiel are to be understood figuratively of the inclination of Israel to connive at, and take part in, the idolatry of their neighbors. To "smite upon the breasts" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',32,12);">Isa 32:12</a>, where the King James Version translates wrongly "lament for the teats") means "to mourn and grieve in the ostentatious way of oriental women."`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=PAP">PAP</a>`1';
isbe[8642]='Tebah`te\'-ba (tebhach): A son of Nahor, the brother of Abraham (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',22,24);">Ge 22:24</a>).``1';
isbe[8643]='Tebaliah`teb-a-li\'-a, te-bal\'-ya (Tebhalyahu, "Yahweh hath dipped," i.e. "purified"; Codex Vaticanus Tablai; Codex Alexandrinus Tabelias; Lucian, Tabeel): A Merarite gatekeeper. (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',26,11);">1Ch 26:11</a>). The name should perhaps read Tobhiyahu, "Yahweh is good" (possibly from t-w-b-y-h-w misread Tebhalyahu).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TOBIJAH">TOBIJAH</a>`1';
isbe[8644]='Tebeth`te-beth\', te\'-beth (tebheth): The tenth month of the Jewish year, corresponding to January (<a onClick="return mV(\'Est\',2,16);">Es 2:16</a>).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=CALENDAR">CALENDAR</a>`1';
isbe[8645]='Tehaphnehes`te-haf\'-ne-hez`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TAHPANHES">TAHPANHES</a>`1';
isbe[8646]='Tehinnah`te-hin\'-a (techinnah, "supplication"; Codex Vaticanus Thaiman; Codex Alexandrinus Thana; Lucian, Theenna): "The father of the city Nahash" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',4,12);">1Ch 4:12</a>). The verse seems to refer to some post-exilic Jewish settlement, but is utterly obscure.``1';
isbe[8647]='Teil; Tree`tel the King James Version <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',6,13);">Isa 6:13</a> = the Revised Version (British and American) <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TEREBINTH">TEREBINTH</A> (which see).``1';
isbe[8648]='Tekel`te\'-kel (teqel).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=MENE,+MENE,+TEKEL,+UPHARSIN">MENE, MENE, TEKEL, UPHARSIN</a>`1';
isbe[8649]='Tekoa`te-ko\'-a (teqoa\', or teqo\'ah; Thekoe; the King James Version Tekoah; one of David\'s mighty men, "Ira the son of Ikkesh," is called a Tekoite, te-ko\'-it (teqo\'i; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',23,26);">2Sa 23:26</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',11,28);">1Ch 11:28</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',27,9);">27:9</a>; the "woman of Tekoa" [<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',14,2);">2Sa 14:2</a>] is in Hebrew teqo\'ith; in <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',3,5);">Ne 3:5</a> mention is made of certain Tekoites, te-ko\'its teqo\'im, who repaired part of the walls of Jerusalem):<P>1. Scripture References:<P>From here came the "wise woman" brought by Joab to try and make a reconciliation between David and Absalom (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',14,2);">2Sa 14:2</a>f); it was one of the cities fortified by Rehoboam (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',11,6);">2Ch 11:6</a>; Josephus, Ant, VIII, ix, 1). The wilderness of Tekoa is mentioned (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',20,20);">2Ch 20:20</a>) as the extreme edge of the inhabited area; here Jehoshaphat took counsel before advancing into the wilderness of Judea to confront the Ammonites and Moabites. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',6,1);">Jer 6:1</a>, we read, "Blow the trumpet in Tekoa and raise a signal in Beth-haccherim"<22>because of the enemy advancing from the north. <a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',1,1);">Amos 1:1</a>, one of the "herdsmen of Tekoa," was born here.<P>In <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',15,59);">Jos 15:59</a> (addition to verse in Septuagint only) Tekoa occurs at the beginning of the list of 11 additional cities of Judah<61>a list which includes Bethlehem, Ain Kairem and Bettir<69>which are omitted in the Hebrew. A Tekoa is mentioned as a son of Ashhur (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',2,24);">1Ch 2:24</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',4,5);">4:5</a>).<P>Jonathan Maccabeus and his brother Simon fled from the vengeance of Bacchides "into the wilderness of Thecoe (the Revised Version (British and American) "Tekoah") and pitched their tents (the Revised Version (British and American) "encamped") by the water of the pool Asphar" (1Macc 9:33).<P>2. Later History:<P>Josephus calls Tekoa a village in his day (Vita, 75), as does Jerome who describes it as 12 miles from Jerusalem and visible from Bethlehem; he says the tomb of the prophet Amos was there (Commentary on Jeremiah, VI, 1). "There was," he says, "no village beyond Tekoa in the direction of the wilderness." The good quality of its oil and honey is praised by other writers. In the 6th century a monastery, Laura Nova, was founded there by Saba. In the crusading times Tekoa was visited by pious pilgrims wishing to see the tomb of Amos, and some of the Christian inhabitants assisted the Crusaders in the first siege of Jerusalem. In 1138 the place was pillaged by a party of Turks from the east of the Jordan, and since that time the site appears to have lain desolate and ruined, although even in the 14th century the tomb of Amos was still shown.<P>3. The Site of Tequ\'a:<P>The site is without doubt the Khirbet Tequ\'a, a very extensive ruin, covering 4 or 5 acres, about 6 miles south of Bethlehem and 10 miles from Jerusalem, near the Frank Mountain and on the road to \'Ain Jidy. The remains on the surface are chiefly of large cut stone and are all, apparently, medieval. Fragments of pillars and bases of good hard limestone occur on the top of the hill, and there is an octagonal font of rose-red limestone; it is clear that the church once stood there. There are many tombs and cisterns in the neighborhood of a much earlier period. A spring is said to exist somewhere on the site, but if so it is buried out of sight. There is a reference in the "Life of Saladin" (Bahaoddenus), to the "river of Tekoa," from which Richard Coeur de Lion and his army drank, 3 miles from Jerusalem: this may refer to the Arab extension of the "low-level aqueduct" which passes through a long tunnel under the Sahl Tequ\'a and may have been thought by some to rise there.<P>The open fields around Teqa\'a are attractive and well suited for olive trees (which have now disappeared), and there are extensive grazing-lands. The neighborhood, even the "wilderness" to the east, is full of the flocks of wandering Bedouin. From the site, Bethlehem, the Mount of Olives and Nebi Samuel (Mizpah) are all visible; to the northeast is a peep of the Jordan valley near Jericho and of the mountains of Gilead, but most of the eastern outlook is cut off by rising ground (PEF, III,314,368, Sh XXI).``117';
isbe[8650]='Tel-Abib`tel-a\'-bib (tel \'abhibh; Vulgate (Jerome\'s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) ad acervum novarum frugum):<P>1. The Name and Its Meaining:<P>As written in Hebrew, Tel-abib means "hill of barley-ears" and is mentioned in <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',3,15);">Eze 3:15</a> as the place to which the prophet went, and where he found Jewish captives "that dwelt by the river Chebar." That Tel-abib is written, as Fried. Delitzsch suggests, for Til Ababi, "Mound of the Flood" (which may have been a not uncommon village-name in Babylonia) is uncertain. Moreover, if the captives themselves were the authors of the name, it is more likely to have been in the Hebrew language. Septuagint, which has meteoros, "passing on high," referring to the manner in which the prophet reached Tel-abib, must have had a different Hebrew reading.<P>2. The Position of the Settlement:<P>If the Chebar be the nar Kabari, as suggested by Hilprecht, Tel-abib must have been situated somewhere in the neighborhood of Niffer, the city identified with the Calneh of <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',10,10);">Ge 10:10</a>. The tablet mentioning the river Kabaru refers to grain (barley?) seemingly sent by boat from Niffer in Nisan of the 21st year of Artaxerxes I. Being a navigable waterway, this was probably a good trading-center.<P>LITERATURE.<P>See Hilprecht and Clay, Business Documents of Murasha Sons ("Pennsylvania Exp.," Vol IX, 28); Clay, Light on the Old Testament from Babel, 405.``136';
isbe[8651]='Tel-Harsha`tel-har\'-sha (tel-charsha\'): In <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',2,59);">Ezr 2:59</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',7,61);">Ne 7:61</a> (the King James Version in latter, "\'Telharesha," tel-ha-re\'sha, -har\'e-sha), a Babylonian town or village from which Jews who could not show their lineage returned with Zerubbabel. The site is unknown. In 1Esdras 5:36 it is called "Thelersas."``1';
isbe[8652]='Tel-Melah`tel-me\'-la (tel-melah, "hill of salt"): A Babylonian town mentioned in <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',2,59);">Ezr 2:59</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',7,61);">Ne 7:61</a> with Tel-harsha and Cherub (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TEL-HARSHA">TEL-HARSHA</a>). It possibly lay on the low salt tract near the Persian Gulf. In 1Esdras 5:36 it is called "Thermeleth."``1';
isbe[8653]='Telah`te\'-la (telah; Codex Vaticanus Thalees, Codex Alexandrinus Thale; Lucian, Thala): An Ephraimite (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',7,25);">1Ch 7:25</a>).``1';
isbe[8654]='Telaim`te-la\'-im (ha-tela\'-im "the young lambs"; en Galgalois): The place where Saul "summoned the people, and numbered them" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',15,4);">1Sa 15:4</a>) before his attack on Agag, king of the Amalekites. Some authorities read "Telam" for "Havilah" in verse 7 and also find this name in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',27,8);">1Sa 27:8</a> instead of me\'olam. In Septuagint and Josephus (Ant., VI, vii, 2) Gilgal occurs instead of Telaim, on what ground is not known. Probably Telaim is identical with <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TELEM">TELEM</A> (which see), though the former may have been the name of a Bedouin tribe inhabiting the latter district. Compare Dhallam Arabs now found south of Tell el-Milch.``117';
isbe[8655]='Telassar`te-las\'-ar (tela\'-ssar (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',19,12);">2Ki 19:12</a>), telassar (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',37,12);">Isa 37:12</a>); Codex Alexandrinus Thalassar; Codex Vaticanus Thaesthen; Vulgate (Jerome\'s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) Thelassar, Thalassar):<P>1. The Name and Its Meaning:<P>This city, which is referred to by Sennacherib\'s messengers to Hezekiah, is stated by them to have been inhabited by the "children of Eden." It had been captured by the Assyrian king\'s forefathers, from whose hands its gods had been unable to save it. Notwithstanding the vocalization, the name is generally rendered "Hill of Asshur," the chief god of the Assyrians, but "Hill of Assar," or Asari (a name of the Babylonian Merodach), would probably be better.<P>2. Suggestions as to the Geographical Position:<P>As Telassar was inhabited by the "children of Eden," and is mentioned with Gozan, Haran, and Rezeph, in Western Mesopotamia, it has been suggested that it lay in Bit Adini, "the House of Adinu," or Betheden, in the same direction, between the Euphrates and the Belikh. A place named Til-Assuri, however, is twice mentioned by Tiglath-pileser IV (Ann., 176; Slab-Inscr., II, 23), and from these passages it would seem to have lain near enough to the Assyrian border to be annexed. The king states that he made there holy sacrifices to Merodach, whose seat it was. It was inhabited by Babylonians (whose home was the Edinu or "plain"; see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=EDEN">EDEN</a>). Esarhaddon, Sennacherib\'s son, who likewise conquered the place, writes the name Til-Asurri, and states that the people of Mihranu called it Pitanu. Its inhabitants, he says, were people of Barnaku. If this be Bit Burnaki in Elam, extending from the boundary of Rasu (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ROSH">ROSH</A>), which was ravaged by Sennacherib (Babylonians Chronicles, III, 10ff), Til-Assuri probably lay near the western border of Elam. Should this identification be the true one, the Hebrew form telassar would seem to be more correct than the Assyrian Til-Assuri (-Asurri), which latter may have been due to the popular idea that the second element was the name of the national god Assur. See French Delitzsch, Wo lag das Paradies? 264.``136';
isbe[8656]='Telem (1)`te\'-lem (Telem; Telem): A city in the Negeb "toward the border of Edom," belonging to Judah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',15,24);">Jos 15:24</a>). In Septuagint of <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',3,12);">2Sa 3:12</a> Abner is said to send messengers to David at Thelam (Thailam); this would seem to be the same place and also to be identical with the Telaim and Telam of Saul (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TELAIM">TELAIM</A>). It is probably the same as the Talmia of the Talmud (Neubauer, Geog. du Talmud, 121). The site has not been recovered.``1';
isbe[8657]='Telem (2)`(Telem; Septuagint Codex Vaticanus Telem; Codex Alexandrinus Tellem): One of three "porters" who had married foreign wives (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',10,24);">Ezr 10:24</a>), his name appearing as "Tolbanes" in 1Esdras 9:25; perhaps the same as <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TALMON">TALMON</a> (which see).``1';
isbe[8658]='Tell``<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TALE">TALE</a>`1';
isbe[8659]='Tell El-Amarna; Tablets`tel-el-a-mar\'-na,<P><b>I. INTRODUCTION</b><P class="in15">1. Name<P class="in15">2. Discovery<P class="in15">3. Physical Character<P><b>II. EPIGRAPHICAL VALUE</b><P class="in15">1. Peculiar Cuneiform Script<P class="in15">2. Method of Writing Proper Names<P><b>III. PHILOLOGICAL VALUE</b><P class="in15">1. Knowledge of Amorite, Hittite and Mitannian Tongues<P class="in15">2. Persistence of Canaanite Names to the Present Time<P class="in15">3. Verification of Biblical Statements concerning "the Language of Canaan"<P><b>IV. GEOGRAPHICAL VALUE</b><P class="in15">1. Political and Ethnological Lines and Locations<P class="in15">2. Verification of Biblical and Egyptian Geographical Notices<P class="in15">3. Confirmation of General Evidential Value of Ancient Geographical Notes of Bible Lands<P><b>V. HISTORICAL VALUE</b><P class="in15">1. Revolutionary Change of Opinion concerning Canaanite Civilization in Patriarchal Times<P class="in15">2. Anomalous Historical Situation Revealed by Use of Cuneiform Script<P class="in15">3. Extensive Diplomatic Correspondence of the Age<P class="in15">4. Unsolved Problem of the Habiri<P><b>LITERATURE</b><hr /><P>A collection of about 350 inscribed clay tablets from Egypt, but written in the cuneiform writing, being part of the royal archives of Amenophis III and Amenophis IV; kings of the XVIIIth Egyptian Dynasty about 1480 to 1460 BC. Some of the tablets are broken and there is a little uncertainty concerning the exact number of separate letters. 81 are in the British Museum = BM; 160 in the New Babylonian and Assyrian Museum, Berlin= B; 60 in the Cairo Museum = C; 20 at Oxford = O; the remainder, 20 or more, are in other museums or in private collections.<P>I. Introduction.<P>1. Name:<P>The name, Tell el-Armarna, "the hill Amarna," is the modern name of ancient ruins about midway between Memphis and Luxor in Egypt. The ruins mark the site of the ancient city Khut Aten, which Amenophis IV built in order to escape the predominant influence of the old religion of Egypt represented by the priesthood at Thebes, and to establish a new cult, the worship of Aten, the sun\'s disk.<P>2. Discovery:<P>In 1887 a peasant woman, digging in the ruins of Tell el-Amarna for the dust of ancient buildings with which to fertilize her garden, found tablets, a portion of the royal archives. She filled her basket with tablets and went home. How many she had already pulverized and grown into leeks and cucumbers and melons will never be known. This time someone\'s curiosity was aroused, and a native dealer secured the tablets. Knowledge of the "find" reached Chauncey Murch, D.D., an American missionary stationed at Luxor, who, suspecting the importance of the tablets, called the attention of cuneiform scholars to them. Then began a short but intense and bitter contest between representatives of various museums on the one hand, eager for scientific material, and native dealers, on the other hand, rapacious at the prospect of the fabulous price the curious tablets might bring. The contest resulted in the destruction of some of the tablets by ignorant natives and the final distribution of the remainder and of the broken fragments, as noted at the beginning of this article. (see also Budge, History of Egypt, IV, 186). After the discovery of the tablets the site of the ancient city was excavated by Professor Petrie in 1891-92 (Tell el-Amarna; compare also Baedeker, Egypt).<P>3. Physical Character:<P>The physical character of the tablets is worthy of some notice. They are clay tablets. Nearly all are brick tablets, i.e. rectangular, flat tablets varying in size from 2 X 2 1/2 in. to 3 1//2 X 9 inches, inscribed on both sides and sometimes upon the edges. One tablet is of a convex form (B 1601). The clay used in the tablets also varies much. The tablets of the royal correspondence from Babylonia and one tablet from Mitanni (B 153) are of fine Babylonian clay. The Syrian and Palestinian correspondence is in one or two instances of clay which was probably imported from Babylonia for correspondence, but for the most part these tablets are upon the clay of the country and they show decided differences among themselves in color and texture: in some instances the clay is sandy and decidedly inferior. A number of tablets have red points, a kind of punctuation for marking the separation into words, probably inserted by the Egyptian translator of the letters at the court of the Pharaoh. These points were for the purpose of assisting in the reading. They do now assist the reading very much. Some tablets also show the hieroglyphic marks which the Egyptian scribe put on them when filing them among the archives. The writing also is varied. Some of the tablets from Palestine (B 328, 330, 331) are crudely written. Others of the letters, as in the royal correspondence from Babylonia, are beautifully written. These latter (B 149-52) seem to have been written in a totally different way from the others; those from Western Asia appear to have been written with the stylus held as we commonly hold a pen, but the royal letters from Babylonia were written by turning the point of the stylus to the left and the other end to the right over the second joint of the first finger.<P>The results of the discovery of the Tell el-Amarna Letters have been far-reaching, and there are indications of still other benefits which may yet accrue from them. The discovery of them shares with the discovery of the Code of Hammurabi the distinction of the first place among Biblical discoveries of the past half-century.<P>II. Epigraphical Value<P>1.Peculiar Cuneiform Script:<P>The peculiar use of the cuneiform method of writing in these tablets in order to adapt it to the requirements of a strange land having a native tongue, and the demands made upon it for the representation of proper names of a foreign tongue, have already furnished the basis for the opinion that the same cuneiform method of writing was employed originally in other documents, especially some portions of the Bible and much material for Egyptian governmental reports. It is not improbable that by means of such data furnished by the tablets definite clues may be obtained to the method of writing, and by that also approximately the time of the composition, of the literary sources that were drawn upon in the composition of the Pentateuch, and even of the Pentateuch itself (compare especially Naville, Archaeology of the Bible).<P>2. Method of Writing Proper Names:<P>Most of the letters were probably written by Egyptian officers or, more frequently, by scribes in the employ of native appointees of the Egyptian government. The writing of so many proper names by these scribes in the cuneiform script has thrown a flood of light upon the spelling of Canaanite names by Egyptian scribes in the hieroglyphic inscriptions of Egypt. It is evident now that certainly some, perhaps most, of these scribes worked from cuneiform lists (Muller, Egyptological Researches, 1906, 40). As the system of representation of Palestinian names by Egyptian scribes becomes thus better understood, the identification of more and more of the places in Palestine named in the Egyptian inscriptions becomes possible. Every such identification makes more nearly perfect the identification of Biblical places, the first and most important item in historical evidence.<P>III. Philologlcal Value.<P>1. Knowledge of Amorite, Hittite and Mitannian Tongues:<P>No other literary discovery, indeed, not all the others together, have afforded so much light upon philological problems in patriarchal Palestine as the Tell el-Amarna Letters. Something is now really definitely known of "the language of Canaan," the speech of the people of patriarchal days in Palestine. The remarkable persistence of old Canaanite words and names and forms of speech of these tablets down to the present time makes it plain that the peasant speech of today is the lineal descendant of that of Abraham\'s day. The letters are in the Babylonian tongue modified by contact with the speech of the country, a kind of early Aramaic (Conder, The Tell Amarna Tablets, X; Dhorme, "La langue de Canaan," Revue Biblique, Juillet, 1913, 369). There are also frequent Canaanite words inserted as glosses to explain the Babylonian words (Dhorme, op. cit.).<P>2. Persistence of Canaanite Names to the Present Time: The facts evinced by the persistence of the early Canaanite speech (compare 1, above) down through all the centuries to the peasant speech of Palestine of today furnishes a verification of the Biblical reference to the "language of Canaan" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',19,18);">lsa 19:18</A>). That peasant speech is, as it manifestly has always been since patriarchal times, a Semitic tongue. Now, even so adventurous a work as a grammar of the ancient Canaanite language has been attempted, based almost entirely upon the material furnished by the Tell el-Amarna Letters (Dhorme, op. cit.), in which the speech of Palestine in patriarchal days is described as "ancient Canaanite or Hebrew."<P>3. Verification of Biblical Statements concerning "the Language of Canaan":<P>Some more specific knowledge is also supplied by the Tell el-Amarna Letters concerning the Amorite language through the many Amorite names and the occasional explanations given in Amorite words (compare especially the 50 letters of Ribadda), and some knowledge of Hittite (Letter of Tarkhundara; Conder, The Tell Amarna Tablets, 225f), concerning the Mitannian tongue (B 153, 190, 191, 233). One other tablet (B 342) is in an unknown tongue.<P>IV. Geographical Value.<P>1. Political and Ethnological Lines and Locations<P>There was a very wide international horizon in the days of the correspondence contained in the Tell el-Amarna Letters, a horizon that enclosed Egypt, Babylonia, Canaan, Mitanni and the land of the Hittites; but the more definite geographical information supplied by the tablets is limited almost entirely to the great Syrian and Canaanite coast land. There is difference of opinion concerning the identification of a few of the places mentioned, but about 90 have been identified with reasonable certainty.<P>2. Verification of Biblical and Egyptian Geographical Notices<P>It is possible now to trace the course of the military operations mentioned in the Tell el-Amarna Letters with almost as much satisfaction as the course of a modern military campaign, and there is much verification also of Biblical and Egyptian geographical notices.<P>3. Confirmation of General Evidential Value of Ancient Geographical Notes of Bible Lands<P>The identification of such a large number of places and the ability thus given to trace the course of historical movements in that remote age are a remarkable testimony to the historical value of ancient records of that part of the world, for accuracy concerning place is of first importance in historical records.<P>V. Historical Value.<P>The Tell el-Amarna Letters furnish an amount of historical material about equal in bulk to one-half of the Pentateuch. While much of this bears more particularly upon general history of the ancient Orient, there is scarcely any part of it which does not directly or indirectly supply information which parallels some phase of Biblical history. It is not certain that any individual mentioned in the Bible is mentioned in these tablets, yet it is possible, many think it well established, that many of the persons and events of the conquest period are mentioned (compare 4 (1), below). There is also much that reflects the civilization of times still imperfectly understood, reveals historical events hitherto unknown, or but little known, and gives many sidelights upon the movements of nations and peoples of whom there is something said in the Bible.<P>1. Revolutionary Change of Opinion concerning Canaanite Civilization in Patriarchal Times<P>A revolutionary change of opinion concerning the civilization of patriarchal Palestine has taken place. It was formerly the view of all classes of scholars, from the most conservative, on the one hand, to the most radical, on the other, that there was a very crude state of civilization in Palestine in the patriarchal age, and this entirely independent of, and indeed prior to, any demand made by the evolutionary theory of Israel\'s history. Abraham was pictured as a pioneer from a land of culture to a distant dark place in the world, and his descendants down to the descent into Egypt were thought to have battled with semi-barbarous conditions, and to have returned to conquer such a land and bring civilization into it. All this opinion is now changed, primarily by the information contained in the Tell el-Amarna Letters and secondarily by incidental hints from Egyptian and Babylonian inscriptions now seen to support the high stage of civilization revealed in the Tell el-Amarna Letters (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ARCHAEOLOGY+AND+CRITICISM">ARCHAEOLOGY AND CRITICISM</A>). The tablets make mention of "\' capital cities,\' \'provincial cities,\' \'fortresses,\' \'towns,\' and \'villages\' with \'camps\' and Hazors (or enclosures); while irrigation of gardens is also noticed, and the papyrus grown at Gebal, as well as copper, tin, gold, silver, agate, money (not, of course, coins) and precious objects of many kinds, mulberries, olives, corn, ships and chariots" (Conder, op. cit., 4).<P>The account of a bride\'s marriage portion from Mitanni reveals conditions farther north: "Two horses, and a chariot plated with gold and silver, and adorned with precious stones. The harness of the horses was adorned in like manner. Two camel litters appear to be next noticed, and apparently variegated garments worked with gold, and embroidered zones and shawls. These are followed by lists of precious stones, and a horse\'s saddle adorned with gold eagles. A necklace of solid gold and gems, a bracelet of iron gilt, an anklet of solid gold, and other gold objects follow; and apparently cloths, and silver objects, and vases of copper or bronze. An object of jade or jasper and leaves of gold....Five gems of \'stone of the great light\' (probably diamonds) follow, with ornaments for the head and feet, and a number of bronze objects and harness for chariots" (ibid., 188-89). The record of Thothmes III concerning booty brought from Palestine fully confirms this representation of the tablets (Birch, Records of the Past, 1st ser., II, 35-52; compare Sayce, Archaeology of the Cuneiform Inscriptions, 156-57).<P>The Babylonian inscriptions show that Abraham was a part of an emigration movement from the homeland to a frontier province, having the same laws and much of the same culture (Lyon, American Oriental Society Journal, XXV, 254; Barton, American Philosophical Proceedings, LII, number 209, April,1913,197; Kyle, Deciding Voice of the Monuments in Biblical Criticism, chapter xv). The Egyptian sculptured pictures make clear that the civilization of Palestine in patriarchal times was fully equal to that of Egypt (compare Petrie, Deshasheh, plural IV).<P>That these things of elegance and skill are not merely the trappings of "barbaric splendor" is manifest from the revelation which the Tell el-Amarna Letters make of ethnic movements and of influences at work from the great nations on either side of Canaan, making it impossible that the land could have been, at that period, other than a place of advanced civilization. Nearly all the tablets furnish most unequivocal evidence that Egypt had imperial rule over the land through a provincial government which was at the time falling into decay, while the cuneiform method of writing used in the tablets by such a variety of persons, in such high and low estate, implying thus long-established literary culture and a general diffusion of the knowledge of a most difficult system of writing, makes it clear that the civilization of Babylonia had been well established before the political power of Egypt came to displace that of Babylonia.<P>2. Anomalous Historical Situation Revealed by Use of Cuneiform Script<P>The displacement of Babylonian political power in Palestine just mentioned (1, above) points at once to a most remarkable historical situation revealed by the Tell el-Amarna Letters, i.e. official Egyptian correspondence between the out-lying province of Canaan and the imperial government at home, carried on, not in the language and script of Egypt, but in the script of Babylonia and in a language that is a modified Babylonian. This marks one step in the great, age-long conflict between the East and the West, between Babylonia and Egypt, with Canaan as the football of empires. It reveals<6C>what the Babylonian inscriptions confirm<72>the long-preceding occupation of Canaan by Babylonia, continuing down to the beginning of patriarchal times, which had so given Canaan a Babylonian stamp that the subsequent political occupation of the land by Egypt under Thothmes III had not yet been able to efface the old stamp or give a new impression.<P>3. Extensive Diplomatic Correspondence of the Age<P>The extensive diplomatic correspondence between nations so widely separated as Egypt on the west, and Babylonia on the east, Mitanni on the north, and the Hittite country on the northwest, is also shown by the Tell el-Amarna Letters. In addition to the large number of letters between Canaan and Egypt, there are quite a number of these royal tablets: letters from Kadashman Bell, or Kallima-Sin (BM 29784), and Burna-burias of Babylonia (B 149-52), Assur-uballidh of Assyria and Dusratta of Mitanni (B 150, 191-92, 233), etc. There seems at first sight a little pettiness about this international correspondence that is almost childish, since so much of it is occupied with the marriage of princesses and the payment of dowers, and the exchange of international gifts and privileges (Budge, History of Egypt, IV, 189-90). But one might be surprised at the amount of such things in the private correspondence of kings of the present day, if access to it could be gained. The grasping selfishness also revealed in these tablets by the constant cry for gold is, after all, but a less diplomatic and more frank expression of the commercial haggling between nations of today for advantages and concessions.<P>4. Unsolved Problem of the Habiri<P>The subject of greatest historical interest in Biblical matters presented by the Tell el-Amarna Letters is the great, unsolved problem of the Habiri. Unsolved it is, for while every writer on the subject has a very decided opinion of his own, all must admit that a problem is not solved upon which there is such wide and radical difference of opinion among capable scholars, and that not running along easy lines of cleavage, but dividing indiscriminately all classes of scholars.<P>(1) One view very early advanced and still strongly held by some (Conder, op. cit., 138-44) is that Habiri is to be read \'Abiri, and means the Hebrews. It is pointed out that the letters referring to these people are from central and Southern Palestine, that the Habiri had some relation with Mt. Seir, that they are represented as contemporaneous with Japhia king of Gezer, Jabin king of Hazor, and probably Adonizedek king of Jerusalem, contemporaries of Joshua, and that certain incidental movements of Israel and of the people of Palestine mentioned in the Bible are also mentioned or assumed in the tablets (Conder, op. cit., 139-51). In reply to these arguments for the identification of the Habiri with the Hebrews under Joshua, it may be noted that, although the letters which speak of the Habiri are all from Central or Southern Palestine, they belong to very nearly the same time as the very numerous letters concerning the extensive wars in the north. The distinct separation of the one set of letters from the other is rather arbitrary and so creates an appearance which has little or no existence in fact. Probably these southern letters refer to the same disturbances spreading from the north toward the south, which is fatal to theory that the Habiri are the Hebrews under Joshua, for these latter came in from the southeast. The reference to Seir is obscure and seems rather to locate that place in the direction of Carmel (Conder, op. cit., 145). The mention of Japhia king of Gezer, and Jabin king of Hazor, does not signify much, for these names may be titles, or there may have been many kings, in sequence, of the same name. Concerning Adonizedek, it is diffcult to believe that this reading of the name of the king of Jerusalem would ever have been thought of, except for the desire to identify the Habiri with the Hebrews under Joshua. This name Adonizedek is only made out, with much uncertainty, by the unusual method of translating the king\'s name instead of transliterating it. If the name was Adonizedek, why did not the scribe write it so, instead of translating it for the Pharaoh into an entirely different name because of its meaning? The seeming correspondences between the letters and the account of the conquest in the Bible lose much of their significance when the greater probabilities raised in the names and the course of the wars are taken away.<P>(2) Against the view that the Habiri were the Hebrews of the Bible may be cited not only these discrepancies in the evidence presented for that view (compare (1), above), but also the very strong evidence from Egypt that the Exodus took place in the Ramesside dynasties, thus not earlier than the XIXth Dynasty and probably under Merenptah, the successor of Rameses II. The name Rameses for one of the store cities could hardly have occurred before the Ramesside kings. The positive declaration of Rameses II: "I built Pithom," against which there is no evidence whatever, and the coincidence between the Israel tablet of Merenptah (Petrie, Six Temples at Thebes,28,pls. XIII-XIV) and the Biblical record of the Exodus, which makes the 5th year under Merenptah to be the 5th year of Moses\' leadership (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=MOSES">MOSES</a>), make it very difficult, indeed seemingly impossible, to accept the Habiri as the Hebrews of the conquest.<P>(3) Another view concerning the Habiri, strongly urged by some (Sayce, The Higher Criticism and the Verdict of the Monuments, 175ff), is that they are Habiri, not \'Abiri, and that the name means "confederates," and was not a personal or tribal name at all. The certainty that there was, just a little before this time, an alliance in conspiracy among the Amorites and others, as revealed in the tablets for the region farther north, gives much color to this view. This opinion also relieves the chronological difficulties which beset the view that the Habiri were the Biblical Hebrews (compare (2), above), but it is contended that this reading does violence to the text.<P>(4) Another most ingenious view is advanced by Jeremias (The Old Testament in the Light of the Ancient East, 341), that the name is Habiri, that "the name answers to the sounds of \'Hebrews,\' and that the names are identical," but that this name in the Tell el-Amarna Letters is not a proper name at all, but a descriptive word, as when we read of "Abraham the Hebrew," i.e. the "stranger" or "immigrant." Thus Habiri would be "Hebrews," i.e. "strangers" or "immigrants" (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=HEBERITES">HEBERITES</A>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=HEBREW">HEBREW</A>), but the later question of the identification of these with the Hebrews of the Bible is still an open question.<P>(5) It may be that the final solution of the problem presented by the Habiri will be found in the direction indicated by combining the view that sees in them only "strangers" with the view that sees them to be "confederates." There were undoubtedly "confederates" in conspiracy against Egypt in the time of the Tell el-Amarna Letters. The government of Egypt did not come successfully to the relief of the beleaguered province, but weakly yielded. During the time between the writing of the tablets and the days of Merenptah and the building of Pithom no great strong government from either Egypt or Babylonia or the north was established in Palestine. At the time of the conquest there is constant reference made to "the Hittites and the Amorites and the Perizzites," etc. Why are they so constantly mentioned as a group, unless they were in some sense "confederates"? It is not impossible, indeed it is probable, that these Hittites and Amorites and Perizzites, etc., Palestinian tribes having some kind of loose confederacy in the days of the conquest, represent the last state of the confederates," the conspirators, who began operations in the Amorite war against the imperial Egyptian government recorded in the Tell el-Amarna Letters, and, in the correspondence from the south, were called in those days Habiri, i.e. "strangers" or "immigrants." For the final decision on the problem of the Habiri and the full elucidation of many things in the Tell el-Amarna Letters we must await further study of the tablets by expert cuneiform scholars, and especially further discovery in contemporary history.<P>The Jerusalem letters of the southern correspondence present something of much importance which does not bear at all upon the problem of the Habiri. The frequently recurring title of the king of Jerusalem, "It was not my father, it was not my mother, who established me in this position" (Budge, History of Egypt, IV, 231-35), seems to throw light upon the strange description given of <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=MELCHIZEDEK">MELCHIZEDEK</a> (which see), the king of Jerusalem in the days of Abraham. The meaning here clearly is that the crown was not hereditary, but went by appointment, the Pharaoh of Egypt having the appointing power. Thus the king as such had no ancestor and no descendant, thus furnishing the peculiar characteristics made use of to describe the character of the Messiah\'s priesthood in the Epistle to the Hebrews (<a onClick="return mV(\'Hbr\',7,3);">7:3</a>).<P>LITERATURE.<P>Conder, The Tell Amarna Tablets; Knudtzon, Die El-Amarna-Tafeln, in Heinrich\'s Vorderasiatische Bibliothek, II; Petrie, Tell el Amarna Tablets; idem, Syria and Egypt from the Tell el Amarna Letters; idem, Hist of Egypt; Jeremias, The Old Testament in the Light of the Ancient East.``93';
isbe[8660]='Tema`te\'-ma (tema\', "south country"; Thaiman): The name of a son of Ishmael (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',25,15);">Ge 25:15</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',1,30);">1Ch 1:30</a>), of the tribe descended from him (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',25,23);">Jer 25:23</a>), and of the place where they dwelt (<a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',6,19);">Job 6:19</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',21,14);">Isa 21:14</a>). This last was a locality in Arabia which probably corresponds to the modern Teima\' (or Tayma\' (see Doughty, Arabia Deserta, I, 285)), an oasis which lies about 200 miles north of el-Medina, and some 40 miles south of Dumat el-Jandal (Dumah), now known as el-Jauf. It is on the ancient caravan road connecting the Persian Gulf with the Gulf of Aqaba; and doubtless the people took a share in the carrying trade (<a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',6,19);">Job 6:19</a>). The wells of the oasis still attract the wanderers from the parched wastes (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',21,14);">Isa 21:14</a>). Doughty (loc. cit.) describes the ruins of the old city wall, some 3 miles in circuit. An Aramaic stele recently discovered, belonging to the 6th century BC, shows the influence of Assyrian art. The place is mentioned in the cuneiform inscriptions (Schrader, KAT2, 149).``54';
isbe[8661]='Temah`te\'-ma (temach, Codex Alexandrinus and Codex Vaticanus Thema; Lucian, Themaa; <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',7,55);">Ne 7:55</a>; Codex Vaticanus Hemath; Codex Alexandrinus Thema; Lucian, Themaa; the King James Version, Thamah): The family name of a company of Nethinim (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',2,53);">Ezr 2:53</a>).``1';
isbe[8662]='Teman`te\'-man (teman, "on the right," i.e. "south"; Thaiman): The name of a district and town in the land of Edom, named after Teman the grandson of Esau, the son of his firstborn, Eliphaz (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',36,11);">Ge 36:11</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',1,36);">1Ch 1:36</a>). A duke Teman is named among the chiefs or clans of Edom (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',36,42);">Ge 36:42</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',1,53);">1Ch 1:53</a>). He does not however appear first, in the place of the firstborn. Husham of the land of the Temanites was one of the ancient kings of Edom (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',36,34);">Ge 36:34</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',1,45);">1Ch 1:45</a>). From <a onClick="return mV(\'Oba\',1,9);">Obad 1:9</a> we gather that Teman was in the land of Esau (Edom). In <a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',1,12);">Am 1:12</a> it is named along with Bozrah, the capital of Edom. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',25,13);">Eze 25:13</a> desolation is denounced upon Edom: "From Teman even unto Dedan shall they fall by the sword." Dedan being in the south, Teman must be sought in the north. Eusebius, Onomasticon knows a district in the Gebalene region called Theman, and also a town with the same name, occupied by a Roman garrison, 15 miles from Petra. Unfortunately no indication of direction is given. No trace of the name has yet been found. It may have been on the road from Elath to Bozrah.<P>The inhabitants of Teman seem to have been famous for their wisdom (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',49,7);">Jer 49:7</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Oba\',1,8);">Obad 1:8</a>f). Eliphaz the Temanite was chief of the comforters of Job (<a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',2,11);">2:11</a>, etc.). The manner in which the city is mentioned by the prophets, now by itself, and again as standing for Edom, shows how important it must have been in their time.``54';
isbe[8663]='Temeni`tem\'-e-ni, te\'-me-ni (temeni, Baer, timeni; Codex Vaticanus and Codex Alexandrinus Thaiman; Lucian, Thaimanei): The word temeni means a southerner, i.e. of Southern Judah; compare <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TEMAN">TEMAN</A> (patronymic temani), the name of Edom (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',36,11);">Ge 36:11</a>, etc.), the "son" of Ashhur (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',4,6);">1Ch 4:6</a>).``1';
isbe[8664]='Temper`tem\'-per: The word is used in the King James Version to render different Hebrew words. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',46,14);">Eze 46:14</a> for "temper" (racac) the Revised Version (British and American) substitutes "moisten." In So (<a onClick="return mV(\'Sgs\',5,2);">5:2</a>) a noun from the same stem means "dew-drops." In <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',29,2);">Ex 29:2</a> the King James Version we read "cakes unleavened, tempered (balal, literally, "mixed") with oil," the Revised Version (British and American) "mingled." The word denotes "rough-and-ready mixing." In the recipe for the making of incense given in Exodus (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',30,35);">30:35</A>) occur the words "tempered together," malach (literally, "salted"; hence, the Revised Version (British and American) "seasoned with salt"). The word occurs in two interesting connections in <span class="noTag">The Wisdom of Solomon 15:7</a> (the Revised Version (British and American) "knead") and 16:21. In <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',12,24);">1Co 12:24</a> it occurs in English Versions of the Bible as a rendering of the Greek word sugqerannumi, which meant to "mix together." Paul is arguing in favor of the unity of the church and of cooperation on the part of individual members, and uses as an illustration the human body which consists of various organs with various functions. It is God, argues the apostle, who has "tempered," "compounded" or "blended," the body. Each member has its place and function and must contribute to the welfare of the whole frame. The same Greek word occurs in <a onClick="return mV(\'Hbr\',4,2);">Heb 4:2</a>. The author urges the necessity of faith in regard to the gospel. The unbelieving Israelites had derived no benefit from their hearing of the gospel because their hearing of it was not "mixed" with faith.``103';
isbe[8665]='Temperance; Temperate`tem\'-per-ans; tem\'-per-at (egkrateia), (egkrates, nephalios, sophron): the American Standard Revised Version departs from the King James Version and the English Revised Version by translating egkrateia "self-control" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',24,25);">Ac 24:25</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Gal\',5,23);">Ga 5:23</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Pe\',1,6);">2Pe 1:6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',9,25);">1Co 9:25</a>), following the English Revised Version margin in several of these passages. This meaning is in accordance with classical usage, Plato applying it to "mastery" not only of self, but of any object denoted by a genitive following. Septuagint applies it to the possession "of strongholds" (2Macc 8:30; 10:15), "of a position" (2Macc 10:17), "of the city" (2Macc 13:13), "of wisdom" (Sirach 6:27). The reflexive meaning of "self-mastery," "self-restraint," is equally well established in the classics and Septuagint. Thus, in the verbal form, it is found in <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',43,31);">Ge 43:31</a>, for the self-restraint exercised by Joseph in the presence of his brethren, when they appeared before him as suppliants, and in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',13,12);">1Sa 13:12</a>, where Saul professes that he "forced" himself to do what was contrary to his desire. For patristic use of the term, see illustrations in Suicer\'s Thesaurus Ecclesiasticus, I, 1000ff. Clement of Alexandria: "Not abstaining from all things, but using continently such things as one has judged should be used"; "such things as do not seem beyond right reason." Basil: "To avoid excess on both sides, so as neither by luxury to be confused, nor, by becoming sickly, to be disabled from doing what has been commanded." Chrysostom (on <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ti\',1,8);">1Ti 1:8</a>) applies it to "one mastering passion of tongue, hand and unbridled eyes." Ellicott and Eadie (on <a onClick="return mV(\'Gal\',5,23);">Ga 5:23</a>) quote Diogenes Laertius to the effect that the word refers to "control over the stronger passions." In <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',9,25);">1Co 9:25</a>, Paul illustrates it by the training of an athlete, whose regimen is not only described in the Ars Poetica of Horace (412ff), and in Epictetus (quoted in Alford on this passage), but can be learned of the many devotees and admirers of similar pursuits today.<P>The principle involved is that of the concentration of all man\'s powers and capabilities upon the one end of doing God\'s will, in and through whatever calling God appoints, and the renunciation of everything either wholly or to whatever degree necessary, however innocent or useful it may be in its proper place, that interferes with one\'s highest efficiency in this calling (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',10,31);">1Co 10:31</a>). Not limited to abstinence, it is rather the power and decision to abstain with reference to some fixed end, and the use of the impulses of physical, as servants for the moral, life. It does not refer to any one class of objects that meets us, but to all; to what concerns speech and judgment, as well as to what appeals to sense. It is properly an inner spiritual virtue, working into the outward life, incapable of being counterfeited or replaced by any abstinence limited to that which is external (Augsburg Confession, Articles XXVI, XXVII). When its absence, however, is referred to as sin, the negative is generally more prominent than the positive side of temperance. The reference in <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',24,25);">Ac 24:25</a> is to chastity, and in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',7,9);">1Co 7:9</a>, as the context shows, to the inner side of chastity. In <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ti\',3,2,11);">1Ti 3:2,11</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Tts\',2,2);">Tit 2:2</a>, the word nephalios has its original meaning as the opposite to "drunken" (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=SOBRIETY">SOBRIETY</A>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=DRINK">DRINK</a>, <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=STRONG">STRONG</A>). See also the treatises on ethics by Luthardt (both the Compendium and the History), Martensen, Koestlin and Haring on temperance, asceticism, continence.``84';
isbe[8666]='Tempest`tem\'-pest (ce\'-arah, or se\'-arah, "a whirlwind," zerem, "overflowing rain"; cheimon, thuella): Heavy storms of wind and rain are common in Palestine and the Mediterranean. The storms particularly mentioned in the Bible are:<P>(1) the 40 days\' rain of the great flood of Noah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',7,4);">Ge 7:4</a>);<P>(2) hail and rain as a plague in Egypt (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',9,18);">Ex 9:18</a>);<P>(3) the great rain after the drought and the contest of Elijah on Carmel (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',18,45);">1Ki 18:45</a>);<P>(4) the tempest on the sea in the story of Jonah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jon\',1,4);">1:4</a>);<P>(5) the storm on the Lake of Galilee when Jesus was awakened to calm the waves (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',8,24);">Mt 8:24</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',4,37);">Mr 4:37</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',8,23);">Lu 8:23</a>);<P>(6) the storm causing the shipwreck of Paul at Melita (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',27,18);">Ac 27:18</a>).<P>Frequent references are found to God\'s power over storm and use of the tempest in His anger: "He maketh the storm a calm" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',107,29);">Ps 107:29</a>); He sends the "tempest of hail, a destroying storm" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',28,2);">Isa 28:2</a>). See also <a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',9,17);">Job 9:17</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',21,18);">21:18</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',30,30);">Isa 30:30</a>. Yahweh overwhelms His enemies as with a storm: "She shall be visited of Yahweh of hosts with thunder, and with earthquake, and great noise, with whirlwind and tempest" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',29,6);">Isa 29:6</a>). Yahweh is a "refuge from the storm" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',25,4);">Isa 25:4</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',4,6);">4:6</a>).``85';
isbe[8667]='Temple Keepers (Servants)`After the conquest of Midian, "Moses took one drawn out of every fifty, both of man and of beast, and gave them unto the Levites, that kept the charge of the tabernacle of Yahweh" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',31,47);">Nu 31:47</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',31,30);">31:30</A>). Similarly, after the deception of Joshua by the Gibeonites, "Joshua made them that day hewers of wood and drawers of water for the congregation, and for the altar of Yahweh, unto this day" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',9,27);">Jos 9:27</a>). The object of these notices, evidently, is to explain how a non-Israelitish class of sanctuary servants had taken their origin. Their existence at the time of Ezekiel, however, is the object of one of the latter\'s severest denunciations: "Ye have brought in foreigners, uncircumcised in heart and uncircumcised in flesh, to be in my sanctuary, to profane it....And ye have not kept the charge of my holy things; but ye have set keepers of my charge in my sanctuary for yourselves" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',44,7);">Eze 44:7</a>f). In place of these servants or "keepers" Ezekiel directs that such Levites are to be employed as have been degraded from priestly privileges for participating in idolatrous worship. On them shall devolve all the various duties of the temple except the actual offering of sacrifices, which is reserved for "the priests the Levites, the sons of Zadok" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',44,\'10-15\');">44:10-15</a>). For the use of this deposed class, "the priests, the keepers of the charge of the house," is reserved a special room in the inner court of the temple (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',40,44);">40:44</a>f).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=NETHINIM">NETHINIM</a>`48';
isbe[8668]='Temple, A1`tem\'-p\'l (hekhal, "palace"; sometimes, as in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',6,3,5);">1Ki 6:3,5</a>, etc.; <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',41,1,15);">Eze 41:1,15</a>ff, used for "the holy place" only; bayith, "house," thus always in the Revised Version (British and American); hieron, naos):<P><b>A. STRUCTURE AND HISTORY</b><P class="in15"><b>I. SOLOMON\'S TEMPLE</b><P class="in30"><b>I. INTRODUCTORY</b><P class="in45">1. David\'s Project<P class="in45">2. Plans and Preparations<P class="in45">3. Character of the Building<P class="in45">4. Site of the Temple<P class="in45">5. Phoenician Assistance<P class="in30"><b>II. THE TEMPLE BUILDING</b><P class="in45">1. In General<P class="in45">2. Dimensions, Divisions and Adornments<P class="in45">3. The Side-Chambers<P class="in45">4. The Porch and Pillars<P class="in30"><b>III. COURTS, GATES ANY ROYAL BUILDINGS</b><P class="in45">1. The Inner Court<P class="in60">(1) Walls<P class="in60">(2) Gates<P class="in45">2. The Great Court<P class="in45">3. The Royal Buildings<P class="in30"><b>IV. FURNITURE OF THE TEMPLE</b><P class="in45">1. The Sanctuary<P class="in60">(1) The "Debhir"<P class="in60">(2) The "Hekhal"<P class="in45">2. The Court (Inner)<P class="in60">(1) The Altar<P class="in60">(2) The Molten (Bronze) Sea<P class="in60">(3) The Layers and Their Bases<P class="in30"><b>V. HISTORY OF THE TEMPLE</b><P class="in45">1. Building and Dedication<P class="in45">2. Repeated Plunderings, etc.<P class="in45">3. Attempts at Reform<P class="in45">4. Final Overthrow<P><b>II. EZEKIEL\'S PROPHETIC SKETCH</b><P class="in15"><b>I. INTRODUCTORY</b><P class="in45">1. Relation to History of Temple<P class="in45">2. The Conception Unique and Ideal<P class="in45">3. Its Symmetrical Measurements<P class="in15"><b>II. PLAN OF THE TEMPLE</b><P class="in45">1. The Outer Court<P class="in45">2. The Inner Court<P class="in45">3. The Temple Building and Adjuncts<P><b>III. THE TEMPLE OF ZERUBBABEL</b><P class="in15"><b>I. INTRODUCTORY</b><P class="in45">1. The Decree of Cyrus<P class="in45">2. Founding of the Temple<P class="in45">3. Opposition and Completion of the Work<P class="in15"><b>II. THE TEMPLE STRUCTURE</b><P class="in45">1. The House<P class="in45">2. Its Divisions and Furniture<P class="in45">3. Its Courts, Altar, etc.<P class="in45">4. Later Fortunes<P><b>IV. THE TEMPLE OF HEROD</b><P class="in15"><b>I. INTRODUCTORY</b><P class="in45">1. Initiation of the Work<P class="in45">2. Its Grandeur<P class="in45">3. Authorities<P class="in45">4. Measurements<P class="in15"><b>II. THE TEMPLE AND ITS COURTS</b><P class="in45">1. Temple Area<65>Court of Gentiles<P class="in45">2. Inner Sanctuary Inclosure<P class="in60">(1) Wall, "Chel," "Coregh," Gates<P class="in60">(2) Court of the Women<P class="in60">(3) Inner Courts: Court of Israel; Court of the Priests<P class="in60">(4) The Altar, etc.<P class="in45">3. The Temple Building<P class="in60">(1) House and Porch<P class="in60">(2) "Hekhal" and "Debhir"<P class="in60">(3) The Side-Chambers<P class="in15"><b>III. NEW TESTAMENT ASSOCIATIONS OF HEROD\'S TEMPLE</b><P class="in45">1. Earlier Incidents<P class="in45">2. Jesus in the Temple<P class="in45">3. The Passion-Week<P class="in45">4. Apostolic Church<P class="in45">5. The Temple in Christian Thought<P><b>LITERATURE</b><hr /><P>A. STRUCTURE AND HISTORY<P>I. SOLOMON\'S TEMPLE<P>I. Introductory.<P>1. David\'s Project:<P>The tabernacle having lasted from the exodus till the commencement of the monarchy, it appeared to David to be no longer fitting that the ark of God should dwell within curtains (it was then in a tent David had made for it on Zion: <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',6,17);">2Sa 6:17</a>), while he himself dwelt in a cedar-lined house. The unsettled and unorganized state of the nation, which had hitherto necessitated a portable structure, had now given place to an established kingdom. The dwelling of Yahweh should therefore be henceforth a permanent building, situated at the center of the nation\'s life, and "exceeding magnificent" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',22,5);">1Ch 22:5</a>), as befitted the glory of Yahweh, and the prospects of the state.<P>2. Plans and Preparations:<P>David, however, while honored for his purpose, was not permitted, because he had been a man of war (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',7,\'1-\');">2Sa 7</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',22,8);">1Ch 22:8</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',5,3);">1Ki 5:3</a>), to execute the work, and the building of the house was reserved for his son, Solomon. According to the Chronicler, David busied himself in making extensive and costly preparations of wood, stone, gold, silver, etc., for the future sanctuary and its vessels, even leaving behind him full and minute plans of the whole scheme of the building and its contents, divinely communicated (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',22,2);">1Ch 22:2</a>ff; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',28,11);">28:11</a>ff; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',29,\'1-\');">29)</a>. The general fact of lengthened preparation, and even of designs, for a structure which so deeply occupied his thoughts, is extremely probable (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',7,51);">1Ki 7:51</a>).<P>3. Character of the Building:<P>The general outline of the structure was based on that of the tabernacle (on the modern critical reversal of this relation, see under B, below). The dimensions are in the main twice those of the tabernacle, though it will be seen below that there are important exceptions to this rule, on which the critics found so much. The old question (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TABERNACLE">TABERNACLE</a>) as to the shape of the building<6E>flat or gable-roofed<65>here again arises. Not a few modern writers (Fergusson, Schick, Caldecott, etc.), with some older, favor the tentlike shape, with sloping roof. It does not follow, however, even if this form is, with these writers, admitted for the tabernacle<6C>a "tent"<22>that it is applicable, or likely, for a stone "house," and the measurements of the Temple, and mention of a "ceiling" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',6,15);">1Ki 6:15</a>), point in the opposite direction. It must still be granted that, with the scanty data at command, all reconstructions of the Solomonte Temple leave much to be filled in from conjecture. Joseph Hammond has justly said: "It is certain that, were a true restoration of the Temple ever to be placed in our hands, we should find that it differed widely from all attempted \'restorations\' of the edifice, based on the scanty and imperfect notices of our historian and Ezekiel" (Commentary on <span class="notag">1Ki 6</span>, "Pulpit Commentary").<P>4. Site of the Temple:<P>The site of the Temple was on the eastern of the two hills on which Jerusalem was built<6C>that known in Scripture as Mt. Moriah (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',3,1);">2Ch 3:1</a>) or Mt. Zion (the traditional view which locates Zion on the western hill, on the other side of the Tyropoeon, though defended by some, seems untenable; see "Zion," in HDB; "Jerusalem," in DB, etc.). The place is more precisely defined as that where Araunah (Ornan) had his threshing-floor, and David built his altar after the plague (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',21,22);">1Ch 21:22</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',3,1);">2Ch 3:1</a>). This spot, in turn, is now all but universally held to be marked by the sacred rock, es-Sakhra (within what is called the Haram area on the eastern summit; see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=JERUSALEM">JERUSALEM</a>), above which the "Dome of the Rock," or so-called "Mosque of Omar," now stands. Here, according to traditional belief, was reared the altar of burnt offering, and to the west of it was built the Temple. This location is indeed challenged by Fergusson, W. R. Smith, and others, who transfer the Temple-site to the southwestern angle of the Haram area, but the great majority of scholars take the above view. To prepare a suitable surface for the Temple and connected buildings (the area may have been some 600 ft. east to west, and 300 to 400 ft. north to south), the summit of the hill had to be leveled, and its lower parts heightened by immense substructures (Josephus, Ant, VIII iii, 9; XV, xi, 3; BJ, V, v, 1), the remains of which modern excavations have brought to light (compare Warren\'s Underground Jerusalem; G. A. Smith\'s Jerusalem, etc.).<P>5. Phoenician Assistance:<P>For aid in his undertaking, Solomon invited the cooperation of Hiram, king of Tyre, who willingly lent his assistance, as he had before helped David, granting Solomon permission to send his servants to cut down timber in Lebanon, aiding in transport, and in the quarrying and hewing of stones, and sending a skillful Tyrian artist, another Hiram, to superintend the designing and graving of objects made of the precious metals, etc. For this assistance Solomon made a suitable recompense (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',5,\'1-\');">1Ki 5</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',2,\'1-\');">2Ch 2</a>). Excavations seem to show that a large part of the limestone of which the temple was built came from quarries in the immediate neighborhood of Jerusalem (Warren, Underground Jerusalem, 60). The stones were cut, hewn and polished at the places whence they were taken, so that "there was neither hammer nor axe nor any tool of iron heard in the house, while it was in building" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',5,17,18);">1Ki 5:17,18</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',6,7);">6:7</a>). Opinions differ as to the style of architecture of the building. It was probably unique, but Phoenician art also must have left its impress upon it.<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ARCHITECTURE">ARCHITECTURE</A>.<P>II. The Temple Building.<P>1. In General:<P>In contrast with the tabernacle, which was a portable "tent," consisting of a framework of acacia wood, with rich coverings hung over it, and standing in a "court" enclosed by curtains (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TABERNACLE">TABERNACLE</a>), the Temple was a substantial "house" built of stone (probably the hard white limestone of the district), with chambers in three stories, half the height of the building (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',6,5,6);">1Ki 6:5,6</a>), round the sides and back, and, in front, a stately porch (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',6,3);">1Ki 6:3</a>), before which stood two lofty bronze pillars<72>Jachin and Boaz (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',7,21);">1Ki 7:21</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',3,4,15,16,17);">2Ch 3:4,15-17</a>). Within, the house was lined with cedar, overlaid with gold, graven with figures of cherubim, palms, and open flowers (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',6,15,18,21,22,29);">1Ki 6:15,18,21,22,29</a>), and a partition of cedar or stone divided the interior into two apartments<74>one the holy place (the hekhal), the other the most holy place, or "oracle" (debhir) (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',6,\'16-18\');">1Ki 6:16-18</a>). The floor was of stone, covered with fir (or cypress), likewise overlaid with gold (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',6,15,30);">1Ki 6:15,30</a>). The platform on which the whole building stood was probably raised above the level of the court in front, and the building may have been approached by steps. Details are not given. The more particular description follows.<P>2. Dimensions, Divisions and Adornments:<P>The Temple, like the tabernacle, stood facing east, environed by "courts" ("inner" and "greater"), which are dealt with below, Internally, the dimensions of the structure were, in length and width, double those of the tabernacle, namely, length 60 cubits, width 20 cubits. The height, however, was 30 cubits, thrice that of the tabernacle (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',6,2);">1Ki 6:2</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',6,18,20);">6:18,20</a>). The precise length of the cubit is uncertain (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=CUBIT">CUBIT</A>); here, as in the article <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TABERNACLE">TABERNACLE</a>, it is taken as approximately 18 inches. In internal measurement, therefore, the Temple was approximately 90 ft. long, 30 ft. broad, and 45 ft. high. This allows nothing for the thickness of the partition between the two chambers. For the external measurement, the thickness of the walls and the width of the surrounding chambers and their walls require to be added. It cannot positively be affirmed that the dimensions of the Temple, including the porch, coincided precisely with those of Ezekiel\'s temple (compare Keil on <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',6,9,10);">1Ki 6:9,10</a>); still, the proportions must have closely approximated, and may have been in agreement.<P>The walls of the building, as stated, were lined within with cedar; the holy place was ceiled with fir or cypress (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',3,5);">2Ch 3:5</a>; the "oracle" perhaps with cedar); the flooring likewise was of fir (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',6,15);">1Ki 6:15</a>). All was overlaid with gold, and walls and doors (see below) were adorned with gravings of cherubim, palm trees, and open flowers (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',6,\'19-35\');">1Ki 6:19-35</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',3,6);">2Ch 3:6</a> adds "precious stones"). Of the two chambers into which the house was divided, the outermost (or hekhal) was 40 cubits (60 ft.) long, and 20 cubits (30 ft.) wide (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',6,17);">1Ki 6:17</a>); the innermost (or debhir) was 20 cubits in length, breadth and height<68>a cube (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',6,20);">1Ki 6:20</a>). As the height of the Temple internally was 30 cubits, it is obvious that above the most holy place there was a vacant space 20 cubits long and 10 high. This apparently was utilized as a chamber or chambers for storage or other purposes. It has been held by some (Kurtz, Fergusson, etc.) that the ceiling along the entire Temple was at the height of 20 cubits, with chambers above (compare the allusion to "upper chambers" in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',28,11);">1Ch 28:11</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',3,9);">2Ch 3:9</a>); this, however, seems unwarranted (compare Bahr on <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',6,\'14-19\');">1Ki 6:14-19</a>; the upper chambers" were "overlaid with gold," <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',3,9);">2Ch 3:9</a>, which points to something nobler in character). The inner chamber was a place of "thick darkness" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',8,12);">1Ki 8:12</a>).<P>3. The Side-Chambers:<P>The thickness of the Temple walls is not given, but the analogy of Ezekiel\'s temple (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',41,\'1-\');">Eze 41</a>) and what is told of the side-chambers render it probable that the thickness was not less than 6 cubits (9 ft.). Around the Temple, on its two sides and at the back, were built chambers (tsela\'oth, literally, "ribs"), the construction of which is summarily described. They were built in three stories, each story 5 cubits in height (allowance must also be made for flooring and roofing), the lowest being 5 cubits in breadth, the next 6 cubits, and the highest 7 cubits. This is explained by the fact that the chambers were not to be built into the wall of the Temple, but were to rest on ledges or rebatements in the wall, each rebate a cubit in breadth, so that the wall became thinner, and the chambers broader, by a cubit, each stage in the ascent. (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',6,\'5-10\');">1Ki 6:5-10</a>). The door admitting into these chambers was apparently in the middle of the right side of the house, and winding stairs led up to the second and third stories (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',6,8);">1Ki 6:8</a>). It is not stated how many chambers there were; Josephus (Ant., VIII, iii, 2) gives the number as 30, which is the number in Ezekiel\'s temple (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',41,6);">Eze 41:6</a>). The outer wall of the chambers, which in Ezekiel <span class="noTag">is</span> 5 cubits thick (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',41,9);">41:9</A>), may have been the same here, though some make it less. It is a question whether the rebatements were in the Temple wall only, or were divided between it and the outer wall; the former seems the more probable opinion, as nothing is said of rebatements in the outer wall. Above the chambers on either side were "windows of fixed lattice-work" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',41,4);">41:4</A>), i.e. openings which could not be closed ("windows broad within and narrow without"). The purposes for which the chambers were constructed are not mentioned. They may have been used partly for storage, partly for the accommodation of those engaged in the service of the Temple (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',9,27);">1Ch 9:27</a>).<P>4. The Porch and Pillars:<P>A conspicuous feature of the Temple was the porch in front of the building, with its twin pillars, Jachin and Boaz. Of the porch itself a very brief description is given. It is stated to have been 20 cubits broad<61>the width of the house<73>and 10 cubits deep (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',6,3);">1Ki 6:3</a>). Its height is not given in 1 Kings, but it is said in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',3,4);">2Ch 3:4</a> to have been 120 cubits, or approximately 180 ft. Some accept this enormous height (Ewald, Stanley, etc.), but the majority more reasonably infer that there has been a corruption of the number. It may have been the same height as the Temple<6C>30 cubits. It was apparently open in front, and, from what is said of its being "overlaid within with pure gold" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',3,4);">2Ch 3:4</a>), it may be concluded that it shared in the splendor of the main building, and had architectural features of its own which are not recorded. Some find here, in the wings, treasury chambers, and above, "upper chambers," but such restorations are wholly conjectural. It is otherwise with the monumental brass (bronze) pillars<72>Jachin and Boaz<61>of which a tolerably full description is preserved (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',7,\'15-22\');">1Ki 7:15-22</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',3,\'15-17\');">2Ch 3:15-17</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',4,\'11-13\');">4:11-13</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',52,\'20-23\');">Jer 52:20-23</a>), still, however, leaving many points doubtful. The pillars which stood in front of the porch, detached from it, were hollow bronze castings, each 18 cubits (27 ft.) in height (35 cubits in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',3,15);">2Ch 3:15</a> is an error), and 12 cubits (18 ft.) in circumference, and were surmounted by capitals 5 cubits (7 1/2 ft.) high, richly ornamented on their lower, bowl-shaped (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',7,20,41,42);">1Ki 7:20,41,42</a>) parts, with two rows of pomegranates, enclosing festoons of chain-work, and, in their upper parts, rising to the height of 4 cubits (6 ft.) in graceful lily-work.<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=JACHIN+AND+BOAZ">JACHIN AND BOAZ</a>.<P>It was seen that the holy place (hekhal) was divided from the most holy (debhir) by a partition, probably of cedar wood, though some think of a stone wall, one or even two cubits thick. In this partition were folding doors, made of olive wood, with their lintels 4 cubits wide (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',6,31);">1Ki 6:31</a>; some interpret differently, and understand the upper part of the doorway to be a pentagon). The doors, like the walls, had carvings of cherubim, palm trees, and flowers, and the whole was gold-plated (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',6,32);">1Ki 6:32</a>). Behind the partition hung the sanctuary veil (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',3,14);">2Ch 3:14</a>). At the entrance of the Temple, similarly, were folding doors, with their lintels 5 cubits in width, only this time the posts only were of olive, while the doors, divided into two leaves, were of fir (or cypress) wood (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',6,\'33-35\');">1Ki 6:33-35</a>). The carving and gold-plating were as on the inner doors, and all the doors had hinges of gold (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',7,50);">1Ki 7:50</a>).<P>III. Courts, Gates and Royal Buildings.<P>The Temple was enclosed in "courts"<22>an "inner" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',6,36);">1Ki 6:36</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',7,12);">7:12</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',4,9);">2Ch 4:9</a>, "court of the priests"; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',36,10);">Jer 36:10</a>, "the upper court"; <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',8,3,16);">Eze 8:3,16</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',10,3);">10:3</a>), and an outer or "greater court" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',7,9,12);">1Ki 7:9,12</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',4,9);">2Ch 4:9</a>)<29>regarding the situation, dimensions and relations of which, alike to one another and to the royal buildings described in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',7,\'1-\');">1Ki 7</a> the scanty notices in the history leave room for great diversity of opinion.<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=COURT+OF+THE+SANCTUARY">COURT OF THE SANCTUARY</A>.<P>1. The Inner Court:<P>The "inner court" (chatser ha-penimith) is repeatedly referred to (see above). Its dimensions are not given, but they may be presumed to be twice those of the tabernacle court, namely, 200 cubits (300 ft.) in length and 100 cubits (150 ft.) in breadth. The name in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',36,10);">Jer 36:10</a>, "the upper court," indicates that it was on a higher level than the "great court," and as the Temple was probably on a platform higher still, the whole would present a striking terraced aspect.<P>(1) Walls:<P>The walls of the court were built of three rows of hewn stone, with a coping of cedar beams (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',6,36);">1Ki 6:36</a>). Their height is not stated; it is doubtful if it would admit of the colonnades which some have supposed; but "chambers" are mentioned (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',35,4);">Jer 35:4</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',36,10);">36:10</a><3E>if, indeed, all belong to the "inner" court), which imply a substantial structure. It was distinctively "the priests\' court" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',4,9);">2Ch 4:9</a>); probably, in part, was reserved for them; to a certain degree, however, the laity had evidently free access into it (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',36,10);">Jer 36:10</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',38,14);">38:14</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',8,16);">Eze 8:16</a>, etc.). The mention of "the new court" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',20,5);">2Ch 20:5</a>, time of Jehoshaphat), and of "the two courts of the house of Yahweh" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',21,5);">2Ki 21:5</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',33,5);">2Ch 33:5</a>, time of Manasseh), suggests subsequent enlargement and division.<P>(2) Gates:<P>Though gates are not mentioned in the narratives of the construction, later allusions show that there were several, though not all were of the time of Solomon. The principal entrance would, of course, be that toward the east (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=EAST+GATE">EAST GATE</a>). In <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',26,10);">Jer 26:10</a> there is allusion to "the entry of the new gate of Yahweh\'s house." This doubtless was "the upper gate" built by Jotham (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',15,35);">2Ki 15:35</a>) and may reasonably be identified with the "gate that looketh toward the north" and the "gate of the altar" (i.e. through which the sacrifices were brought) in <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',8,3,5);">Eze 8:3,5</a>, and with "the upper gate of Benjamin" in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',20,3);">Jer 20:3</a>. Mention is also made of a "gate of the guard" which descended to the king\'s house (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,19);">2Ki 11:19</a>; see below). Jeremiah speaks of a "third entry that is in the house of Yahweh" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',38,14);">38:14</A>), and of "three keepers of the threshold" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',52,24);">52:24</A>), but it is not clear which court is intended. <P>2. The Great Court:<P>The outer or "great court" of the Temple (chatser ha-gedholah) opens up more difficult problems. Some regard this court as extending to the east in front of the "inner court"; others, as Keil, think of it as a great enclosure surrounding the "inner court" and stretching perhaps 150 cubits east of the latter (compare his Biblical Archaeology, I, 170-71). These writers remove the court from all connection with the royal buildings of <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',7,\'1-\');">1Ki 7</a>, and distinguish it from "the great court of <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',7,9,12);">7:9,12</A>." A quite different construction is that advocated by Stade and Benzinger, and adopted by most recent authorities (compare articles on "Temple" in HDB, IV, in EB, IV, in one-vol HDB, in DB (Dalman); G. A. Smith, Jerusalem, II, 59ff, etc.). The great court, on this view, not only surrounds the Temple, with its (inner) court, but, extending to the south, encloses the whole complex of the royal buildings of <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',7,\'1-\');">1Ki 7</a>. This has the advantage of bringing together the references to the "great court" in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',7,9,12);">1Ki 7:9,12</a> and the other references to the outer court. The court, thus conceived, must have been very large. The extensive part occupied by the royal buildings being on a lower level than the "inner court," entrance to it is thought to have been by "the gate of the guard unto the king\'s house" mentioned in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,19);">2Ki 11:19</a>. Its wall, like that of the inner court, was built in three courses of hewn stone, and one course of cedar (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',7,12);">1Ki 7:12</a>). Its gates overlaid with brass (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',4,9);">2Ch 4:9</a>, i.e., "bronze") show that the masonry must have been both high and substantial. On the "other court" of <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',7,8);">1Ki 7:8</a>, see next paragraph.<P>3. The Royal Buildings:<P>The group of buildings which, on theory now stated, were enclosed by the southern part of the great court, are those described in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',7,\'1-12\');">1Ki 7:1-12</a>. They were of hewn stone and cedar wood (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',7,\'9-11\');">1Ki 7:9-11</a>), and embraced:<P>(1) The king\'s house, or royal palace (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',7,8);">1Ki 7:8</a>), in close contiguity with the Temple-court (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,19);">2Ki 11:19</a>).<P>(2) Behind this to the west, the house of Pharaoh\'s daughter (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,9);">2Ki 11:9</a>)<29>the apartments of the women. Both of these were enclosed in a "court" of their own, styled in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,8);">2Ki 11:8</a> "the other court," and in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',20,4);">2Ki 20:4</a> margin "the middle court."<P>(3) South of this stood the throne-room, and porch or hall of judgment, paneled in cedar" from floor to floor," i.e. from floor to ceiling (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',11,7);">2Ki 11:7</a>). The throne, we read later (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',10,\'18-20\');">1Ki 10:18-20</a>), was of ivory, overlaid with gold, and on either side of the throne, as well as of the six steps that led up to it, were lions. The hall served as an audience chamber, and for the administration of justice.<P>(4) Yet farther south stood the porch or hall of pillars, 50 cubits (75 ft.) long and 30 cubits (45 ft.) broad, with a sub-porch of its own (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',10,6);">1Ki 10:6</a>). It is best regarded as a place of promenade and vestibule to the hall of judgment.<P>(5) Lastly, there was the imposing and elaborate building known as "the house of the forest of Lebanon" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',10,\'2-5\');">1Ki 10:2-5</a>), which appears to have received this name from its multitude of cedar pillars.<P>The scanty hints as to its internal arrangements have baffled the ingenuity of the commentators. The house was 100 cubits (150 ft.) in length, 50 cubits (75 ft.) in breadth, and 30 cubits (45 ft.) in height. Going round the sides and back there were apparently four rows of pillars. The Septuagint has three rows), on which, supported by cedar beams, rested three tiers or stories of side-chambers (literally, "ribs," as in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',6,5);">1Ki 6:5</a>; compare the Revised Version margin). In <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',6,3);">1Ki 6:3</a> it is disputed whether the number "forty and five; fifteen in a row" (as the Hebrew may be read) refers to the pillars or to the chambers; if to the former, the Septuagint reading of "three rows" is preferable. The windows of the tiers faced each other on the opposite sides (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',6,4,5);">1Ki 6:4,5</a>). But the whole construction is obscure and doubtful. The spacious house was used partly as an armory; here Solomon put his 300 shields of beaten gold (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',10,17);">1Ki 10:17</a>).<P>IV. Furniture of the Temple.<P>1. The Sanctuary:<P>We treat here, first, of the sanctuary in its two divisions, then of the (inner) court.<P>(1) The "Debhir".<P>In the most holy place, or debhir, of the sanctuary stood, as before, the old Mosaic ark of the covenant, with its two golden cherubim above the mercy-seat (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ARK+OF+THE+COVENANT">ARK OF THE COVENANT</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TABERNACLE">TABERNACLE</a>). Now, however, the symbolic element was increased by the ark being placed between two other figures of cherubim, made of olive wood, overlaid with gold, 10 cubits (15 ft.) high, their wings, each 5 cubits (7 1/2 ft.) long, outstretched so that they reached from wall to wall of the oracle (20 cubits), the inner wings meeting in the center (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',6,\'23-28\');">1Ki 6:23-28</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',3,\'10-13\');">2Ch 3:10-13</a>).<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=CHERUBIM">CHERUBIM</a>.<P>(2) The "Hekhal".<P>In the holy place, or hekhal, the changes were greater. (a) Before the oracle, mentioned as belonging to it (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',6,22);">1Ki 6:22</a>), stood the altar of incense, covered with cedar, and overlaid with gold (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',6,\'20-22\');">1Ki 6:20-22</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',7,48);">7:48</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',4,19);">2Ch 4:19</a>; see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ALTAR+OF+INCENSE">ALTAR OF INCENSE</a>). It is an arbitrary procedure of criticism to attempt to identify this altar with the table of shewbread. (b) Instead of one golden candlestick, as in the tabernacle, there were now 10, 5 placed on one side and 5 on the other, in front of the oracle. All, with their utensils, were of pure gold (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',7,49);">1Ki 7:49</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',4,7);">2Ch 4:7</a>). (c) Likewise, for one table of shewbread, there were now 10, 5 on one side, 5 on the other, also with their utensils made of gold (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',7,48);">1Ki 7:48</a>, where, however, only one table is mentioned; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',4,8);">2Ch 4:8</a>, "100 basins of gold"). As these objects, only enlarged in number and dimensions, are fashioned after the model of those of the tabernacle, further particulars regarding them are not given here.<P>2. The Court (Inner):<P>(1) The Altar.<P>The most prominent object in the Temple-court was the altar of burnt offering, or brazen altar (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=BRAZEN+ALTAR">BRAZEN ALTAR</a>). The site of the altar, as already seen, was the rock es Sakhra], where Araunah had his threshing-floor. The notion of some moderns that the rock itself was the altar, and that the brazen (bronze) altar was introduced later, is devoid of plausibility. An altar is always something reared or built (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',24,18,25);">2Sa 24:18,25</a>). The dimensions of the altar, which are not mentioned in 1 Kings, are given in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',4,1);">2Ch 4:1</a> as 20 cubits (30 ft.) long, 20 cubits (30 ft.) broad, and 10 cubits (15 ft.) high. As utensils connected with it<69>an incidental confirmation of its historicity<74>are pots, shovels, basins and fleshhooks (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',7,40,45);">1Ki 7:40,45</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',4,11,16);">2Ch 4:11,16</a>). It will be observed that the assumed halving proportions of the tabernacle are here quite departed from (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',27,1);">Ex 27:1</a>).<P>(2) The Molten (Bronze) Sea.<P>A new feature in the sanctuary court<72>taking the place of the "laver" in the tabernacle<6C>was the "molten sea," the name being given to it for its great size. It was an immense basin of bronze, 5 cubits (7 1/2 ft.) high, 10 cubits (15 ft.) in diameter at the brim, and 30 cubits (45 ft.) in circumference, resting on 12 bronze oxen, and placed between the altar and the Temple-porch, toward the south (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',7,\'23-26\',39);">1Ki 7:23-26,39</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',4,\'2-5\',10);">2Ch 4:2-5,10</a>). The bronze was a handbreadth in thickness. The brim was shaped like the flower of a lily, and encompassing the basin were ornamental knops. Its capacity is given as 2,000 baths (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',7,26);">1Ki 7:26</a>; by error in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',4,5);">2Ch 4:5</a>, <span class="noTag">3,000 baths</span>). The oxen on which it rested faced the four cardinal points<74>three looking each way. The "sea," like the laver, doubtless supplied the water for the washing of the priests\' hands and feet (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',30,18);">Ex 30:18</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',38,8);">38:8</a>). The view of certain scholars (Kosters, Gunkel, etc.) that the "sea" is connected with Babylonian mythical ideas of the great deep is quite fanciful; no hint appears of such significance in any part of the narrative. The same applies to the lavers in the next paragraph.<P>(3) The Lavers and Their Bases.<P>The tabernacle laver had its place taken by the "sea" just described, but the Temple was also provided with 10 lavers or basins, set on "bases" of elaborate design and moving upon wheels<6C>the whole made of bronze (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',7,\'27-37\');">1Ki 7:27-37</a>). Their use seems to have been for the washing of sacrifices (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',4,6);">2Ch 4:6</a>), for which purpose they were placed, 5 on the north side, and 5 on the south side, of the Temple-court. The bases were 4 cubits (6 ft.) long, 4 cubits broad, and 3 cubits (4 1/2 ft.) high. These bases were of the nature of square paneled boxes, their sides being ornamented with figures of lions, oxen and cherubim, with wreathed work beneath. They had four feet, to which wheels were attached. The basin rested on a rounded pedestal, a cubit high, with an opening 1 1/2 cubits in diameter to receive the laver (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',7,31);">1Ki 7:31</a>). Mythological ideas, as just said, are here out of place.<P>V. History of the Temple.<P>1. Building and Dedication:<P>The Temple was founded in the 4th year of Solomon\'s reign (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',6,1);">1Ki 6:1</a>), and occupied 7 1/2 years in building (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',6,38);">1Ki 6:38</a>); the royal buildings occupied 13 years (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',7,1);">1Ki 7:1</a>)<29>20 years in all (the two periods, however, may in part synchronize). On the completion of the Temple, the ark was brought up, in the presence of a vast assemblage, from Zion, and, with innumerable sacrifices and thanksgiving, was solemnly deposited in the Holy of Holies (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',8,\'1-21\');">1Ki 8:1-21</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',5,\'1-\');">2Ch 5</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',6,\'1-11\');">6:1-11</a>). The Temple itself was then dedicated by Solomon in the noble prayer recorded in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',8,\'22-61\');">1Ki 8:22-61</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',6,\'12-42\');">2Ch 6:12-42</a>, followed by lavish sacrifices, and a 14 days\' feast. At its inauguration the house was filled with the "glory" of Yahweh (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',8,10,11);">1Ki 8:10,11</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',5,13,14);">2Ch 5:13,14</a>).<P>2. Repeated Plunderings, etc.:<P>The religious declension of the later days of Solomon (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',11,\'1-8\');">1Ki 11:1-8</a>) brought in its train disasters for the nation and the Temple. On Solomon\'s death the kingdom was disrupted, and the Temple ceased to be the one national sanctuary. It had its rivals in the calf-shrines set up by Jeroboam at Beth-el and Dan (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',12,\'25-33\');">1Ki 12:25-33</a>). In the 5th year of Rehoboam an expedition was made against Judah by Shishak, king of Egypt, who, coming to Jerusalem, carried away the treasures of the Temple, together with those of the king\'s house, including the 300 shields of gold which Solomon had made (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',14,\'25-28\');">1Ki 14:25-28</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',12,\'2-9\');">2Ch 12:2-9</a>). Rehoboam\'s wife, Maacah, was an idolatress, and during the reign of Abijam, her son, introduced many abominations into the worship of the Temple (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',15,2,12,13);">1Ki 15:2,12,13</a>). Asa cleared these away, but himself further depleted the Temple and royal treasuries by sending all that was left of their silver and gold to Ben-hadad, king of Syria, to buy his help against Baasha, king of Israel (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',15,18,19);">1Ki 15:18,19</a>). Again the Temple was foully desecrated by Athaliah (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',24,7);">2Ch 24:7</a>), necessitating the repairs of Jehoash (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',12,4);">2Ki 12:4</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',24,4);">1Ch 24:4</a>); and a new plundering took place in the reign of Ahaziah, when Jehoash of Israel carried off all the gold and silver in the Temple and palace (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',14,14);">2Ki 14:14</a>). Uzziah was smitten with leprosy for presuming to enter the holy place to offer incense (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',26,\'16-20\');">2Ch 26:16-20</a>). Jehoshaphat, earlier, is thought to have enlarged the court (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',20,5);">2Ch 20:5</a>), and Jotham built a new gate (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',15,35);">2Ki 15:35</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',27,3);">2Ch 27:3</a>). The ungodly Ahaz went farther than any of his predecessors in sacrilege, for, besides robbing the Temple and palace of their treasures to secure the aid of the king of Assyria (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',16,8);">2Ki 16:8</a>), he removed the brazen altar from its time-honored site, and set up a heathen altar in its place, removing likewise the bases and ornaments of the lavers, and the oxen from under the brazen (bronze) sea (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',16,\'10-17\');">2Ki 16:10-17</a>).<P>3. Attempts at Reform:<P>An earnest attempt at reform of religion was made by Hezekiah (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',18,\'1-6\');">2Ki 18:1-6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',29,31);">2Ch 29:31</a>), but even he was driven to take all the gold and silver in the Temple and king\'s house to meet the tribute imposed on him by Sennacherib, stripping from the doors and pillars the gold with which he himself had overlaid them (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',18,\'14-16\');">2Ki 18:14-16</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',32,31);">2Ch 32:31</a>). Things became worse than ever under Manasseh, who reared idolatrous altars in the Temple-courts, made an Asherah, introduced the worship of the host of heaven, had horses dedicated to the sun in the Temple-court, and connived at the worst pollutions of heathenism in the sanctuary (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',21,\'3-7\');">2Ki 21:3-7</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',23,7,11);">23:7,11</a>). Then came the more energetic reforms of the reign of Josiah, when, during the repairs of the Temple, the discovery was made of the Book of the Law, which led to a new covenant with Yahweh, a suppression of the high places, and the thorough cleansing-out of abuses from the Temple (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',22,\'1-\');">2Ki 22</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',23,\'1-25\');">23:1-25</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',34,\'1-\');">2Ch 34</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',35,\'1-\');">35</a>). Still, the heart of the people was not changed, and, as seen in the history, and in the pages of the Prophets, after Josiah\'s death, the old evils were soon back in full force (compare e.g. <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',8,\'7-18\');">Eze 8:7-18</a>).<P>4. Final Overthrow:<P>The end, however, was now at hand. Nebuchadnezzar made Jehoiakim his tributary; then, on his rebelling, came, in the reign of Jehoiachin, took Jerusalem, carried off the treasures of the Temple and palace, with the gold of the Temple vessels (part had already been taken on his first approach, <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',36,7);">2Ch 36:7</a>), and led into captivity the king, his household and the chief part of the population (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',24,\'1-17\');">2Ki 24:1-17</a>). Eleven years later (586 BC), after a siege of 18 months, consequent on Zedekiah\'s rebellion (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',25,1);">2Ki 25:1</a>), the Babylonian army completed the destruction of Jerusalem and the Temple. Only a few lesser utensils of value, and the brazen (bronze) pillars, bases and sea remained; these were now taken away, the larger objects being broken up (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',25,\'13-16\');">2Ki 25:13-16</a>). The Temple itself, with its connected buildings, and the houses in Jerusalem generally, were set on fire (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',25,9);">2Ki 25:9</a>). The ark doubtless perished in the conflagration, and is no more heard of. The residue of the population<6F>all but the poorest<73>were carried away captive (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',25,11,12);">2Ki 25:11,12</a>; see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=CAPTIVITY">CAPTIVITY</A>). Thus ended the first Temple, after about 400 years of chequered existence.``1';
isbe[8669]='Temple, A2`II. EZEKIEL\'S PROPHETIC SKETCH<P>I. Introductory.<P>1. Relation to History of Temple:<P>Wellhausen has said that <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',40,1);">Ezekiel 40-48</a> "are the most important in his book, and have been, not incorrectly, called the key to the Old Testament" (Prolegomena, English translation, 167). He means that Ezekiel\'s legislation represents the first draft, or sketch, of a priestly code, and that subsequently, on its basis, men of the priestly school formulated the Priestly Code as we have it. Without accepting this view, dealt with elsewhere, it is to be admitted that Ezekiel\'s sketch of a restored temple in chapters <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',40,\'1-\');">40-43</A> has important bearings on the history of the Temple, alike in the fact that it presupposes and sheds back light upon the structure and arrangements of the first Temple (Solomon\'s), and that in important respects it forecasts the plans of the second (Zerubbabel\'s) and of Herod\'s temples.<P>2. The Conception Unique and Ideal:<P>While, however, there is this historical relation, it is to be observed that Ezekiel\'s temple-sketch is unique, presenting features not found in any of the actually built temples. The temple is, in truth, an ideal construction never intended to be literally realized by returned exiles, or any other body of people. Visionary in origin, the ideas embodied, and not the actual construction, are the main things to the prophet\'s mind. It gives Ezekiel\'s conception of what a perfectly restored temple and the service of Yahweh would be under conditions which could scarcely be thought of as ever likely literally to arise. A literal construction, one may say, was impossible. The site of the temple is not the old Zion, but "a very high mountain" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',40,2);">Eze 40:2</a>), occupying indeed the place of Zion, but entirely altered in elevation, configuration and general character. The temple is part of a scheme of transformed land, partitioned in parallel tracts among the restored 12 tribes (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',47,\'13-\');">Eze 47:13</A>-<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',48,7,\'23-29\');">48:7,23-29</a>), with a large area in the center, likewise stretching across the whole country, hallowed to Yahweh and His service (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',48,\'8-22\');">Eze 48:8-22</a>). Supernatural features, as that of the flowing stream from the temple in <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',47,\'1-\');">Ezekiel 47</a>, abound. It is unreasonable to suppose that the prophet looked for such changes<65>some of them quite obviously symbolical<61>as actually impending.<P>3. Its Symmetrical Measurements:<P>The visionary character of the temple has the effect of securing that its measurements are perfectly symmetrical. The cubit used is defined as "a cubit and a handbreadth" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',40,5);">Eze 40:5</a>), the contrast being with one or more smaller cubits (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=CUBIT">CUBIT</a>). In the diversity of opinion as to the precise length of the cubit, it may be assumed here that it was the same sacred cubit employed in the tabernacle and first Temple, and may be treated, as before, as approximately equivalent to 18 inches.<P>II. Plan of the Temple.<P>Despite obscurities and corruption in the text of Ezekiel, the main outlines of the ideal temple can be made out without much difficulty (for details the commentaries must be consulted; A. B. Davidson\'s "Ezekiel" in the Cambridge Bible series may be recommended; compare also Keil; a very lucid description is given in Skinner\'s "Book of Ezekiel," in the Expositor\'s Bible, 406-13; for a different view, see Caldecott, The Second Temple in Jerusalem).<P>1. The Outer Court:<P>The temple was enclosed in two courts<74>an outer and an inner<65>quite different, however, in character and arrangement from those of the first Temple. The outer court, as shown by the separate measurements (compare Keil on <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',40,27);">Eze 40:27</a>), was a large square of 500 cubits (750 ft.), bounded by a wall 6 cubits (9 ft.) thick and 6 cubits high (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',40,5);">Eze 40:5</a>). The wall was pierced in the middle of its north, east and south sides by massive gateways, extending into the court to a distance of 50 cubits (75 ft.), with a width of 25 cubits (37 1/2 ft.). On either side of the passage in these gateways were three guardrooms, each 6 cubits square (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',40,7);">Eze 40:7</a> margin), and each gateway terminated in "porch," 8 cubits (12 ft.) long (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',40,9);">Eze 40:9</a>), and apparently (thus, the Septuagint, <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',40,14);">Eze 40:14</a>; the Hebrew text seems corrupt), 20 cubits across. The ascent to the gateways was by seven steps (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',40,6);">Eze 40:6</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',40,22,26);">40:22,26</a>), showing that the level of the court was to this extent higher than the ground outside. Round the court, on the three sides named<65>its edge in line with the ends of the gateways<79>was a "pavement," on which were built, against the wall, chambers, 30 in number (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',40,17,18);">Eze 40:17,18</a>). At the four corners were enclosures (40 cubits by 30) where the sacrifices were cooked (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',46,\'21-24\');">Eze 46:21-24</a>)<29>a fact which suggests that the cells were mainly for purposes of feasting. (The "arches" (\'elammim) of <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',40,16,21);">Eze 40:16,21</a>, etc. (the Revised Version margin "colonnade"), if distinguished from the "porch" (\'ulam)<29>A. B. Davidson and others identify them<65>are still parts of the gateway<61><a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',40,21);">Eze 40:21</a>, etc.).<P>2. The Inner Court:<P>The inner court was a square of 100 cubits (150 ft.), situated exactly in the center of the larger court (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',40,47);">Eze 40:47</a>). It, too, was surrounded by a wall, and had gateways, with guardrooms, etc., similar to those of the outer court, saving that the gateways projected outward (50 cubits), not inward. The gates of outer and inner courts were opposite to each other on the north, east, and south, a hundred cubits apart (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',40,1923,27);">Eze 40:19,23,27</a>; the whole space, therefore, from wall to wall was 50 and 100 and 50 = 200 cubits). The ascent to the gates in this case was by eight steps (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',40,37);">Eze 40:37</a>), indicating another rise in level for the inner court. There were two chambers at the sides of the north and south gates respectively, one for Levites, the other for priests (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',40,\'44-46\');">Eze 40:44-46</a>; compare the margin); at the gates also (perhaps only at the north gate) were stone tables for slaughtering (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',40,\'39-43\');">Eze 40:39-43</a>). In the center of this inner court was the great altar of burnt offering (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',43,\'14-17\');">Eze 43:14-17</a>)<29>a structure 18 cubits (27 ft.) square at the base, and rising in four stages (1, 2, 4, and 4 cubits high respectively, <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',43,14,15);">Eze 43:14,15</a>), till it formed a square of 12 cubits (18 ft.) at the top or hearth, with four horns at the corners (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',43,15,16);">Eze 43:15,16</a>). Steps led up to it on the east (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',43,17);">Eze 43:17</a>).<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ALTAR+OF+BURNT+OFFERING">ALTAR OF BURNT OFFERING</A>.<P>3. The Temple Building and Adjuncts:<P>The inner court was extended westward by a second square of 100 cubits, within which, on a platform elevated another 6 cubits (9 ft.), stood the temple proper and its connected buildings (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',41,8);">Eze 41:8</a>). This platform or basement is shown by the measurements to be 60 cubits broad (north and and south) and 105 cubits long (east and west)<29>5 cubits projecting into the eastern square. The ascent to the temple-porch was by 10 steps (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',40,49);">Eze 40:49</a>; Septuagint, the Revised Version margin). The temple itself was a building consisting, like Solomon\'s, of three parts<74>a porch at the entrance, 20 cubits (30 ft.) broad by 12 cubits (18 ft.) deep (so most, following the Septuagint, as required by the other measurements); the holy place or hekhal, 40 cubits (60 ft.) long by 20 cubits (30 ft.) broad; and the most holy place, 20 cubits by 20 (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',40,48,49);">Eze 40:48,49</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',41,\'1-4\');">41:1-4</a>); the measurements are internal. At the sides of the porch stood two pillars (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',40,49);">Eze 40:49</a>), corresponding to the Jachin and Boaz of the older Temple. The holy and the most holy places were separated by a partition 2 cubits in thickness (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',41,3);">Eze 41:3</a>; so most interpret). The most holy place was empty; of the furniture of the holy place mention is made only of an altar of wood (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',41,22);">Eze 41:22</a>; see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ALTAR">ALTAR</A>, sec. A, III, 7; B, III, 3). Walls and doors were ornamented with cherubim and palm trees (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',41,18,25);">Eze 41:18,25</a>). The wall of the temple building was 6 cubits (9 ft.) in thickness (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',41,5);">Eze 41:5</a>), and on the north, south, and west sides, as in Solomon\'s Temple, there were side-chambers in three stories, 30 in number (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',41,6);">Eze 41:6</a>; in each story?), with an outer wall 5 cubits (7 1/2 ft.) in thickness (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',41,9);">Eze 41:9</a>). These chambers were, on the basement, 4 cubits broad; in the 2nd and 3rd stories, owing, as in the older Temple, to rebatements in the wall, perhaps 5 and 6 cubits broad respectively (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',41,6,7);">Eze 41:6,7</a>; in Solomon\'s Temple the side-chambers were 5,6,and 7 cubits, <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',6,6);">1Ki 6:6</a>). These dimensions give a total external breadth to the house of 50 cubits (with a length of 100 cubits), leaving 5 cubits on either side and in the front as a passage round the edge of the platform on which the building stood (described as "that which was left") (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',41,9,11);">Eze 41:9,11</a>). The western end, as far as the outer wall, was occupied, the whole breadth of the inner court, by a large building (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',41,12);">Eze 41:12</a>); all but a passage of 20 cubits (30 ft.) between it and the temple, belonging to what is termed "the separate place" (gizrah, <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',41,12,13);">Eze 41:12,13</a>, etc.). The temple-platform being only 60 cubits broad, there remained a space of 20 cubits (30 ft.) on the north and south sides, running the entire length of the platform; this, continued round the back, formed the gizrah, or "separate place" just named. Beyond the gizrah for 50 cubits (75 ft.) were other chambers, apparently in two rows, the inner 100 cubits, the outer 50 cubits, long, with a walk of 10 cubits between (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',42,\'1-14\');">Eze 42:1-14</a>; the passage, however, is obscure; some, as Keil, place the "walk" outside the chambers). These chambers were assigned to the priests for the eating of "the most holy things" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',42,13);">Eze 42:13</a>).<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=GALLERY">GALLERY</a>.<P>Such, in general, was the sanctuary of the prophet\'s vision, the outer and inner courts of which, and, crowning all, the temple itself, rising in successive terraces, presented to his inner eye an imposing spectacle which, in labored description, he seeks to enable his readers likewise to visualize.<P>III. THE TEMPLE OF ZERUBBABEL<P>I. Introductory.<P>1. The Decree of Cyrus:<P>Forty-eight years after Nebuchadnezzar\'s destruction of the first Temple, the Babylonian empire came to an end (538 BC), and Persia became dominant under Cyrus. In the year following, Cyrus made a decree sanctioning the return of the Jews, and ordering the rebuilding of the Temple at Jerusalem (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',36,23);">2Ch 36:23</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',1,\'1-4\');">Ezr 1:1-4</a>). He not only caused the sacred vessels of the old Temple to be restored, but levied a tax upon his western provinces to provide materials for the building, besides what was offered willingly (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',1,\'6-11\');">Ezr 1:6-11</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',6,3);">6:3</a>). The relatively small number of exiles who chose to return for this work (40,000) were led by Sheshbazzar, "the prince of Judah" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',1,11);">Ezr 1:11</a>), whom some identify with Zerubbabel, likewise named "governor of Judah" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Hag\',1,1);">Hag 1:1</a>). With these, if they were distinct was associated Joshua the high priest (in Ezra and Nehemiah called "Jeshua").<P>2. Founding of the Temple:<P>The first work of Joshua and Zerubbabel was the building of the altar on its old site in the 7th month of the return (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',3,3);">Ezr 3:3</a>). Masons and carpenters were engaged for the building of the house, and the Phoenicians were requisitioned for cedar wood from Lebanon (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',3,7);">Ezr 3:7</a>). In the 2nd year the foundations of the temple were laid with dignified ceremonial, amid rejoicing, and the weeping of the older men, who remembered the former house (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',3,\'8-13\');">Ezr 3:8-13</a>).<P>3. Opposition and Completion of the Work:<P>The work soon met with opposition from the mixed population of Samaria, whose offer to join it had been refused; hostile representations, which proved successful, were made to the Persian king; from which causes the building was suspended about 15 years, till the 2nd year of Darius Hystaspis (520 BC; <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',4,\'1-\');">Ezr 4</a>). On the other hand, the prophets Haggai and Zechariah stimulated the flagging zeal of the builders, and, new permission being obtained, the work was resumed, and proceeded so rapidly that in 516 BC the temple was completed, and was dedicated with joy (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',5,\'1-\');">Ezr 5</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',6,\'1-\');">6</a>).<P>II. The Temple Structure.<P>1. The House:<P>Few details are available regarding this temple of Zerubbabel. It stood on the ancient site, and may have been influenced in parts of its plan by the descriptions of the temple in Ezekiel. The inferiority to the first Temple, alluded to in <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',3,12);">Ezr 3:12</a> and <a onClick="return mV(\'Hag\',2,3);">Hag 2:3</a>, plainly cannot refer to its size, for its dimensions as specified in the decree of Cyrus, namely, 60 cubits in height, and 60 cubits in breadth (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',6,3);">Ezr 6:3</a>); there is no warrant for confining the 60 cubits of height to the porch only; compare Josephus, Ant, XI, i), exceed considerably those of the Temple of Solomon (side-chambers are no doubt included in the breadth). The greater glory of the former Temple can only refer to adornment, and to the presence in it of objects wanting in the second. The Mishna declares that the second temple lacked five things present in the first<73>the ark, the sacred fire, the shekhinah, the Holy Spirit, and the Urim and Thummim (Yoma\', xxi.2).<P>2. Its Divisions and Furniture:<P>The temple was divided, like its predecessor, into a holy and a most holy place, doubtless in similar proportions. In 1Macc 1:22 mention is made of the "veil" between the two places. The most holy place, as just said, was empty, save for a stone on which the high priest, on the great Day of Atonement, placed his censer (Yoma\' v.2). The holy place had its old furniture, but on the simpler scale of the tabernacle<6C>a golden altar of incense, a single table of shewbread, one 7-branched candlestick. These were taken away by Antiochus Epiphanes (1Macc 1:21,22). At the cleansing of the sanctuary after its profanation by this prince, they were renewed by Judas Maccabeus (1Macc 4:41ff). Judas pulled down also the old desecrated altar, and built a new one (1Macc 4:44ff).<P>3. Its Courts, Altar, etc.:<P>The second temple had two courts<74>an outer and an inner (1Macc 4:38,48; 9:54; Josephus, Ant, XIV, xvi, 2)<29>planned apparently on the model of those in Ezekiel. A.R.S. Kennedy infers from the measurements in the Haram that "the area of the great court of the second temple, before it was enlarged by Herod on the south and east, followed that of Ezekiel\'s outer court<72>that is, it measured 500 cubits each way with the sacred rock precisely in the center" (Expository Times, XX, 182). The altar on this old Sakhra site<74>the first thing of all to be "set on its base" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',3,3);">Ezr 3:3</a>)<29>is shown by 1Macc 4:47 and a passage quoted by Josephus from Hecataeus (Apion, I, xxii) to have been built of unhewn stones. Hecataeus gives its dimensions as a square of 20 cubits and 10 cubits in height. There seems to have been free access to this inner court till the time of Alexander Janneus (104-78 BC), who, pelted by the crowd as he sacrificed, fenced off the part of the court in front of the altar, so that no layman could come farther (Josephus, Ant, XIII, xiii, 5). The courts were colonnaded (Ant., XI, iv, 7; XIV, xvi, 2), and, with the house, had numerous chambers (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',12,44);">Ne 12:44</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',13,4);">13:4</a>ff, etc.).<P>A brief contemporary description of this Temple and its worship is given in Aristeas, 83-104. This writer\'s interest, however, was absorbed chiefly by the devices for carrying away the sacrificial blood and by the technique of the officiating priests.<P>4. Later Fortunes:<P>The vicissitudes of this temple in its later history are vividly recorded in 1Maccabees and in Josephus. In Ecclesiasticus 50 is given a glimpse of a certain Simon, son of Onias, who repaired the temple, and a striking picture is furnished of the magnificence of the worship in his time. The desecration and pillaging of the sanctuary by Antiochus, and its cleansing and restoration under Judas are alluded to above (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=HASMONEANS">HASMONEANS</A>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=MACCABAEUS">MACCABAEUS</A>). At length Judea became an integral part of the Roman empire. In 66 BC Pompey, having taken the temple-hill, entered the most holy place, but kept his hands off the temple-treasures (Ant., XIV, iv, 4). Some years later Crassus carried away everything of value he could find (Ant., XIV, vii, 1). The people revolted, but Rome remained victorious. This brings us to the time of Herod, who was nominated king of Judea by Rome in 39 BC, but did not attain actual power until two years later.<P>IV. THE TEMPLE OF HEROD<P>I. Introductory.<P>1. Initiation of the Work:<P>Herod became king de facto by the capture of Jerusalem in 37 BC. Some years later he built the fortress Antonia to the north of the temple (before 31 BC). Midway in his reign, assigning a religious motive for his purpose, he formed the project of rebuilding the temple itself on a grander scale (Josephus gives conflicting dates; in Ant, XV, xi,1,he says "in his 18th year"; in BJ, I, xxi,1,he names his 15th year; the latter date, as Schurer suggests (GJV4, I 369), may refer to the extensive preparations). To allay the distrust of his subjects, he undertook that the materials for the new building should be collected before the old was taken down; he likewise trained 1,000 priests to be masons and carpenters for work upon the sanctuary; 10,000 skilled workmen altogether were employed upon the task. The building was commenced in 20-19 BC. The naos, or temple proper, was finished in a year and a half, but it took 8 years to complete the courts and cloisters. The total erection occupied a much longer time (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',2,20);">Joh 2:20</a>, "Forty and six years," etc.); indeed the work was not entirely completed till 64 AD-6 years before its destruction by the Romans.<P>2. Its Grandeur:<P>Built of white marble, covered with heavy plates of gold in front and rising high above its marble-cloistered courts<74>themselves a succession of terraces<65>the temple, compared by Josephus to a snow-covered mountain (BJ, V, v, 6), was a conspicuous and dazzling object from every side. The general structure is succinctly described by G. A. Smith: "Herod\'s temple consisted of a house divided like its predecessor into the Holy of Holies, and the Holy Place; a porch; an immediate fore-court with an altar of burnt offering; a Court of Israel; in front of this a Court of Women; and round the whole of the preceding, a Court of the Gentiles" (Jerusalem, II, 502). On the "four courts," compare Josephus, Apion, II, viii.<P>3. Authorities:<P>The original authorities on Herod\'s temple are chiefly the descriptions in Josephus (Ant., XV, xi,3,5; BJ, V, v, etc.), and the tractate Middoth in the Mishna. The data in these authorities, however, do not always agree. The most helpful modern descriptions, with plans, will be found, with differences in details, in Keil, Biblical Archaeology, I, 187ff; in Fergusson, Temples of the Jews; in the articles "Temple" in HDB (T. Witton Davies) and Encyclopedia Biblica (G. H. Box); in the important series of papers by A. R. S. Kennedy in The Expository Times (vol XX), "Some Problems of Herod\'s Temple" (compare his article "Temple" in one-vol DB); in Sanday\'s Sacred Sites of the Gospels (Waterhouse); latterly in G. A. Smith, Jerusalem, II, 499ff.<P>4. Measurements:<P>Differences of opinion continue as to the sacred cubit. A. R. S. Kennedy thinks the cubit can be definitely fixed at 17,6 inches. (Expostory Times, XX, 24ff); G. A. Smith reckons it at 20,67 inches. (Jerusalem, II, 504); T. Witton Davies estimates it at about 18 in. (HDB, IV, 713), etc. W. S. Caldecott takes the cubit of Josephus and the Middoth to be 1 1/5 ft. It will suffice in this sketch to treat the cubit, as before, as approximately equivalent to 18 inches.<P>II. The Temple and Its Courts.<P>1. Temple Area<65>Court of Gentiles:<P>Josephus states that the area of Herod\'s temple was double that of its predecessor (BJ, I, xxi, 1). The Mishna (Mid., ii.2) gives the area as 500 cubits (roughly 750 ft.); Josephus (Ant., XV, xi, 3) gives it as a stadium (about 600 Greek ft.); but neither measure is quite exact. It is generally agreed that on its east, west and south sides Herod\'s area corresponded pretty nearly with the limits of the present Haram area (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=JERUSALEM">JERUSALEM</A>), but that it did not extend as far north as the latter (Kennedy states the difference at about 26 as compared with 35 acres, and makes the whole perimeter to be about 1,420 yards, ut supra, 66). The shape was an irregular oblong, broader at the north than at the south. The whole was surrounded by a strong wall, with several gates, the number and position of some of which are still matters of dispute. Josephus mentions four gates on the west (Ant., XV, xi, 5), the principal of which, named in Mid., i.3, "the gate of Kiponos," was connected by a bridge across the Tyropoeon with the city (where now is Wilson\'s Arch). The same authority speaks of two gates on the south. These are identified with the "Huldah" (mole) gates of the Mishna<6E>the present Double and Triple Gates<65>which, opening low down in the wall, slope up in tunnel fashion into the interior of the court. The Mishna puts a gate also on the north and one on the east side. The latter may be represented by the modern Golden Gate<74>a Byzantine structure, now built up. This great court<72>known later as the "Court of the Gentiles," because open to everyone<6E>was adorned with splendid porticos or cloisters. The colonnade on the south side<64>known as the Royal Porch<63>was specially magnificent. It consisted of four rows of monolithic marble columns<6E>162 in all<6C>with Corinthian capitals, forming three aisles, of which the middle was broader and double the height of the other two. The roofing was of carved cedar. The north, west, and east sides had only double colonnades. That on the east side was the "Solomon\'s Porch" of the New Testament (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',10,23);">Joh 10:23</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',3,11);">Ac 3:11</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',5,19);">5:19</a>). There were also chambers for officials, and perhaps a place of meeting for the Sanhedrin (beth din) (Josephus places this elsewhere). In the wide spaces of this court took place the buying and selling described in the Gospels (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',21,12);">Mt 21:12</a> and parallel\'s; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',2,13);">Joh 2:13</a>ff).<P>2. Inner Sanctuary Inclosure:<P>(1) Wall, "Chel," "Coregh," Gates.<P>In the upper or northerly part of this large area, on a much higher level, bounded likewise by a wall, was a second or inner enclosure<72>the "sanctuary" in the stricter sense (Josephus, BJ, V, v, 2)<29>comprising the court of the women, the court of Israeland the priests\' court, with the temple itself (Josephus, Ant, XV, xi, 5). The surrounding wall, according to Josephus (BJ, V, v, 2), was 40 cubits high on the outside, and 25 on the inside<64>a difference of 15 cubits; its thickness was 5 cubits. Since, however, the inner courts were considerably higher than the court of the women, the difference in height may have been some cubits less in the latter than in the former (compare the different measurements in Kennedy, ut supra, 182), a fact which may explain the difficulty felt as to the number of the steps in the ascent (see below). Round the wall without, at least on three sides (some except the west), at a height of 12 (Mid.) or 14 (Jos) steps, was an embankment or terrace, known as the chel (fortification), 10 cubits broad (Mid. says 6 cubits high), and enclosing the whole was a low balustrade or stone parapet (Josephus says 3 cubits high) called the coregh, to which were attached at intervals tablets with notices in Greek and Latin, prohibiting entry to foreigners on pain of death (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=PARTITION,+THE+MIDDLE+WALL+OF">PARTITION, THE MIDDLE WALL OF</A>). From within the coregh ascent was made to the level of the chel by the steps aforesaid, and five steps more led up to the gates (the reckoning is probably to the lower level of the women\'s court). Nine gates, with two-storied gatehouses "like towers" (Josephus, BJ, V, v, 3), are mentioned, four on the north, four on the south, and one on the east<73>the last probably to be identified, though this is still disputed (Waterhouse, etc.), with the "Gate of Nicanor" (Mid.), or "Corinthian Gate" (Jos), which is undoubtedly "the Beautiful Gate" of <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',3,2,10);">Ac 3:2,10</a> (see for identification, Kennedy, ut supra, 270). This principal gate received its names from being the gift of a wealthy Alexandrian Jew, Nicanor, and from its being made of Corinthian brass. It was of great size<7A>50 cubits high and 40 cubits wide<64>and was richly adorned, its brass glittering like gold (Mid., ii.3). See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=BEAUTIFUL+GATE">BEAUTIFUL GATE</A>. The other gates were covered with gold and silver (Josephus, BJ, V, v, 3).<P>(2) Court of the Women.<P>The eastern gate, approached from the outside by 12 steps (Mid., ii.3; Maimonides), admitted into the court of the women, so called because it was accessible to women as well as to men. Above its single colonnades were galleries reserved for the use of women. Its dimensions are given in the Mishna as 135 cubits square (Mid., ii.5), but this need not be precise. At its four corners were large roofless rooms for storage and other purposes. Near the pillars of the colonnades were 13 trumpet-shaped boxes for receiving the money-offerings of the people (compare the incident of the widow\'s mite, <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',12,41);">Mr 12:41</a>ff; <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',21,1);">Lu 21:1</a>ff); for which reason, and because this court seems to have been the place of deposit of the temple-treasures generally, it bore the name "treasury" (gazophulakion, <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',8,20);">Joh 8:20</a>).<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TREASURY">TREASURY</A>.<P>(3) Inner Courts: Court of Israel; Court of the Priests:<P>From the women\'s court, the ascent was made by 15 semicircular steps (Mid., ii.5; on these steps the Levites chanted, and beneath them their instruments were kept) to the inner court, comprising, at different levels, the court of Israel and the court of the priests. Here, again, at the entrance, was a lofty, richly ornamented gate, which some, as said, prefer to regard as the Gate of Nicanor or Beautiful Gate. Probably, however, the view above taken, which places this gate at the outer entrance, is correct. The Mishna gives the total dimensions of the inner court as 187 cubits long (east to west) and 135 cubits wide (Mid., ii.6; v.1). Originally the court was one, but disturbances in the time of Alexander Janneus (104-78 BC) led, as formerly told, to the greater part being railed off for the exclusive use of the priests (Josephus, Ant, XIII, xiii, 5). In the Mishna the name "court of the priests" is used in a restricted sense to denote the space<63>11 cubits<74>between the altar and "the court of Israel" (see the detailed measurements in Mid., v.1). The latter<65>"the court of Israel"<22>2 1/2 cubits lower than "the court of the priests," and separated from it by a pointed fence, was likewise a narrow strip of only 11 cubits (Mid., ii.6; v.1). Josephus, with more probability, carries the 11 cubits of the "court of Israel" round the whole of the temple-court (BJ, V, vi). Waterhouse (Sacred Sites, 112) thinks 11 cubits too small for a court of male Israelites, and supposes a much larger enclosure, but without warrant in the authorities (compare Kennedy, ut supra, 183; G. A. Smith, Jerusalem, II, 508ff).<P>(4) The Altar, etc.<P>In the priests\' court the principal object was the great altar of burnt offering, situated on the old site<74>the Sakhra<72>immediately in front of the porch of the temple (at 22 cubits distance<63>the space "between the temple and the altar" of <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',23,35);">Mt 23:35</a>). The altar, according to the Mishna (Mid., iii.1), was 32 cubits square, and, like Ezekiel\'s, rose in stages, each diminishing by a cubit: one of 1 cubit in height, three of 5 cubits, which, with deduction of another cubit for the priests to walk on, left a square of 24 cubits at the top. It had four horns. Josephus, on the other hand, gives 50 cubits for the length and breadth, and 15 cubits for the height of the altar (BJ, V, v, 6)<29>his reckoning perhaps including a platform (a cubit high?) from which the height is taken (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ALTAR">ALTAR</A>). The altar was built of unhewn stones, and had on the south a sloping ascent of like material, 32 cubits in length and 16 in width. Between temple and altar, toward the south, stood the "laver" for the priests. In the court, on the north side, were rings, hooks, and tables, for the slaughtering, flaying and suspending of the sacrificial victims.<P>3. The Temple Building:<P>(1) House and Porch.<P>Yet another flight of 12 steps, occupying most of the space between the temple-porch and the altar, led up to the platform (6 cubits high) on which stood the temple itself. This magnificent structure, built, as said before, of blocks of white marble, richly ornamented with gold on front and sides, exceeded in dimensions and splendor all previous temples. The numbers in the Mishna and in Josephus are in parts discrepant, but the general proportions can readily be made out. The building with its platform rose to the height of 100 cubits (150 ft.; the 120 cubits in Josephus, Ant, XV, xi,3,is a mistake), and was 60 cubits (90 ft.) wide. It was fronted by a porch of like height, but with wings extending 20 cubits (30 ft.) on each side of the temple, making the total breadth of the vestibule 100 cubits (150 ft.) also. The depth of the porch was 10 or 11 cubits; probably at the wings 20 cubits (Jos). The entrance, without doors, was 70 cubits high and 25 cubits wide (Mid. makes 40 cubits high and 20 wide). Above it Herod placed a golden eagle, which the Jews afterward pulled down (Ant., XVII, vi, 3). The porch was adorned with gold.<P>(2) "Hekhal" and "Debhir".<P>Internally, the temple was divided, as before, into a holy place (hekhal) and a most holy (debhir)<29>the former measuring, as in Solomon\'s Temple, 40 cubits (60 ft.) in length, and 20 cubits (30 ft.) in breadth; the height, however, was double that of the older Temple<6C>60 cubits (90 ft.; thus Keil, etc., following Josephus, BJ, V, v, 5). Mid., iv.6, makes the height only 40 cubits; A. R. S. Kennedy and G. A. Smith make the debhir a cube<62>20 cubits in height only. In the space that remained above the holy places, upper rooms (40 cubits) were erected. The holy place was separated from the holiest by a partition one cubit in thickness, before which hung an embroidered curtain or "veil"<22>that which was rent at the death of Jesus (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',27,51);">Mt 27:51</a> and parallel\'s; Mid., iv.7, makes two veils, with a space of a cubit between them). The Holy of Holies was empty; only a stone stood, as in the temple of Zerubbabel, on which the high priest placed his censer on the Day of Atonement (Mishna, Yoma\', v.2). In the holy place were the altar of incense, the table of shewbread (North), and the seven-branched golden candlestick (south). Representations of the two latter are seen in the carvings on the Arch of Titus (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=SHEWBREAD,+TABLE+OF">SHEWBREAD, TABLE OF</A>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=CANDLESTICK,+THE+GOLDEN">CANDLESTICK, THE GOLDEN</a>). The spacious entrance to the holy place had folding doors, before which hung a richly variegated Babylonian curtain. Above the entrance was a golden vine with clusters as large as a man (Josephus, Ant, XV, xi, 3; BJ, V, v, 4).<P>(3) The Side-Chambers.<P>The walls of the temple appear to have been 5 cubits thick, and against these, on the north, west, and south, were built, as in Solomon\'s Temple, side-chambers in three stories, 60 cubits in height, and 10 cubits in width (the figures, however, are uncertain), which, with the outer walls, made the entire breadth of the house 60 or 70 cubits. Mid., iv.3, gives the number of the chambers as 38 in all. The roof, which Keil speaks of as "sloping" (Bib. Archaeology, I, 199), had gilded spikes to keep off the birds. A balustrade surrounded it 3 cubits high. Windows are not mentioned, but there would doubtless be openings for light into the holy place from above the sidechambers.<P>III. New Testament Associations of Herod\'s Temple.<P>1. Earlier Incidents:<P>Herod\'s temple figures so prominently in New Testament history that it is not necessary to do more than refer to some of the events of which it was the scene. It was here, before the incense altar, that the aged Zacharias had the vision which assured him that he should not die childless (<a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',1,11);">Lu 1:11</a>). Here, in the women\'s court, or treasury, on the presentation by Mary, the infant Jesus was greeted by Simeon and Anna (<a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',2,27);">Lu 2:27</a>ff). In His 12th year the boy Jesus amazed the temple rabbis by His understanding and answers (<a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',2,46);">Lu 2:46</a>).<P>2. Jesus in the Temple: The chronological sequence of the Fourth Gospel depends very much upon the visits of Jesus to the temple at the great festivals (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=JESUS+CHRIST">JESUS CHRIST</a>). At the first of these occurred the cleansing of the temple-court<72>the court of the Gentiles<65>from the dealers that profaned it (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',2,13);">Joh 2:13</a>), an incident repeated at the close of the ministry (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',21,12);">Mt 21:12</a>ff and parallel\'s). When the Jews, on the first occasion, demanded a sign, Jesus spoke of the temple of His body as being destroyed and raised up in three days (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',2,19);">Joh 2:19</a>), eliciting their retort, "Forty and six years was this temple in building," etc. (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',2,20);">Joh 2:20</a>). This may date the occurrence about 27 AD. At the second cleansing He not only drove out the buyers and sellers, but would not allow anyone to carry anything through this part of the temple (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',11,\'15-17\');">Mr 11:15-17</a>). In John His zeal flamed out because it was His Father\'s house; in Mark, because it was a house of prayer for all nations (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',56,7);">Isa 56:7</a>). With this non-exclusiveness agrees the word of Jesus to the woman of Samaria: "The hour cometh, when neither in this mountain (in Samaria), nor in Jerusalem, shall ye worship the Father" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',4,21);">Joh 4:21</a>). During the two years following His first visit, Jesus repeatedly, at festival times, walked in the temple-courts, and taught and disputed with the Jews. We find Him in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',5,\'1-\');">Joh 5</a> at "a feast" (Passover or Purim?); in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',7,\'1-\');">John 7</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',8,\'1-\');">8</a>, at "the feast of tabernacles," where the temple-police were sent to apprehend Him (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',7,32,45);">7:32,45</a>ff), and where He taught "in the treasury" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',8,20);">8:20</A>); in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',10,22);">Joh 10:22</a>ff, at "the feast of the dedication" in winter, walking in "Solomon\'s Porch." His teaching on these occasions often started from some familiar temple scene<6E>the libations of water carried by the priests to be poured upon the altar (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',7,37);">Joh 7:37</a>), the proselytes (Greeks even) in the great portico (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',12,20);">Joh 12:20</a>), etc. Of course Jesus, not being of the priestly order, never entered the sanctuary; His teaching took place in the several courts open to laymen, generally in the "treasury" (see <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',8,20);">Joh 8:20</a>).<P>3. The Passion-Week:<P>The first days of the closing week of the life of Jesus<75>the week commencing with the Triumphal Entry<72>were spent largely in the temple. Here He spoke many parables (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',21,\'1-\');">Mt 21</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',22,\'1-\');">22</a> and parallel\'s); here He delivered His tremendous arraignment of the Pharisees (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',23,\'1-\');">Mt 23</a> and parallel\'s); here, as He "sat down over against the treasury," He beheld the people casting in their gifts, and praised the poor widow who cast in her two mites above all who cast in of their abundance (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',12,41);">Mr 12:41</a>ff and parallel\'s). It was on the evening of His last day in the temple that His disciples drew His attention to "the goodly stones and offerings" (gifts for adornment) of the building (<a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',21,5);">Lu 21:5</a> and parallel\'s) and heard from His lips the astonishing announcement that the days were coming<6E>even in that generation<6F>in which there should not be left one stone upon another (<a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',21,6);">Lu 21:6</a> and parallel\'s). The prediction was fulfilled to the letter in the destruction of the temple by the Romans in 70 AD.<P>4. Apostolic Church:<P>Seven weeks after the crucifixion the Pentecost of <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',2,\'1-\');">Ac 2</a> was observed. The only place that fulfils the topographical conditions of the great gatherings is Solomon\'s Porch. The healing of the lame man (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',3,1);">Ac 3:1</a>) took place at the "door...called Beautiful" of the temple, and the multitude after the healing ran together into "Solomon\'s Porch" or portico (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',3,11);">Ac 3:11</a>). Where also were the words of <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',24,53);">Lu 24:53</a>, they "were continually in the temple, blessing God," and after Pentecost (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',2,46);">Ac 2:46</a>), "day by day, continuing stedfastly...in the temple," etc., so likely to be fulfilled? For long the apostles continued the methods of their Master in daily teaching in the temple (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',4,1);">Ac 4:1</a>). Many years later, when Paul visited Jerusalem for the last time, he was put in danger of his life from the myriads of Jewish converts "all zealous for the law" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',21,20);">Ac 21:20</a>), who accused him of profaning the temple by bringing Greeks into its precincts, i.e. within the coregh (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',21,\'28-30\');">Ac 21:28-30</a>). But Christianity had now begun to look farther afield than the temple. Stephen, and after him Saul, who became Paul, preached that "the Most High dwelleth not in houses made with hands" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',7,48);">Ac 7:48</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',17,24);">17:24</a>), though Paul himself attended the temple for ceremonial and other purposes (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',21,26);">Ac 21:26</a>).<P>5. The Temple in Christian Thought:<P>From the time that the temple ceased to exist, the Talmud took its place in Jewish estimation; but it is in Christianity rather than in Judaism that the temple has a perpetual existence. The New Testament writers make no distinction between one temple and another. It is the idea rather than the building which is perpetuated in Christian teaching. The interweaving of temple associations with Christian thought and life runs through the whole New Testament. Jesus Himself supplied the germ for this development in the word He spoke concerning the temple of His body (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',2,19,21);">Joh 2:19,21</a>). Paul, notwithstanding all he had suffered from Jews and Jewish Christians, remained saturated with Jewish ideas and modes of thought. In one of his earliest Epistles he recognizes the "Jerus that is above" as "the mother of us all" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gal\',4,26);">Ga 4:26</a> the King James Version). In another, the "man of sin" is sitting "in the temple of God" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Th\',2,4);">2Th 2:4</a>). The collective church (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',3,16,17);">1Co 3:16,17</a>), but also the individual believer (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',6,19);">1Co 6:19</a>), is a temple. One notable passage shows how deep was the impression made upon Paul\'s mind by the incident connected with Trophimus the Ephesian (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',21,29);">Ac 21:29</a>). That "middle wall of partition" which so nearly proved fatal to him then was no longer to be looked for in the Christian church (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eph\',2,14);">Eph 2:14</a>), which was "a holy temple" in the Lord (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eph\',2,21);">Eph 2:21</a>). It is naturally in the Epistle to the Hebrews that we have the fullest exposition of ideas connected with the temple, although here the form of allusion is to the tabernacle rather than the temple (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TABERNACLE">TABERNACLE</a>; compare Westcott on Hebrews, 233ff). The sanctuary and all it included were but representations of heavenly things. Finally, in Revelation, the vision is that of the heavenly temple itself (<a onClick="return mV(\'Rev\',11,19);">11:19</A>). But the church<63>professing Christendom?<3F>is a temple measured by God\'s command (<a onClick="return mV(\'Rev\',11,1,2);">11:1,2</A>ff). The climax is reached in <a onClick="return mV(\'Rev\',21,22,23);">21:22-23</A>: "I saw no temple therein (i.e. in the holy city): for the Lord God the Almighty, and the Lamb, are the temple thereof...and the lamp thereof is the Lamb." Special ordinances are altogether superseded.<P>LITERATURE.<P>In general on the temples see Keil, Biblical Archaeology, I, in which the older literature is mentioned; Fergusson, Temples of the Jews; Comms. on K, Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah, and Ezk; articles in the dicts. and encs (DB, HDB, EB); G. A. Smith, Jerusalem and similar works. On Solomon\'s Temple, compare Benzinger, Heb. Archaologie. On Ezekiel\'s temple, see Skinner\'s "Book of Ezekiel" in Expositor\'s Bible. On Zerubbabel\'s temple, compare W. Shaw Caldecott, The Second Temple in Jerusalem. The original authorities on Herod\'s temple are chiefly Josephus, Ant, XV, xi, and BJ, V, v; and the Mishna, Middoth, ii (this section of the Middoth, from Barclay\'s Talmud, may be seen in App. I of Fergusson\'s work above named). The German literature is very fully given in Schurer, HJP, I,1,438ff (GJV4, I, 392f). See also the articles of A. R. S. Kennedy in Expository Times, XX, referred to above, and P. Waterhouse, in Sanday, Sacred Sites of the Gospels, 106ff. On symbolism, compare Westcott, Hebrews, 233ff. See also articles in this Encyclopedia on parts, furniture, and utensils of the temple, under their several headings.``19';
isbe[8670]='Temple, B`<b>B. IN CRITICISM</b><P><b>I. ALLEGED LACK OF HARMONY BETWEEN EARLIER (KINGS) AND LATER (CODE OF HAMMURABI) VERSIONS OF TEMPLE BUILDING</b><P class="in15">1. Second Version Not a Facsimile of First<P class="in15">2. The Two Versions Differ as to the Builder<P class="in15">3. The Earlier Version Silent about Things Recorded in Later Version<P><b>II. DETAILED OBJECTIONS AGAINST CHRONICLER\'S ACCOUNT</b><P class="in15">1. Reason for Interdicting David\'s Purpose to Build a Temple<P class="in15">2. Impossibility of David in His Old Age Collecting Materials Enumerated by the Chronicler<P class="in15">3. Supernaturally Received Pattern of the Temple Said to Have Been Given by David to Solomon<P class="in15">4. Alleged Organization of the Temple-Service by David<P class="in15">5. Assertion by Solomon That the Temple Would Be Used as a Central Sanctuary<P><b>LITERATURE</b><hr /><P>B. IN CRITICISM<P>Modern criticism does not challenge the existence of a Solomonic Temple on Mt. Moriah, as it does that of a Mosaic tabernacle in the wilderness. Only it maintains that historic value belongs exclusively to the narrative in Kings, while the statements in Chronicles are pure ornamentation or ecclesiastical trimming dating from post-exilic times. All that is true about the Temple, says criticism, is<P>(1) that David originally, i.e. on coming to the throne of all Israel, contemplated erecting such a structure upon Araunah\'s threshing-floor, but was prohibited from doing so by Nathan, who at first approved of his design but was afterward directed by Yahweh to stay the king\'s hand, and to inform the king that the work of building a house for Yahweh to dwell in was not to be his (the king\'s) task and privilege but his son\'s, and that as a solatium for his disappointment Yahweh would build him a house, by establishing the throne of his kingdom forever (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',7,\'4-17\');">2Sa 7:4-17</a>);<P>(2) that after David\'s death Solomon called to mind the pious purpose of his father of which he had been informed and the express promise of Yahweh that David\'s successor on the throne should execute that purpose, and accordingly resolved to "build a house for the name of Yahweh his God" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',5,\'3-5\');">1Ki 5:3-5</a>); and<P>(3) that 7 1/2 years were employed in the work of construction, after which the finished Temple was dedicated in the presence of the congregation of Israel, with their princes, priests and Levites, in a speech which rehearsed the fact that David had intended to build the house but was prevented, and with a prayer which once more connected the Temple with the pious intention of David (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',8,\'18-20\');">1Ki 8:18-20</a>).<P>All the rest is simply embellishment (Wellhausen, GI, 181-92; article "Temple" in EB):<P>(1) that David\'s purpose to build the Temple was interdicted because he had been a man of war and had shed blood (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',28,3);">1Ch 28:3</a>), which in Wellhausen\'s judgment should rather have been a qualification for the business;<P>(2) that David in his old and feeble age made elaborate preparations for the construction of the house he was not to see<65>which, again writes Wellhausen, was like "making the bread so far ready that his son only required to shove it into the oven";<P>(3) that David gave to his son Solomon the pattern of the house in all its details as the Lord had caused him to understand in writing ("black upon white," as Wellhansen expresses it) by His (the Lord\'s) hand upon him<69>which was different from the way in which Moses received instruction about the tabernacle, namely, by a pattern shown to him in the Mount, and carried in his recollection;<P>(4) that David before his death arranged all the musical service for the Temple, invented musical instruments, appointed all the officers to be associated with the Temple priests, Levites, porters and singers, distributing them in classes and assigning them their duties by lot (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',23,\'2-26\');">1Ch 23:2-26</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',8,\'12-16\');">2Ch 8:12-16</a>)<29>exactly as these things were afterward arranged in the second or post-exilic temple and were now carried back to David as the legislation of the Priestly Code was assigned to Moses; and<P>(5) that David\'s son Solomon assures Hiram (the Revised Version (British and American) "Huram") that the Temple will be used as a central sanctuary "to burn before him (Yahweh) incense of sweet spices, and for the continual showbread, and for the burnt-offerings morning and evening, on the sabbaths, and on the new moons, and on the set feasts of Yahweh our God" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',2,3);">2Ch 2:3</a>), i.e. for divine service, which, according to criticism, was of post-exilic origin.<P>The questions that now fall to be considered are: (1) whether the statements of the Chronicler are inconsistent with those in the Books of Samuel and Kings; and (2) if not, whether they are in themselves such as to be incredible.<P>I. Alleged Want of Harmony between Earlier (K) and Later (Ch) Versions of Temple Building.<P>1. Second Version Not a Facsimile of First<P>It does not seem reasonable to hold that this has been established. The circumstance that the second account is not a facsimile of the first does not warrant the conclusion that the first alone is fact and the second fiction. It is quite conceivable that both might be true. David might have had it in his mind, as the first account states and the second acknowledges, to build a house for Yahweh, and yet not have been able to carry his purpose into effect, and have been obliged to hand over its execution to his son. David, moreover, might have been hindered by Yahweh (through His prophet Nathan) from building the Temple for more reasons than one<6E>because the proposal was premature, God having it in His mind to build a house for David, i.e. to establish his dynasty, before requiring a permanent habitation for Himself; and also because the time was unpropitious, David having still much to do in the subjugation of his country\'s enemies; and because it was more fitting that a temple for the God of Peace should not be erected by one who had been a man of war from his youth. The first of these reasons is stated in Samuel, the second and third are recorded in Chronicles.<P>2. The Two Versions Differ as to the Builder<P>The earlier version does not say that David built the house; but that his son was to do it, and this the later version does not contradict; the later version does not claim that the idea originated with Solomon, but ascribes it to David, precisely as the earlier version does. In this there is no disharmony, but rather underlying harmony. Both versions assert that David purposed and that Solomon performed, in which surely there is perfect agreement.<P>3. The Earlier Version Silent about Things Recorded in Later Version<P>The silence of the earlier version about the things recorded in the later version, such as the preparation of material and the organization of the Temple-service, does not prove that these things were not known to the author of the earlier version, or had not taken place when he wrote. No writer is obliged to cram into his pages all he knows, but only to insert as much of his information as will subserve his aim in writing. Nor does his omission to set down in his narrative this or that particular fact or incident amount to a demonstration that the unrecorded fact or incident had not then occurred or was not within his cognizance. Least of all is it expected that a writer of civil history shall fill his pages with details that are purely or chiefly ecclesiastical. In short, if the omission from Kings of David\'s preparations and arrangement for the Temple testifies that no such preparations or arrangements were made, the omission from Chronicles of David\'s sin with Bath-sheba and of Nathan\'s parable of the Ewe Lamb should certify that either these things never happened or they were not known after the exile. It is usual to say they were purposely left out because it was the Chronicler\'s intention to encircle David with a nimbus of glory (Wellhausen), but this is simply critical hypothesis, the truth of which is disputed. On critical principles either these incidents in David\'s life were not true or the Chronicler was not aware of them. But the Chronicler had as one main source for his composition "the earlier historical books from Genesis to Kings" (Driver), and "the tradition of the older source only has historical value" (Wellhausen).<P>II. Detailed Objections against Chronicler\'s Account.<P>1. Reason for Interdicting David\'s Purpose to Build a Temple<P>Examining now in detail the abovestated objections, we readily see that they are by no means so formidable as at first sight they look, and certainly do not prove the Chronicler\'s account to be incredible. That David\'s purpose to build a temple should have been interdicted because he had been a man of war and had shed blood appears to Wellhausen to be a watermark of non-historicity. Benzinger in Encyclopedia Biblica (art. "Temple") goes beyond this and says "There is no historical probablity David had thoughts of building a temple." But if David never thought of building a temple, then not only was the Chronicler mistaken in making Solomon say (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',6,7);">2Ch 6:7</a>) that it was in the heart of his father so to do, but he was chargeable with something worse in making the Lord say to David, "Whereas it was in thy heart to build a house for my name, thou didst well in that it was in thy heart" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',6,8);">2Ch 6:8</a>), unless he was absolutely certain that the statement was true<75>which it was not if Benzinger may be relied on.<P>Nor is it merely the Chronicler whose character for intelligence and piety suffers, if David never thought of building a temple; the reputation of the author or authors of Samuel and Kings must also go, since they both declare that David did entertain the purpose which Benzinger denies (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',7,2);">2Sa 7:2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',5,3);">1Ki 5:3</a>); and an impartial reasoner will hesitate before he sacrifices the good name even of two unknown ancient writers at the ipse dixit of any modern scholar.<P>We may therefore limit our remarks to Wellhausen\'s objection and reply that the reason assigned by Chronicles for prohibiting David from carrying out his purpose, namely, that he had been a man of war, might have been an argument for permitting him to do so, or at least for his seeking to do so, had his object been to erect a monument to his own glory or a thank offering to God for the victories he had won; but not if the Temple was designed to be a habitation wherein God might dwell among His people to receive their worship and bless them with His grace. Strange as it may seem (Winer) that David should have been debarred from carrying out his purpose for the reason assigned, yet there was reason in the interdict, for not only was it fitting that peaceful works should be carried out by peaceful hands (Merz in PRE2), but David\'s vocation was not temple-building but empire-building (to use a modern phrase); and many campaigns lay before him ere the leisure could be found or the land could be ready for the execution of his sacred design.<P>2. Impossibility of David in His Old Age Collecting Materials Enumerated by the Chronicler<P>That David in his old and feeble age could not possibly have collected all the materials enumerated by <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',29,\'1-\');">1Ch 29</a> might possibly have been true, had David been an impecunious chieftain and had he only in the last years of his life commenced to amass treasure. But David was a powerful and wealthy eastern potentate and a valiant warrior besides, who had conquered numerous tribes, Philistines, Moabites, Syrians, Edomites and Ammonites, and had acquired from his victories large spoil, which from an early stage in his career he had been accustomed to dedicate to the Lord (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',8,11);">2Sa 8:11</a>). Hence, it is little better than trifling to put forward as an inherent mark of incredibility the statement that David in his old age could not have made extensive and costly preparations for the building of the Temple<6C>all the more that according to the narrative he was assisted by "the princes of the fathers\' houses, and the princes of the tribes of Israel, and the captains of thousands and of hundreds, with the rulers over the king\'s work," and "the people" generally, who all "offered willingly for the service of the house of God."<P>No doubt the value in sterling money of these preparations is enormous<75>the gold and silver alone being variously reckoned at 8 (Keil), 16 (Bertheau), 81 (Michaelis), 450 (Kautzsch), 1,400 (Rawlinson) millions of pounds<64>and might reasonably suggest either that the text has become corrupt, or the numbers were originally used loosely to express the idea of an extraordinary amount, or were of set purpose exaggerated. The first of these explanations is adopted by Rawlinson; the second by Berthcan; the third by Wellhausen, who sees in the whole section (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',22,\'1-\');">1Ch 22-29</a>) "\'a frightful example of the statistical fantasy of the Jews, which delights itself in immense sums of gold upon paper." But even conceding that in each of these explanations a measure of truth may lie, it does not seem justifiable to wipe out as unhistorical and imaginary the main statement of the Chronicler, that David\'s preparations were both extensive and costly, all the less that <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',10,14,15);">1Ki 10:14,15</a> bears witness to the extraordinary wealth of Solomon. whose income is stated to have been 666 talents of gold, or about 3 millions sterling, a year, besides that he had of the merchantmen, and of the traffic of the spice merchants, and of all the kings of Arabia and of the governors of the country. If David\'s annual income was anything like this, and if he had command of all the treasures accumulated in previous years, it does not look so impossible as criticism would make out that David could have prepared for the future Temple as the Chronicler reports.<P>3. Supernaturally Received Pattern of the Temple Said to Have Been Given by David to Solomon<P>That David gave to Solomon the pattern of the Temple in a writing which had been prepared by him under direct supernatural guidance can be objected to only by those who deny the possibility of such divine communications being made by God to man. If criticism admits, as it sometimes does, the possibility of both revelation and inspiration, the objection under consideration must fall to the ground. That the method of making David acquainted with the pattern of the Temple was not in all respects the same as that adopted for showing Moses the model of the tabernacle, only proves that the resources of infinite wisdom are not usually exhausted by one effort, and that God is not necessarily tied down to one particular way of uttering His thoughts.<P>But criticism mostly rejects the idea of the supernatural and accordingly dismisses this statement about the God-given pattern as altogether fanciful<75>pointing (1) to the fact that similar temples already existed among the Canaanites, as e.g. at Shechem (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',9,46);">Jud 9:46</a>) and at Gaza (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',16,29);">Jud 16:29</a>), which showed there was no special need for a divinely-prepared plan; and (2) to the circumstance that Solomon fetched Hiram, a Tyrian worker in brass, to assist in the erection of the Temple, which again, it is urged, renders probable the conclusion that at least Phoenician ideas entered into its structure (Duncker, Benzinger). Suppose, however, it were true that the Temple was fashioned on a Phoenician, Canaanite or Egyptian model, that would not disprove the statement that David was guided by divine inspiration in drawing up the outline of the building.<P>4. Alleged Organization of the Temple-Service by David<P>That David\'s organization of the Temple-service, both as to officers and instruments as to ritual and music, corresponded exactly (or nearly so) with what afterward existed in the second temple can hardly be adduced as a proof of non-historicity, except on the supposition that Chronicles deliberately "transformed the old history into church history" by ascribing to David the holy music and the arrangement of the Temple personals" which belonged to the post-exilic age, precisely as the author or authors of the Priestly Code, which dated from the same age (according to criticism), attributed this to Moses (Wellhausen, GI, 187)<29>in other words, by stating what was not true in either case, by representing that as having happened which had not happened. Whether this was originally intended to deceive and was a willful fraud, as some hold, and whether it was legitimate then "to do evil that good might come," to persuade men that David organized the musical service which was performed in the second temple in order to secure for it popular acceptance, it may be left to each reader to determine; it must always be wrong to ascribe doubtful practices to good men like the authors of the Priestly Code (P) and of Chronicles unless one is absolutely sure that they were guilty of such practices. Undoubtedly the fair and reasonable thing is to hold that the Chronicler wrote the truth until it is proved that he did not; and for his statement it may be claimed that at least it has this in its favor, that in the earlier sources David is distinctly stated to have been a musician (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',16,23);">1Sa 16:23</a>), to have composed a song, <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',18,\'1-\');">Ps 18</a> (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',22,1);">2Sa 22:1</a>), and to have been designated "the sweet psalmist of Israel." No doubt on the critical hypothesis this might explain why the thought occurred to the Chronicler to credit David with the organization of the Temple-service; but without the critical hypothesis it equally accounts for the interest David took in preparing "the music and the personals" for the Temple which his son was to, build. "The tradition that David intended to build a temple and that he reorganized public worship, not forgetting the musical side thereof (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',6,5);">2Sa 6:5</a> with <a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',6,5);">Am 6:5</a>)," says Kittel (The Scientific Study of the Old Testament,136,English translation), "is not altogether without foundation."<P>5. Assertion by Solomon That the Temple Would Be Used as a Central Sanctuary<P>That the Temple-service was carried out in accordance with the regulations of the Priestly Code does not prove that the Chronicles account is unreliable, unless it is certain that the postexilic Priestly Code was an entirely new ritual which had never existed before, which some modern critics do not admit. But, if it was merely, as some maintain, a codification of a cult that existed before, then no sufficient reason exists for holding that Solomon\'s Temple was designed to be a private chapel for the king (Benzinger), erected partly out of piety but partly also out of love of splendor and statecraft (Reuss), rather than a central sanctuary for the people. A study of Solomon\'s letter to Hiram (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',2,4);">2Ch 2:4</a>) shows that the Temple was intended for the concentration of the nation\'s sacrificial worship which had up till then been frequently offered at local shrines, though originally meant for celebration at the Mosaic tabernacle<6C>for the burning of sweet incense (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',30,1);">Ex 30:1</a>), the offering day by day continually of the burnt offering (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',29,39);">Ex 29:39</a>). And though, it is admitted, the letter to Hiram as reported in 1 Kings makes no mention of this intention, yet it is clear from <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',8,\'62-65\');">1Ki 8:62-65</a>, that Solomon, after dedicating the Temple by prayer, used it for this purpose. Wherefore, if Chronicles simply transferred to the consecration of the Temple a ritual that had no existence until after the exile, the author of Kings did the same, which again would destroy Wellhausen\'s admission that historical validity attaches to the earlier source. A much more likely supposition is that the ritual reported by both historians was not that of a Priestly Code manufactured for the second temple, but that which had been published by Moses for the tabernacle, in place of which it had come. That local shrines for many years existed alongside of the Temple only proves that Solomon\'s original idea was not perfectly carried out either by himself or his people.<P>LITERATURE.<P>The Commentaries of Bertheau and Keil on Chronicles; Reuss. Geschichte der heiligen Schriften des Alten Testaments; articles on "Temple" in Sch-Herz; Riehm. Handworterbuch; HDB; EB; Wellhausen. Prolegomena schichte Israels.``192';
isbe[8671]='Temple, Herod\'s``<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TEMPLE">TEMPLE</a>`1';
isbe[8672]='Temples`tem\'-p\'lz (raqqah, "thinness," "upper cheeks"): The original signifies the thinnest part of the skull (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',4,21,22);">Jud 4:21,22</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',5,26);">5:26</a>). In <a onClick="return mV(\'Sgs\',4,3);">So 4:3</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Sgs\',6,7);">6:7</a>, the bride\'s cheeks are likened to pomegranates because of the rich coloring of a slice of this fruit.``1';
isbe[8673]='Temples, Robbers of`(hierosuloi; the King James Version "robbers of churches," <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',19,37);">Ac 19:37</a>): To explain this as "sacrilegious persons" is irreconcilable with the contrast in <a onClick="return mV(\'Rom\',2,22);">Ro 2:22</a>. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',7,25);">De 7:25</a>, the Jews were commanded entirely to destroy the gold and silver idols, ornaments of the heathen temples. The sin reproved is that of making that a matter of gain which, without regard to its value, they should have destroyed. "Dost thou, who regardest the mere touch of an idol as a horrible defilement, presume to rob their temples?" There is abundant evidence to show that this crime was not unusual. When the town-clerk of Ephesus declares the companions of Paul innocent of such charge, his words imply that the fact that they were Jews rendered them liable to such suspicion. So Josephus goes out of his way (Ant., IV, viii, 10) to deny that Jews ever committed the crime.``84';
isbe[8674]='Tempt; Temptation`temt, tem-ta\'-shun (nacah, "to prove" "try," "tempt" maccah, "a trial," "temptation"; peirazo, "to try" "prove" peirasmos "a trial," "proof"): The words have a sinister connotation in present-day usage which has not always attached to them. Originally the words were of neutral content, with the sense of "putting to the proof," the testing of character or quality. Thus, God is "tempted" by Israel\'s distrust of Him, as if the people were actually challenging Him to show His perfections (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',17,2);">Ex 17:2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',78,18);">Ps 78:18</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',15,10);">Ac 15:10</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Hbr\',3,9);">Heb 3:9</a>, and often); Abraham is "tempted," being called upon to offer up Isaac (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',22,1);">Ge 22:1</a>); and Jesus is "tempted" to a spectacular Messiahship (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',4,\'1-\');">Mt 4</a> and parallel passages (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TEMPTATION+OF+CHRIST">TEMPTATION OF CHRIST</a>)). No evil is implied in the subject of these temptations. Temptation therefore in the Scripture sense has possibilities of holiness as well as of sin. For as all experience witnesses, it is one thing to be tempted, another thing to fall. To be tempted<65>one may rejoice in that (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jam\',1,2);">Jas 1:2</a>), since in temptation, by conquering it, one may achieve a higher and nobler manhood.<P>"Why comes temptation but for man to meet<P>And master and make crouch beneath his foot,<P>And so be pedestaled in triumph?"<P>Holiness in its best estate is possible only under conditions which make it necessary to meet, resist and triumph over temptation. Thus, Jesus Himself became our Great High Priest in that, being tempted in all points like as we are, He never once yielded, but fought and triumphed (<a onClick="return mV(\'Hbr\',4,15);">Heb 4:15</a>).<P>One must not deceive one\'s self, however, in thinking that, because by the grace of God one may have profit of virtue through temptation as an instrument, all temptation is equally innocent and virtuous. It is noticeable in the case of Jesus that His temptation was under the direction of the Spirit (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',1,12);">Mr 1:12</a>); He Himself did not seek it, nor did He fear it. Temptations encountered in this way, the way of duty, the way of the Spirit, alone constitute the true challenge of saintship (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jam\',1,12);">Jas 1:12</a>); but it is the mark of an ignoble nature to be perpetually the center of vicious fancies and tempers which are not of God but of the devil (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jam\',1,\'13-15\');">Jas 1:13-15</a>). One may not escape entirely such buffetings of faith, but by any sound nature they are easily disposed of. Not so easily disposed of are the trials (temptations) to faith through adversity, affliction, trouble (<a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',22,28);">Lu 22:28</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',20,19);">Ac 20:19</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jam\',1,2);">Jas 1:2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Pe\',1,6);">1Pe 1:6</a>); and yet there is no lack of evidence to the consoling fact that God does not suffer His own to be tempted above what they are able to bear (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',10,13);">1Co 10:13</a>) and that for every crisis His grace will be sufficient (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',12,8,9);">2Co 12:8,9</a>).``168';
isbe[8675]='Temptation of Christ`1. The Sources:<P>The sources for this event are <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',1,12,13);">Mr 1:12,13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',4,\'1-11\');">Mt 4:1-11</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',4,\'1-13\');">Lu 4:1-13</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Hbr\',2,18);">Heb 2:18</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Hbr\',4,15,16);">4:15,16</a>, and see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=GETHSEMANE">GETHSEMANE</A>. Mark is probably a condensation; Matthew and Luke have the same source, probably the discourses of Jesus. Matthew is usually regarded as nearest the original, and its order is here followed.<P>2. Time and Place:<P>The Temptation is put immediately after the Baptism by all the synoptists, and this is psychologically necessary, as, we shall see. The place was the wilderness; it was "up" from the Jordan valley (Matthew), and was on the way back to Galilee (Luke). The traditional site, Mt. Quarantana, is probably a good guess.<P>3. Significance:<P>At His baptism, Jesus received from heaven the final confirmation of His thought that He was the Messiah. It was the greatest conception which ever entered a human mind and left it sane. Under the irresistible influence of the Spirit, He turned aside to seek out in silence and alone the principles which should govern Him in His Messianic work. This was absolutely necessary to any wise prosecution of it. Without the slightest precedent Jesus must determine what a Messiah would do, how He would act. Radical critics agree that, if such a period of meditation and conflict were not recorded, it would have to be assumed. By this conflict, Jesus came to that clearness and decision which characterized His ministry throughout. It is easy to see how this determination of guiding principles involved the severest temptation, and it is noteworthy that all the temptation is represented as coming from without, and none from within. Here too He must take His stand with reference to all the current ideas about the Messiah and His work.<P>4. The Reporter:<P>Jesus alone can be the original reporter. To this Holtzmann and J. Weiss agree. The report was given for the sake of the disciples, for the principles wrought out in this conflict are the guiding principles in the whole work of the kingdom of God on earth.<P>5. Exposition:<P>(1) Fasting.<P>Jesus was so intensely absorbed that He forgot to eat. There was nothing ascetic or ritualistic about it, and so this is no example for ascetic fasting for us. It is doubtful whether the text demands absolute abstinence from food; rather, long periods of fasting, and insufficient food when He had it. At the end of the forty days, He woke to the realization that He was a starving man.<P>(2) The First Temptation.<P>The first temptation is not a temptation to doubt His Messiahship, nor is the second either. "If thou art the Son of God," i.e. "the Messiah," means, simply, "since thou art the Son of God" (see Burton, Moods and Tenses, sections 244, 245; Robertson, Short Grammar, 161). There was not the slightest doubt on this point in Jesus\' mind after the baptism, and Satan knew it. There is no temptation to prove Himself the Messiah, nor any hint of such a thing in Jesus\' replies. The very point of it all is, How are you going to act, since you are Messiah? (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',4,3);">Mt 4:3</a> parallel <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',4,3);">Lu 4:3</a>).<P>The temptation has these elements:<P>(a) The perfectly innocent craving for food is imperious in the starving man.<P>(b) Why should He not satisfy His hunger, since He is the Son of God and has the power?<P>Jesus replies from <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',8,3);">De 8:3</a>, that God can and will provide Him bread in His own way and in His own time. He is not referring to spiritual food, which is not in question either here or in Deuteronomy (see Broadus\' just and severe remark here). He does not understand how God will provide, but He will wait and trust. Divinely-assured of Messiahship, He knows that God will not let Him perish. Here emerges the principle of His ministry; He will never use His supernatural power to help Himself. Objections based on <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',4,30);">Lu 4:30</a> and <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',10,39);">Joh 10:39</a> are worthless, as nothing miraculous is there implied. The walking on the water was to help the apostles\' faith. But why would it have been wrong to have used His supernatural power for Himself? Because by so doing He would have refused to share the human lot, and virtually have denied His incarnation. If He is to save others, Himself He cannot save (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',27,42);">Mt 27:42</a>). In passing, it is well to notice that "the temptations all turn on the conflict which arises, when one, who is conscious of supernatural power, feels that there are occasions, when it would not be right to exercise it." So the miraculous is here most deeply imbedded in the first principles of Messianic action.<P>(3) The Second Temptation.<P>The pinnacle of the temple was probably the southeast corner of the roof of the Royal Cloister, 326 ft. above the bottom of the Kidron valley. The proposition was not to leap from this height into the crowd below in the temple courts, as is usually said, for<P>(a) there is no hint of the people in the narrative;<P>(b) Jesus reply does not fit such an idea; it meets another temptation entirely;<P>(c) this explanation confuses the narrative, making the second temptation a short road to glory like the third;<P>(d) it seems a fantastic temptation, when it is seriously visualized.<P>Rather Satan bids Jesus leap into the abyss outside the temple. Why then the temple at all, and not some mountain precipice? asks Meyer. Because it was the sheerest depth well known to the Jews, who had all shuddered as they had looked down into it (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',4,\'5-7\');">Mt 4:5-7</a> parallel <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',4,\'5-8\');">Lu 4:5-8</a>).<P>The first temptation proved Jesus a man of faith, and the second is addressed to Him as such, asking Him to prove His faith by putting God\'s promise to the test. It is the temptation to fanaticism, which has been the destruction of many a useful servant of God Jesus refuses to yield, for yielding would have been sin. It would have been<P>(a) wicked presumption, as though God must yield to every unreasonable whim of the man, of faith, and so would have been a real "tempting" of God;<P>(b) it would have denied His incarnation in principle, like the first temptation;<P>(c) such fanaticism. would have destroyed His ministry.<P>So the principle was evolved: Jesus will not, of self-will, run into dangers, but will avoid them except in the clear path of duty. He will be no fanatic, running before the Spirit, but will be led by Him in paths of holy sanity and heavenly wisdom. Jesus waited on God.<P>(4) The Third Temptation.<P>The former tests have proved Jesus a man of faith and of common sense. Surely such a man will take the short and easy road to that universal dominion which right-fully belongs to the Messiah. Satan offers it, as the prince of this world. The lure here is the desire for power, in itself a right instinct, and the natural and proper wish to avoid difficulty and pain. That the final object is to set up a universal kingdom of God in righteousness adds to the subtlety of the temptation. But as a condition Satan demands that Jesus shall worship him. This must be symbolically interpreted. Such worship as is offered God cannot be meant, for every pious soul would shrink from that in horror, and for Jesus it could constitute no temptation at all. Rather a compromise with Satan must be meant<6E>such a compromise as would essentially be a submission to him. Recalling the views of the times and the course of Jesus ministry, we can think this compromise nothing else than the adoption by Jesus of the program of political Messiahship, with its worldly means of war, intrigue, etc. Jesus repudiates the offer. He sees in it only evil, for<P>(a) war, especially aggressive war, is to His mind a vast crime against love,<P>(b) it changes the basis of His kingdom from the spiritual to the external,<P>(c) the means would defeat the end, and involve Him in disaster.<P>He will serve God only, and God is served in righteousness. Only means which God approves can be used (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',4,\'8-11\');">Mt 4:8-11</a> parallel <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',4,\'9-13\');">Lu 4:9-13</a>). Here then is the third great principle of the kingdom: Only moral and spiritual means to moral and spiritual ends. He turns away from worldly methods to the slow and difficult way of truth-preaching, which can end only with the cross. Jesus must have come from His temptation with the conviction that His ministry meant a life-and-death struggle with all the forces of darkness.<P>6. The Character of the Narrative:<P>As we should expect of Jesus, He throws the story of the inner conflict of His soul into story form. So only could it be understood by all classes of men in all ages. It was a real struggle, but pictorially, symbolically described. This seems to be proved by various elements in the story, namely, the devil can hardly be conceived as literally taking Jesus from place to place. There is no mountain from which all the kingdoms of the world can be seen. This view of the matter relieves all the difficulties.<P>7. How Could a Sinless Christ be Tempted?:<P>The difficulty is that there can be no drawing toward an object unless the object seems desirable. But the very fact that a sinful object seems desirable is itself sin. How then can a sinless person really be tempted at all? Possibly an analysis of each temptation will furnish the answer. In each ease the appeal was a real appeal to a perfectly innocent natural instinct or appetite. In the first temptation, it was to hunger; in the second, to faith; in the third, to power as a means of establishing righteousness. In each ease, Jesus felt the tug and pull of the natural instinct; how insistent is the demand of hunger, for instance! Yet, when He perceived that the satisfaction of these desires was sinful under the conditions, He immediately refused their clamorous appeal. It was a glorious moral victory. It was not that He was metaphysically not able to sin, but that He was so pure that He was able not to sin. He did not prove in the wilderness that He could not be tempted, but that He could overcome the tempter. If it is then said that Jesus, never having sinned, can have no real sympathy with sinners, the answer is twofold: (1) Not he who falls at the first assault feels the full force of temptation, but he who, like Jesus, resists it through long years to the end. (2) Only the victor can help the vanquished; only he, who has felt the most dreadful assaults and yet has stood firm, can give the help needed by the fallen.<P>LITERATURE.<P>Broadus on Matthew in the place cited.; Rhees, Life of Jesus of Nazareth, secs. 91-96; Sanday, Outlines of the Life of Christ, section 13; Holtzmann, Hand-Commentar, I, 67f; J. Weiss, Die Schriften des New Testament, I, 227f; Weiss, Life of Christ, I, 337-54; Dods, article "Temptation," in DCG; Carvie, Expository Times, X (1898-99).``4';
isbe[8676]='Ten`(\'eser; deka).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=NUMBER">NUMBER</a>`1';
isbe[8677]='Ten Commandments, the`<b>I. THE TEN COMMANDMENTS, AN ISRAELITISH CODE</b><P><b>II. THE PROMULGATON OF THE DECALOGUE</b><P><b>III. ANALYSIS OF THE DECALOGUE WITH BRIEF EXEGETICAL NOTES</b><P class="in15">1. How Numbered<P class="in15">2. How Grouped<P class="in15">3. Original Form<P class="in15">4. Brief Exegetical Notes<P><b>IV. JESUS AND THE TEN COMMANDMENTS</b><P><b>LITERATURE</b><hr /><P>In the Old Testament the Decalogue is uniformly referred to as "the ten words" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',34,28);">Ex 34:28</a> margin; <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',4,13);">De 4:13</a> margin; <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',10,4);">10:4</A> margin), or simply as "the words" spoken by Yahweh (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',20,1);">Ex 20:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',34,27);">34:27</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',5,22);">De 5:22</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',10,2);">10:2</a>), or as "the words of the covenant" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',34,28);">Ex 34:28</a>). In the New Testament they are called "commandments" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',19,17);">Mt 19:17</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Eph\',6,2);">Eph 6:2</a>), as with us in most Christian lands.<P>I. The Ten Commandments an Israelite Code.<P>The "ten words" were spoken by Yahweh to the people whom He had but recently delivered from Egyptian bondage, and then led out into the wilderness, that He might teach them His laws. It was to Israel that the Decalogue was primarily addressed, and not to all mankind. Thus, the reason assigned for keeping the 5th commandment applies to the people who were on their way to the land which had been given to Abraham and his descendants (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',20,12);">Ex 20:12</a>); and the 4th commandment is enforced by reference to the servitude in Egypt (<a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',5,15);">De 5:15</a>). It is possible, then, that even in the Ten Commandments there are elements peculiar to the Mosaic system and which our Lord and His apostles may not make a part of faith and duty for Christians.<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=SABBATH">SABBATH</A>.<P>Of the "ten words," seven were perhaps binding on the consciences of enlightened men prior to the days of Moses: murder, adultery, theft and false witness were already treated as crimes among the Babylonians and the Egyptians; and intelligent men knew that it was wrong to dishonor God by improper use of His name, or to show lack of respect to parents, or to covet the property of another. No doubt the sharp, ringing words in which these evils are forbidden in the Ten Commandments gave to Israel a clearer apprehension of the sins referred to than they had ever had before; and the manner in which they were grouped by the divine speaker brought into bold relief the chief elements of the moral law. But the first two prohibitions were novelties in the religious life of the world; for men worshipped many gods, and bowed down to images of every conceivable kind. The 2nd commandment was too high even for Israel to grasp at that early day; a few weeks later the people were dancing about the golden calf at the foot of Sinai. The observance of the Sabbath was probably unknown to other nations, though it may have been already known in the family of Abraham.<P>II. The Promulgation of the Decalogue.<P>The "ten words" were spoken by Yahweh Himself from the top of the mount under circumstances the most awe-inspiring. In the early morning there were thunders and lightnings and a thick cloud upon the mount, and the voice of a trumpet exceeding loud. It is no wonder that the people trembled as they faced the smoking and quaking mount, and listened to the high demands of a holy God. Their request that all future revelations should be made through Moses as the prophet mediator was quite natural. The promulgation of the Ten Commandments stands out as the most notable event in all the wilderness sojourn of Israel. There was no greater day in history before the coming of the Son of God into the world.<P>After a sojourn of 40 days in the mount, Moses came down with "the two tables of the testimony, tables of stone, written with the finger of God." At the foot of the mount, when Moses saw the golden calf and the dancing throng about it, he cast the tables out of his hands and broke them in pieces (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',31,18);">Ex 31:18</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',39,\'15-20\');">39:15-20</a>). Through the intercession of Moses, the wrath of Yahweh was averted from Israel; and Yahweh invited Moses to ascend the mount with two new tablets, on which He would write the words that were on the first tables, which were broken. Moses was commanded to write the special precepts given by God during this interview; but the. Ten Commandments were written on the stone tablets by Yahweh Himself (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',34,\'1-4\');">Ex 34:1-4</a>,<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',34,\'27-29\');">27-29</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',10,\'1-5\');">De 10:1-5</a>). These precious tablets were later deposited in the ark of the covenant (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',40,20);">Ex 40:20</a>). Thus in every way possible the Ten Commandments are exalted as the most precious and directly divine of all the precepts of the Mosaic revelation.<P>III. Analysis of the Decalogue with Brief Exegetical Notes.<P>That there were "ten words" is expressly stated (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',34,28);">Ex 34:28</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',4,13);">De 4:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',10,4);">10:4</a>); but just how to delimit them one from another is a task which has not been found easy. For a full discussion of the various theories, see Dillmann, Exodus, 201-5, to whom we are indebted for much that is here set forth.<P>1. How Numbered:<P>(1) Josephus is the first witness for the division now common among Protestants (except Lutherans), namely,<P>(a) foreign gods,<P>(b) images,<P>(c) name of God,<P>(d) Sabbath,<P>(e) parents,<P>(f) murder,<P>(g) adultery,<P>(h) theft,<P>(i) false witness,<P>(j) coveting.<P>Before him, Philo made the same arrangement, except that he followed the Septuagint in putting adultery before murder. This mode of counting was current with many of the church Fathers, and is now in use in the Greek Catholic church and with most Protestants.<P>(2) Augustine combined foreign gods and images (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',20,\'2-6\');">Ex 20:2-6</a>) into one commandment and following the order of <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',5,21);">De 5:21 (Hebrew 18)</a> made the 9th commandment a prohibition of the coveting of a neighbor\'s wife, while the 10th prohibits the coveting of his house and other property. Roman Catholics and Lutherans accept Augustine\'s mode of reckoning, except that they follow the order in <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',20,17);">Ex 20:17</a>, so that the 9th commandment forbids the coveting of a neighbor\'s house, while the 10th includes his wife and all other property.<P>(3) A third mode of counting is that adopted by the Jews in the early Christian centuries, which became universal among them in the Middle Ages and so down to the present time. According to this scheme, the opening statement in <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',20,2);">Ex 20:2</a> is the "first word," <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',20,\'3-6\');">Ex 20:3-6</a> the second (combining foreign gods with images), while the following eight commandments are as in the common Protestant arrangement.<P>The division of the prohibition of coveting into two commandments is fatal to the Augustinian scheme; and the reckoning of the initial statement in <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',20,2);">Ex 20:2</a> as one of the "ten words" seems equally fatal to the modern Jewish method of counting. The prohibition of images, which is introduced by the solemn formula, "Thou shalt not," is surely a different "word" from the command to worship no god other than Yahweh. Moreover, if nine of the "ten words" are commandments, it would seem reasonable to make the remaining "word" a commandment, if this can be done without violence to the subjectmatter. See Eerdmaus, The Expositor, July,1909,21ff.<P>2. How Grouped:<P>(1) The Jews, from Philo to the present, divide the "ten words" into two groups of five each. As there were two tables, it would be natural to suppose that five commandments were recorded on each tablet, though the fact that the tablets had writing on both their sides (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',32,15);">Ex 32:15</a>) would seem to weaken the force of the argument for an equal division. Moreover, the first pentad, in the present text of Exodus and Deuteronomy, is more than four times as long as the second.<P>(2) Augustine supposed that there were three commandments on the first table and seven on the second. According to his method of numbering the commandments, this would put the command to honor parents at the head of the second table, as in the third method of grouping the ten words.<P>(3) Calvin and many moderns assign four commandments to the first table and six to the second. This has the advantage of assigning all duties to God to the first table and all duties to men to the second. It also accords with our Lord\'s reduction of the commandments to two (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',22,\'34-40\');">Mt 22:34-40</a>).<P>3. Original Form:<P>A comparison of the text of the Decalogue in <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',5,\'1-\');">De 5</a> with that in <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',20,\'1-\');">Ex 20</a> reveals a goodly number of differences, especially in the reasons assigned for the observance of the 4th and 5th commandments, and in the text of the 10th commandment. A natural explanation of these differences is the fact that Deuteronomy employs the free-and-easy style of public discourse. The Ten Commandments are substantially the same in the two passages.<P>From the days of Ewald to the present, some of the leading Old Testament scholars have held that originally all the commandments were brief and without the addition of any special reasons for their observance. According to this hypothesis, the 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 5th, and the 10th commandments were probably as follows: "Thou shalt not make unto thee any graven image"; "Thou shalt not take the name of Yahweh thy God in vain"; "Remember the Sabbath day to keep it holy"; "Honor thy father and thy mother"; "Thou shalt not covet thy neighbor\'s house." This early critical theory would account for the differences in the two recensions by supposing that the motives for keeping the 2nd, 3rd, 4th, and 5th commandments, as well as the expansion of the 10th, were additions made through the influence of the prophetic teaching. If accompanied by a full recognition of the divine origin of the ten words in the Mosaic era, this hypothesis might be acceptable to a thorough believer in revelation. Before acquiescing in the more radical theories of some recent scholars, such a believer will demand more cogent arguments than the critics have been able to bring forward. Thus when we are told that the Decalogue contains prohibitions that could not have been incorporated into a code before the days of Manasseh, we demand better proofs than the failure of Israel to live up to the high demands of the 2nd and the 10th commandments, or a certain theory of the evolution of the history that may commend itself to the mind of naturalistic critics. Yahweh was at work in the early history of Israel; and the great prophets of the 8th century, far from creating ethical monotheism, were reformers sent to demand that Israel should embody in daily life the teachings of the Torah.<P>Goethe advanced the view that <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',34,\'10-28\');">Ex 34:10-28</a> originally contained a second decalogue.<P>Wellhausen (Code of Hammurabi, 331f) reconstructs this so-called decalogue as follows:<P>(1) Thou shalt worship no other god (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',34,14);">Ex 34:14</a>).<P>(2) Thou shalt make thee no molten gods (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',34,17);">Ex 34:17</a>).<P>(3) The feast of unleavened bread shalt thou keep (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',34,18);">Ex 34:18</a> a).<P>(4) Every firstling is mine (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',34,19);">Ex 34:19</a> a).<P>(5) Thou shalt observe the feast of weeks (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',34,22);">Ex 34:22</a> a).<P>(6) And the feast of ingathering at the year\'s end (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',34,2);">Ex 34:2</a>2c).<P>(7) Thou shalt not offer the blood of my sacrifice with leavened bread (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',34,25);">Ex 34:25</a> a).<P>(8) The fat of my feast shall not remain all night until the morning (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',23,18);">23:18b</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',34,25);">34:25b</a>).<P>(9) The best of the first-fruits of thy ground shalt thou bring to the house of Yahweh thy God (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',34,26);">Ex 34:26</a> a).<P>(10) Thou shalt not seethe a kid in its mother\'s milk (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',34,26);">Ex 34:26</a>).<P>Addis agrees with Wellhausen that even this simpler decalogue must be put long after the time of Moses (EB, 1051).<P>Now, it is evident that the narrative in <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',34,27);">Ex 34:27</a>f; in its present form, means to affirm that Moses was commanded to write the precepts contained in the section immediately preceding. The Ten Commandments, as the foundation of the covenant, were written by Yahweh Himself on the two tablets of stone (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',31,18);">Ex 31:18</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',32,15);">32:15</a>f; <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',34,28);">34:28</a>). It is only by free critical handling of the narrative that it can be made to appear that Moses wrote on the two tables the supposed decalogue of <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',34,\'14-26\');">Ex 34:14-26</a>. Moreover, the law of the Sabbath (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',34,21);">34:21</a>), which is certainly appropriate amid the ritual ordinances of <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',34,\'1-\');">Ex 34</a>, must be omitted altogether, in order to reduce the precepts to ten; also the command in <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',34,23);">34:23</a> has to be deleted. It is interesting to observe that the prohibition of molten gods (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',34,17);">34:17</a>), even according to radical critics, is found in the earliest body of Israelite laws. There is no sufficient reason for denying that the 2nd commandment was promulgated in the days of Moses. Yahweh\'s requirements have always been in advance of the practice of His people.<P>4. Brief Exegetical Notes:<P>(1) The 1st commandment prohibits the worship of any god other than Yahweh. If it be said that this precept inculcates monolatry and not monotheism, the reply is ready to hand that a consistent worship of only one God is, for a people surrounded by idolaters, the best possible approach to the conclusion that there is only one true God. The organs of revelation, whatever may have been the notions and practices of the mass of the Israelite people, always speak in words that harmonize with a strict monotheism.<P>(2) The 2nd commandment forbids the use of images in worship; even an image of Yahweh is not to be tolerated (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',32,5);">Ex 32:5</a>). Yahweh\'s mercy is greater than His wrath; while the iniquity of the fathers descends to the third and the fourth generation for those who hate Yahweh, His mercy overflows to thousands who love Him. It is doubtful whether the rendering \'showing mercy to the thousandth generation\' (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',20,6);">Ex 20:6</a>) can be successfully defended.<P>(3) Yahweh\'s name is sacred, as standing for His person; therefore it must be employed in no vain or false way. The commandment, no doubt, includes more than false swearing. Cursing, blasphemy and every profane use of Yahweh\'s name are forbidden.<P>(4) As the 1st commandment inculcates the unity of God and the 2nd His spirituality, so also the 3rd commandment guards His name against irreverent use and the 4th sets apart the seventh day as peculiarly His day, reserved for a Sabbath. <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',20,11);">Ex 20:11</a> emphasizes the religious aspect of the Sabbath, while <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',5,14);">De 5:14</a> lays stress on its humane aspect, and <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',5,15);">De 5:15</a> links it with the deliverance from bondage in Egypt.<P>(5) The transition from duties to God to duties to men is made naturally in the 5th commandment, which inculcates reverence for parents, to whom their children should look up with gratitude, as all men should toward the Divine Father.<P>(6) Human life is so precious and sacred that no man should dare to take it away by violence.<P>(7) The family life is safeguarded by the 7th commandment.<P>(8) The 8th commandment forbids theft in all its forms. It recognizes the right of personal ownership of property.<P>(9) The 9th commandment safeguards honor and good name among men. Slander, defamation, false testimony in court and kindred sins are included.<P>(10) The 10th commandment is the most searching of them all, for it forbids the inward longing, the covetous desire for what belongs to another. The presence of such a deeply spiritual command among the "ten words" shows that we have before us no mere code of laws defining crimes, but a body of ethical and spiritual precepts for the moral education of the people of Yahweh.<P>IV. Jesus and the Ten Commandments.<P>Our Lord, in the interview with the rich young ruler, gave a recapitulation of the commandments treating of duties to men (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',10,19);">Mr 10:19</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',19,18);">Mt 19:18</a>f; <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',18,20);">Lu 18:20</a>). He quotes the 5th, 6th, 7th, 8th and 9th commandments. The minor variations in the reports in the three Synoptic Gospels remind the student of the similar variations in <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',20,\'1-\');">Ex 20</a> and <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',5,\'1-\');">De 5</a>. Already in the Sermon on the Mount Jesus had quoted the 6th and 7th commandments, and then had gone on to show that anger is incipient murder, and that lust is adultery in the heart (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',5,\'27-32\');">Mt 5:27-32</a>). He takes the words of the Decalogue and extends them into the realm of thought and feeling. He may have had in mind the 3rd commandment in His sharp prohibition of the Jewish habit of swearing by various things (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',5,\'33-37\');">Mt 5:33-37</a>). As to the Sabbath, His teaching and example tended to lighten the onerous restrictions of the rabbis (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',2,\'23-28\');">Mr 2:23-28</a>). Duty to parents He elevated above all supposed claims of vows and offerings (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',15,\'4-6\');">Mt 15:4-6</a>). In further extension of the 8th commandment, Jesus said, "Do not defraud" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',10,19);">Mr 10:19</a>); and in treating of the ethics of speech, Jesus not only condemns false witness, but also includes railing, blasphemy, and even an idle word (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',15,19);">Mt 15:19</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',12,31,36);">12:31,36</a>f). In His affirmation that God is spirit (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',4,24);">Joh 4:24</a>), Jesus made the manufacture of images nothing but folly. All his ethical teaching might be said to be founded on the 10th commandment, which tracks sin to its lair in the mind and soul of man.<P>Our Lord embraced the whole range of human obligation in two, or at most three, commands: (1) "Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy mind"; (2) "Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',22,\'37-40\');">Mt 22:37-40</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',6,5);">De 6:5</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',19,18);">Le 19:18</a>). With love such as is here described in the heart, man cannot trespass against God or his fellow-men. At the close of His ministry, on the night of the betrayal, Jesus gave to His followers a third commandment, not different from the two on which the whole Law hangs, but an extension of the second great commandment upward into a higher realm of self-sacrifice (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',13,34);">Joh 13:34</a>f; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',15,12);">15:12f</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',17,\'1-\');">17</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Eph\',5,2);">Eph 5:2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Gal\',6,10);">Ga 6:10</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Jo\',3,\'14-18\');">1Joh 3:14-18</a>). "Thou shalt love" is the first word and the last in the teaching of our Lord. His teaching is positive rather than negative, and so simple that a child can understand it. For the Christian, the Decalogue is no longer the highest summary of human duty. He must ever read it with sincere respect as one of the great monuments of the love of God in the moral and religious education of mankind; but it has given place to the higher teaching of the Son of God, all that was permanently valuable in the Ten Commandments having been taken up into the teaching of our Lord and His apostles.<P>LITERATURE.<P>Oehler, Old Testament Theology, I, 267ff; Dillmann, Exodus-Leviticus, 200-219; Kuenen, Origin and Composition of the Hexateuch, 244; Wellhausen, Code of Hammurabi, 331f; Rothstein, Das Bundesbuch; Baenstch, Das Bundesbuch; Meissaner, Der Dekalog; Driver, "Deuteronomy," ICC; Addis, Documents of the Hexateuch, I, 136ff; R. W. Dale, The Ten Commandments; G. D. Boardman, University Lectures on the Ten Commandments (Philadelphia, 1889).``156';
isbe[8678]='Ten Strings`(\'asor).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=MUSIC">MUSIC, I, 1, (2), (c)</a>`1';
isbe[8679]='Tender`ten\'-der: The usua1 (11 out of 16 times) translation of rakh, "soft," "delicate," with the noun rokh, in <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',28,56);">De 28:56</a> and the verb rakhakh, in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',22,19);">2Ki 22:19</a> parallel <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',34,27);">2Ch 34:27</a>. Attention need be called only to the following cases: In <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',29,17);">Ge 29:17</a>, "Leah\'s eyes were tender," a physical defect is described ("weak-eyed"; see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=BLINDNESS">BLINDNESS</a>). "Tender-hearted" in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',13,7);">2Ch 13:7</a> means "faint-hearted," while in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',22,19);">2Ki 22:19</a> parallel <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',34,27);">2Ch 34:27</a> ("because thy heart was tender"), it means "penitent." Contrast the modern use in <a onClick="return mV(\'Eph\',4,32);">Eph 4:32</a>.<P>Throughout Psalms (10 times) and Proverbs (<a onClick="return mV(\'Pro\',12,10);">12:10</a>), but not elsewhere (the King James Version has "tender love" in <a onClick="return mV(\'Dan\',1,9);">Da 1:9</a>, the Revised Version (British and American) "compassion"), English Versions of the Bible translate rachamim, "bowels," by "tender mercies," and this translation has been carried into the New Testament as "tender mercy" (the Revised Version margin "heart of mercy") for the corresponding Greek phrase splagchna eleous ("bowels of mercy") in <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',1,78);">Lu 1:78</a>; compare "tenderhearted" for eusplagchnos ("right boweled") in <a onClick="return mV(\'Eph\',4,32);">Eph 4:32</a>, based upon the idea of psychology widely spread among Semitic people, which considers the "bowels" (qerebh) as the seat of all tender emotions of kindness and mercy: See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=BOWELS">BOWELS</A>. the King James Version also has "of tender mercy" in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jam\',5,11);">Jas 5:11</a> without justification in the Greek (oiktirmon, the Revised Version (British and American) "merciful").<P>Other special phrases: "tender grape" in the King James Version, <a onClick="return mV(\'Sgs\',2,13,15);">So 2:13,15</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Sgs\',7,12);">7:12</a>, for cemadhar. The meaning of the word is not quite certain, but Revised Margin\'s "blossom" (except <a onClick="return mV(\'Sgs\',7,12);">7:12</A> margin) is probably right. "Tender grass" in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',23,4);">2Sa 23:4</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Pro\',27,25);">Pr 27:25</a>; the Revised Version (British and American) <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',32,2);">De 32:2</a> (the King James Version "tender herb"); <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',15,6);">Isa 15:6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',66,14);">66:14</a> for deshe\' "grass" (Aramaic dethe\',<a onClick="return mV(\'Dan\',4,15,23);">Da 4:15,23</a>). The context in these passages and the meaning of the cognates of deshe\' in other Semitic languages make this translation probable, but Revised Version\'s usage is not consistent (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',1,11,12);">Ge 1:11,12</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',6,5);">Job 6:5</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',23,2);">Ps 23:2</a>, etc.). <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',53,2);">Isa 53:2</a> has "tender plant" for yoneq, "a sapling," while <a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',14,7);">Job 14:7</a> has "tender branch" for the allied word yoneqeth, usually rendered "shoot" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',8,16);">Job 8:16</a>, etc.). Finally, "tender" in <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',13,28);">Mr 13:28</a> parallel <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',24,32);">Mt 24:32</a> is for hapalos, "soft." The running sap of springtime softens the branches that were stiff during the winter.<P>The verb "tender" occurs in 2Macc 4:2, the King James Version "(he had) tendered his own nation," in the modern sense of "tend." The translation is a paraphrase of the noun kedemon, "a protector," the Revised Version (British and American) "the guardian of his fellow-countrymen."``48';
isbe[8680]='Tenon`ten\'-un (yadh): This word, occurring in <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',26,\'1-\');">Ex 26</a> and <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',36,\'1-\');">36</A>, is used in the account of the tabernacle to describe the "hand" or yadh by which its 48 boards were kept in place. Each board had two tenons which were mortised into it (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',36,22);">Ex 36:22</a> margin). These tenons would be made of harder wood than the acacia, so as better to stand the strain of wind and weather. When in use the tenons were sunk into the "<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=SOCKET">sockets</a>" (which see), and allowed of a speedy reerection of the tabernacle at its every remove.<P>Sockets are also mentioned as in use for the standards of the tabernacle court (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',27,10);">Ex 27:10</a>), but there is no mention of tenons. It may be that the base of each standard was let into its socket, without the use of any tenon. This would give it sufficient stability, as the height of each standard was but 5 cubits (7 1/2 ft.) (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',27,18);">Ex 27:18</a>).<P>For Professor A. R. S. Kennedy\'s different theory of "tenons," see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TABERNACLE">TABERNACLE</A>, and his own article on the "Tabernacle" in HDB, IV.``17';
isbe[8681]='Tent`tent (\'ohel; skene; \'ohel is a derivative of \'ahal, "to be clear," "to shine"; hence, \'ohel, "to be conspicuous from a distance"): In the great stretches of uncultivated lands in the interior of Syria or Arabia, which probably have much the same aspect today as in Abraham\'s time, it is an easy matter to espy an encampment of roving Bedouin, "a nation...that dwelleth without care...that have neither gates nor bars" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',49,31);">Jer 49:31</a>). The peaks of their black (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Sgs\',1,5);">So 1:5</a>) goats\' hair tents stand out in contrast against the lighter colors of the soil.<P>There seems to be little doubt about the antiquity of the Arab tent, and one can rightly believe that-the dwelling-places of Abraham, Sarah, Jacob, and their descendants were made on the same pattern and of the same materials (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',4,20);">Ge 4:20</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',9,27);">9:27</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',12,8);">12:8</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',13,3);">13:3</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',18,6);">18:6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',31,25,30);">31:25,30</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',78,55);">Ps 78:55</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Hbr\',11,9);">Heb 11:9</a>, etc.). Long after the children of Israel had given up their tents for houses they continued to worship in tents (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',7,\'1-6\');">2Sa 7:1-6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',1,3);">2Ch 1:3,4</a>) (for the use of tents in connection with religious observances see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TABERNACLE">TABERNACLE</a>).<P>The Arab tents (called bait sha\'r, "house of hair") are made of strips of black goats\' hair cloth, sewed together into one large piece (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=GOATS\'+HAIR">GOATS\' HAIR</A>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=WEAVING">WEAVING</A>). Poles are placed under this covering at intervals to hold it from the ground, and it is stretched over these poles by ropes of goats hair or hemp (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',4,21);">Job 4:21</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',54,2);">Isa 54:2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',10,20);">Jer 10:20</a>) "fastened to hard-wood pins driven into the ground (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',54,2);">Isa 54:2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',4,21);">Jud 4:21</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',5,26);">5:26</a>). A large wooden mallet for driving the pegs is part of the regular camp equipment (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',4,21);">Jud 4:21</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',5,26);">5:26</a>). The sides (curtains) of the tent (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',54,2);">Isa 54:2</a>) are made of strips of goats hair cloth or from mats woven from split cane or rushes (see Illustration, p. 2948). Where more than one family occupies the same tent or the animals are provided with shelter under the same roof (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',14,15);">2Ch 14:15</a>), curtains of the same materials mentioned above form the dividing walls. A corner of the matting where two ends meet is turned back to form the door of the tent (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',18,1);">Ge 18:1</a>). In the summer time the walls are mostly removed. New tents are not water-proof, and the condition of the interior after a heavy rain is not far from squalid. The tent material becomes matted by use, especially if wool has been woven into the fabric, and is then a better protection against the rain. It is the women\'s duty to pitch the tents.<P>The poorer Arabs have no mats to cover the ground under their tents. Straw mats, goats\' hair or woolen rugs (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',4,18);">Jud 4:18</a>), more or less elaborate as the taste and means of the family allow, are the usual coverings for the tent floor. The food supplies are usually kept in goats\' hair bags, the liquids, as oil or milk products, in skins. One or two tinned copper cooking-vessels, a shallow tray of the same material, a coffee set consisting of roasting pan, mortar and pestle, boiling-pot and cups, make up the usual camp furniture. The more thrifty include bedding in their equipment, but this increases the difficulties of moving, since it might require more than the one animal, sometimes only a donkey, which carries all the earthly belongings of the family. A sheikh or chief has several tents, one for himself and guests, separate ones for his wives and female servants, and still others for his animals (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',31,33);">Ge 31:33</a>).<P>Other Hebrew words translated "tent" are forms of chanah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',13,19);">Nu 13:19</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',17,53);">1Sa 17:53</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',7,16);">2Ki 7:16</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',31,2);">2Ch 31:2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Zec\',14,15);">Zec 14:15</a>); cukkah (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',11,11);">2Sa 11:11</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',22,12);">22:12</a>); mishkenoth (<a onClick="return mV(\'Sgs\',1,8);">So 1:8</a>).<P>Figurative: "Neither shall the Arabian pitch tent there" typified utter desolation (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',13,20);">Isa 13:20</a>). "Enlarge the place of thy tent...stretch forth the curtains...lengthen thy cords...strengthen thy stakes" prophesied an increase in numbers and prosperity of God\'s people (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',54,2);">Isa 54:2</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',33,20);">33:20</A>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',16,9);">Lu 16:9</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',5,4);">2Co 5:4</a>). Tent cords plucked up denoted death. (<a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',4,21);">Job 4:21</a>). <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',10,20);">Jer 10:20</a> is a picture of a destroyed household as applied to Judah. Hezekiah in his sickness bewails that his dwelling (life) had been carried away as easily as a shepherd\'s tent is plucked up (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',38,12);">Isa 38:12</a>). Isaiah compared the heavens to a tent spread out (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',40,22);">Isa 40:22</a>). "They shall pitch their tents against her" i.e. they shall make war (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',6,3);">Jer 6:3</a>).``133';
isbe[8682]='Tent-Maker`tent\'-mak-er (skenopoios): Mentioned only once (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',18,3);">Ac 18:3</a>). Paul\'s native province of Cilicia was noted for its goats\' hair cloth which was exported under the name of cilicium and was used largely for tentmaking. We are told in the passage mentioned that Paul dwelt with Aquila and Priscilla, and worked with them at tent-making (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',20,34);">Ac 20:34</a>).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=CRAFTS">CRAFTS</a>`1';
isbe[8683]='Tenth``<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TITHE">TITHE</a>`1';
isbe[8684]='Tenth Deal`del (\'issaron): The tenth part of an ephah, and so rendered in the Revised Version (British and American) (<a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',28,\'1-\');">Nu 28</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',29,\'1-\');">29</a>). It was used in connection with the sacrifices for measuring flour.``1';
isbe[8685]='Tephon`te\'-fon (he Tepho): In 1Macc 9:50, a city of Judea fortified by Bacchides, probably the "Beth-tappuah" of <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',15,53);">Jos 15:53</a>, near Hebron. Josephus (Ant., XII, i, 3) calls it "Tochoa."``1';
isbe[8686]='Terah (1)`te\'-ra (terach; Septuagint Tharra, or (with New Testament) Thara; on the name see especially HDB, under the word): The son of Nahor and father of Abraham, Nahor and Haran (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',11,24);">Ge 11:24</a>f). At Abraham\'s birth Terah was 70 years old (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',11,26);">Ge 11:26</a>), and after Abraham\'s marriage, Terah, Abraham, Sarah and Lot emigrated from Ur of the Chaldees on the road into the land of Canaan, but stopped in Haran (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',11,31);">Ge 11:31</a>). When Abraham was 75 years old he and his nephew resumed their journey, leaving Terah in Haran, where 60 years later he died (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',11,32);">Ge 11:32</a>). Stephen, however, states (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',7,4);">Ac 7:4</a>) that Terah was dead when Abraham left Haran, an impression that is easily gained from <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',11,\'1-\');">Ge 11</A>-<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',12,\'1-\');">12</a> if the dates are not computed. As there is no reason to suppose that Stephen was granted inspiration that would preserve him from such a purely formal error, the contradiction is of no significance and attempts at "reconciliation" are needless. In particular, the attempt of Blass (Stud. u. Krit.,1896,460ff) to alter the text of Acts is quite without foundation. For further discussion see especially Knowling, The Expositor\'s Greek Testament, at the place. It is worth noting that Philo makes the same error (Migr. Abr. 177 (section 32)), perhaps indicating some special Jewish tradition of New Testament times. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',24,2);">Jos 24:2</a> Terah is said to have been an idolater. In Jubilees 12 this is softened into explaining that through fear of his life Terah was forced to yield outward conformity to the idolatrous worship of his neighbors. On the other hand certain Jewish legends (e.g. Ber. Rab. 17) represent Terah as actually a maker of idols. Otherwise in the Bible Terah is mentioned only by name in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',1,26);">1Ch 1:26</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',3,34);">Lu 3:34</a>.``48';
isbe[8687]='Terah (2)`(Codex Vaticanus Tarath; Codex Alexandrinus Tharath): A wilderness camp of the Israelites between Tahath and Mithkah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',33,27,28);">Nu 33:27,28</a>).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=WANDERINGS+OF+ISRAEL">WANDERINGS OF ISRAEL</a>`1';
isbe[8688]='Teraphim`ter\'-a-fim.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ASTROLOGY">ASTROLOGY</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=DIVINATION">DIVINATION</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=IMAGES">IMAGES</a>`1';
isbe[8689]='Terebinth`ter\'-e-binth:<P>(1) \'elah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',6,13);">Isa 6:13</a>, the King James Version "teil tree"; <a onClick="return mV(\'Hsa\',4,13);">Ho 4:13</a>, the King James Version "elms"); in <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',35,4);">Ge 35:4</a> (the King James Version "oak"); <a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',6,11,19);">Jud 6:11,19</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',9,6);">9:6</a> (the King James Version "plain"); <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',18,9,10,14);">2Sa 18:9,10,14</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',13,14);">1Ki 13:14</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',10,12);">1Ch 10:12</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',1,30);">Isa 1:30</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',6,13);">Eze 6:13</a>, translated "oak," and in margin "terebinth"; "vale of Elah," margin "the terebinth" in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',17,2,19);">1Sa 17:2,19</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',21,9);">21:9</a>.<P>(2) \'elim (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',1,29);">Isa 1:29</a>, "oaks," margin "terebinths").<P>(3) \'allah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',24,26);">Jos 24:26</a>, English Versions of the Bible have "oak," but the Septuagint terebinthos).<P>(4) \'elon, "oak (margin, "terebinth") of Zaanannim" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',19,33);">Jos 19:33</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',4,11);">Jud 4:11</a>); "oak (the Revised Version margin "terebinth," the King James Version "plain") of Tabor" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',10,3);">1Sa 10:3</a>); also <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',12,6);">Ge 12:6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',13,18);">13:18</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',14,13);">14:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',10,3);">1Sa 10:3</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',11,30);">De 11:30</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',6,19);">Jud 6:19</a> all translated "oak" or "oaks," with margin "terebinth" or "terebinths."<P>(5) In <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',14,6);">Ge 14:6</a> Septuagint has terebinthos, as the translation of the el of El-paran.<P>(6) In Ecclesiasticus 24:16 terem (b)inthos, the King James Version turpentine tree," the Revised Version (British and American) "terebinth."<P>It is clear that the translators are uncertain which translation is correct, and it would seem not improbable that then there was no clear distinction between oak and terebinth in the minds of the Old Testament. writers; yet the two are very different trees to any but the most superficial observation.<P>The terebinth<74>Pistacia terebinthus (Natural Order, Anacardiaceae), Arabic Butm]<5D>is a tree allied to the P. vera, which produces the pistachio nut, and to the familiar "pepper tree" (Schinus molle) so extensively cultivated in modern Palestine. Like the latter the terebinth has red berries, like small immature grapes. The leaves are pinnate, four to six pairs, and they change color and fall in autumn, leaving the trunk bare (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',1,30);">Isa 1:30</a>). The terebinth is liable to be infected by many showy galls, some varieties looking like pieces of red coral. In Palestine, this tree assumes noble proportions, especially in situations when, from its association with some sacred tomb, it is allowed to flourish undisturbed. It is in such situations not infrequently as much as 40 ft. high and spreads its branches, with their thick, dark-green foliage, over a wide area (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',18,9,14);">2Sa 18:9f;14</a>; Ecclesiasticus 24:16). Dwarfed trees occur among the brushwood all over the land.<P>From this tree a kind of turpentine is obtained, hence, the alternative name "turpentine tree" (Ecclesiasticus 24:16 the King James Version, the Revised Version (British and American) "terebinth").``117';
isbe[8690]='Teresh`te\'-resh (teresh (<a onClick="return mV(\'Est\',2,21);">Es 2:21</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Est\',6,2);">6:2</a>); Codex Vaticanus, Codex Alexandrinus, and Codex Sinaiticus omit it; but Codex Sinaiticus\' margin has Tharas and Tharras): A chamberlain of King Ahasuerus. Oppert compares the name with Tiri-dates, the name of the governor of Persepolis in the time of Alexander. Another explanation identifies it with the Persian word turs "firm"; Scheft links it with the Persian tarsha, "desire."``1';
isbe[8691]='Terrace`ter\'-as (mecillah): Solomon is said, in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',9,11);">2Ch 9:11</a>, to have made of the algum trees brought him from Ophir "terraces," or raised walks, for the house of Yahweh. In the parallel <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',10,12);">1Ki 10:12</a>, the word used is rendered "pillars," margin "\'a railing\'; Hebrew \'a prop.\'"``1';
isbe[8692]='Terrible, Terror`ter\'-i-b\'l, ter\'-er (yare\', "to be feared," "reverenced," arits, "powerful," "tyrannical," \'ayom, "aweinspiring," chittith "terror," ballahah, "a worn-out or wasted thing," \'emah, "fright"; phoberos, "dreadful," phobos, "fear"): The above terms, and many others which employed, denote whatever, by horrible aspect, or by greatness, power, or cruelty, affrights men (<a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',1,19);">De 1:19</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',26,8);">26:8</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Dan\',2,31);">Da 2:31</a>). God is terrible by reason of His awful greatness, His infinite power, His inscrutable dealings, His perfect holiness, His covenant faithfulness, His strict justice and fearful judgments (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',34,10);">Ex 34:10</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',7,21);">De 7:21</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',9,32);">Ne 9:32</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',6,4);">Job 6:4</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',37,22);">37:22</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',65,5);">Ps 65:5</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',88,15);">88:15</a>f; <a onClick="return mV(\'Joe\',2,11);">Joe 2:11</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Zep\',2,11);">Ze 2:11</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Hbr\',12,21);">Heb 12:21</a>). The term is also applied to the enemies of God and of His people (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',13,11);">Isa 13:11</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',25,3);">25:3</a>ff; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',49,25);">49:25</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Dan\',7,7);">Da 7:7</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Pe\',3,14);">1Pe 3:14</a>). "The terror (the Revised Version (British and American) "fear") of the Lord" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',5,11);">2Co 5:11</a>) denotes the reverence or fear inspired by the thought that Christ is judge (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',5,10);">2Co 5:10</a>).``91';
isbe[8693]='Tertius`tur\'-shi-us (Tertios): The amanuensis of Paul who wrote at his dictation the Epistle to the Romans. In the midst of Paul\'s greetings to the Christians in Rome he interpolated his own, "I Tertius, who write the epistle, salute you in the Lord" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Rom\',16,22);">Ro 16:22</a>). "It is as a Christian, not in virtue of any other relation he has to the Romans, that Tertius salutes them" (Denney). Some identify him with Silas, owing to the fact that shalish is the Hebrew for "third (officer)," as tertius is the Latin Others think he was a Roman Christian residing in Corinth. This is, however, merely conjecture. Paul seems to have dictated his letters to an amanuensis, adding by his own hand merely the concluding sentences as "the token in every epistle" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Th\',3,17);">2Th 3:17</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Col\',4,18);">Col 4:18</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',16,21);">1Co 16:21</a>). How far this may have influenced the style of his letters is discussed in Sanday-Headlam, Romans, Introduction, LX.``78';
isbe[8694]='Tertullus`ter-tul\'-us, ter- (Tertullos, diminutive of Latin tertius, "third"):, An orator who descended with Ananias the high priest and elders from Jerusalem to Caesarea to accuse Paul before Felix the Roman governor (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',24,1);">Ac 24:1</a>). Tertullus was a hired pleader whose services were necessary that the case for the Jews might be stated in proper form. Although he bore a Roman name, he was not necessarily a Roman; Roman names were common both among Greeks and Jews, and most orators were at this time of eastern extraction. Nor is it definitely to be concluded from the manner of his speech (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',24,\'2-8\');">Ac 24:2-8</a>) that he was a Jew; it has always been customary for lawyers to identify themselves in their pleading with their clients. His speech before Felix is marked by considerable ingenuity. It begins with an adulation of the governorship of Felix that was little in accord with history (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=FELIX">FELIX</A>); and the subsequent argument is an example of how a strong case may apparently be made out by the skillful manipulation of half-truths. Thus the riot at Jerusalem was ascribed to the sedition-mongering of Paul, who thereby proved himself an enemy of Roman rule and Jewish religion, both of which Felix was pledged to uphold. Again, the arrest of Paul was not an act of mob violence, but was legally carried out by the high priests and elders in the interests of peace; and but for the unwarranted interference of Lysias (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=LYSIAS">LYSIAS</A>), they would have dealt with the prisoner in their own courts and thus have avoided trespassing on the time of Felix. They were, however, perfectly willing to submit the whole case to his jurisdiction. It is interesting to compare this speech of Tertullus with the true account, as given in <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',21,\'27-35\');">Ac 21:27-35</a>, and also with the letter of Lysias (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',23,\'26-30\');">Ac 23:26-30</a>).``88';
isbe[8695]='Testament`tes\'-ta-ment: The word diatheke, almost invariably rendered "covenant," was rendered in the King James Version "testament" in <a onClick="return mV(\'Hbr\',9,16,17);">Heb 9:16,17</a>, in the sense of a will to dispose of property after the maker\'s death. It is not easy to find justification for the retention of this translation in the Revised Version (British and American), "especially in a book which is so impregnated with the language of the Septuagint as the Epistle to the Hebrews" (Hatch).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=COVENANT,+IN+THE+NEW+TESTAMENT">COVENANT, IN THE NEW TESTAMENT</a>`1';
isbe[8696]='Testament of Isaac``<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=APOCALYPTIC+LITERATURE">APOCALYPTIC LITERATURE</a>`1';
isbe[8697]='Testament, New, Canon of the``<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=CANON+OF+THE+NEW+TESTAMENT">CANON OF THE NEW TESTAMENT</a>`1';
isbe[8698]='Testament, New, Text and Manuscripts of the``<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TEXT+AND+MANUSCRIPTS+OF+THE+NEW+TESTAMENT">TEXT AND MANUSCRIPTS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT</a>`1';
isbe[8699]='Testament, Old, Canon of the``<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=CANON+OF+THE+OLD+TESTAMENT">CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT</a>`1';
isbe[8700]='Testament, Old, Text of the``<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TEXT+OF+THE+OLD+TESTAMENT">TEXT OF THE OLD TESTAMENT</a>`1';
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