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isbe[8801]='Timnath-Serah`tim-nath-se\'-ra (timnath cerach; Codex Vaticanus Thamarchdres; Codex Alexandrinus Thamathsara): This place, assigned as an inheritance to Joshua, is described as being in Mt. Ephraim, on the north side of the mountain of Gaash (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',19,50);">Jos 19:50</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',24,30);">24:30</a>). Here, when his work was done, the great leader was laid to rest. The mountain of Gaash unfortunately cannot be identified. Josephus says that Joshua was buried at Thamna, a city of Ephraim (Ant., V, i, 29), which probably corresponds to Thamna, the head of a Jewish toparchy (BJ, III, iii, 5). Vespasian marched from Thamnatha to Lydda, which apparently was near (IV, viii, 1). The place was taken and reduced to slavery by Cassius (Ant., XIV, xi, 2). It was put in charge of John the Essene at the beginning of the Jewish war (BJ, II, xx, 4). Eusebius, Onomasticon (s.v. "Thamna" and "Thamnathsara") identifies it with "Timnath" of <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',38,12);">Ge 38:12</a> the King James Version, placing it in the mountain in the tribe of Dan (or Judah), on the way from Diospolis (Lydda) to Jerusalem. The tomb of Joshua was still shown there. This points to Tibneh, in the uplands 12 miles northeast of Lydda. South of the village, in the face of a rock, are a series of rock-hewn tombs, the largest of which, containing 14 loculi, and a small chamber behind with one loculus, may be that associated with Joshua by Eusebius, Onomasticon. A giant oak grows hard by perhaps the greatest tree in Palestine. Kefr Ishu\'a, "village of Joshua," lies about 3 miles to the east. This identification is now generally accepted.<P>The Samaritan tradition points to the tomb of Joshua at Kefr Charis, 9 miles south of Nablus. Outside the village to the east are two shrines. One is called Neby Kifl, the other, Neby Kala\'a. The former, "prophet of division," or "of the portion," might apply to Joshua; the latter is identified with Caleb. This identification assumes that the first element of the name has fallen out, the second only surviving.``54';
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isbe[8802]='Timnite`tim\'-nit (timni Thamnathaios): The father of Samson\'s wife, a native of Timnah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',15,6);">Jud 15:6</a>).``1';
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isbe[8803]='Timon`ti\'-mon (Timon): One of "the seven" chosen to relieve the apostles by attending to "the daily ministration" to the poor of the Christian community in Jerusalem (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',6,5);">Ac 6:5</a>). The name is Greek, but as Nicolaus is distinguished from the remaining six as a proselyte, Timon and the others were probably Jews by birth.``1';
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isbe[8804]='Timotheus`ti-mo\'-the-us (Timotheos):<P>(1) A leader of the children of Ammon who was on several occasions severely defeated by Judas Maccabeus (1Macc 5:6ff, 34ff; 2Macc 8:30; 9:3; 10:24; 19:2,18ff) in 165-163 BC. According to 2Macc 10:37, he was slain at Gazara after having hidden in a cistern. But in 2Macc 12:2 he is again at liberty as an opponent of the Jews, and in 12:24f he falls into the hands of Dositheus and Sosipater, but by representing that many Jewish captives were at his mercy and likely to suffer if he were put to death, he is again released. These discrepancies are so great<61>though not unusual in 2Maccabees<65>that some suppose another Timotheus is referred to in 12:2ff. He is most probably the same person, the careless author of 2Maccabees making a slip in saying Timotheus was killed at Gazara. He probably escaped by hiding in the cistern. The Greek name for an Ammonite leader is striking:<P>(a) he may have been a genuine Ammonite with a Greek name, or<P>(b) a Syro-Macedonian officer placed by Syrian authority over the Ammonites, or<P>(c) a Greek soldier of fortune invited by the Ammonites to be their commander.<P>(2) See next article.``5';
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isbe[8805]='Timothy`tim\'-o-thi (Timotheos (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',17,14);">Ac 17:14</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',18,5);">18:5</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',19,22);">19:22</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',20,4);">20:4</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Rom\',16,21);">Ro 16:21</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',4,17);">1Co 4:17</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',16,10);">16:10</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',1,1,19);">2Co 1:1,19</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',1,1);">Php 1:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',2,19);">2:19</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Col\',1,1);">Col 1:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',1,1);">1Th 1:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',3,2,6);">3:2,6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Th\',1,1);">2Th 1:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ti\',1,2,18);">1Ti 1:2,18</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ti\',6,20);">6:20</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ti\',1,2);">2Ti 1:2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Phm\',1,1);">Phm 1:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Hbr\',13,23);">Heb 13:23</a>; the King James Version, Timotheus):<P>1. One of Paul\'s Converts:<P>Timothy was one of the best known of Paul\'s companions and fellow-laborers. He was evidently one of Paul\'s own converts, as the apostle describes him as his beloved and faithful son in the Lord (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',4,17);">1Co 4:17</a>); and in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ti\',1,2);">1Ti 1:2</a> he writes to "Timothy my true child in faith"; and in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ti\',1,2);">2Ti 1:2</a> he addresses him as "Timothy my beloved child."<P>2. A Native of Lystra:<P>He was a resident, and apparently a native, either of Lystra or Derbe, cities which were visited and evangelized by Paul on his 1st missionary journey (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',14,6);">Ac 14:6</a>). It is probable that of these two cities, it was Lystra treat was Timothy\'s native place. For instance, in <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',20,4);">Ac 20:4</a> in a list of Paul\'s friends there are the names of "Gaius of Derbe, and Timothy"; this evidently infers that Timothy was not "of Derbe." And in <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,3);">Ac 16:3</a>, the brethren who gave Paul the good report of Timothy were "at Lystra and Iconium"; the brethren from Derbe are not mentioned. Lystra was evidently Timothy\'s native city.<P>3. Converted at Lystra:<P>In <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ti\',3,10,11);">2Ti 3:10,11</a> Paul mentions that Timothy had fully known the persecutions and afflictions which came to him at Antioch, at Iconium and at Lystra. These persecutions occurred during the apostle\'s first visit to these towns; and Timothy seems to have been one of those who were converted at that time, as we find that on Paul\'s next visit to Lystra and Derbe, Timothy was already one of the Christians there: "He came also to Derbe and to Lystra: and behold a certain disciple was there, named Timothy" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,1);">Ac 16:1</a>).<P>Timothy was now chosen by Paul to be one of his companions. This was at an early period in Paul\'s apostolic career, and it is pleasing to find that to the end of the apostle\'s life Timothy was faithful to him.<P>4. His Father and Mother:<P>Timothy\'s father was a heathen Greek (Hellen, not Hellenistes, a Greek-speaking Jew); this fact is twice mentioned (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,1,3);">Ac 16:1,3</a>). His mother was a Jewess, but he had not been circumcised in infancy, probably owing to objections made by his father. Timothy\'s mother was called Eunice, and his grandmother Lois. Paul mentions them by name in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ti\',1,5);">2Ti 1:5</a>; he there speaks of the unfeigned faith which was in Timothy, and which dwelt at the first in Eunice and Lois. It is evident that Eunice was converted to Christ on Paul\'s 1st missionary journey to Derbe and Lystra, because, when he next visited these cities, she is spoken of as "a Jewess who believed" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,1);">Ac 16:1</a>).<P>5. Becomes a Co-worker with Paul:<P>On this 2nd visit to Derbe and Lystra, Paul was strongly attracted to Timothy, and seeing his unfeigned faith, and that from a child he had known the sacred Scriptures of the Old Testament (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ti\',3,15);">2Ti 3:15</a>), and seeing also his Christian character and deportment, and his entire suitability for the work of the ministry, he would have him "to go forth with him" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',16,3);">Ac 16:3</a>). Timothy acquiesced in Paul\'s desire, and as preliminaries to his work as a Christian missionary, both to Jew and Gentile, two things were done. In order to conciliate the Jewish Christians, who would otherwise have caused trouble, which would have weakened Timothy\'s position and his work as a preacher of the gospel, Paul took Timothy and circumcised him.<P>6. Circumcised:<P>Paul was willing to agree to this being done, on account of the fact that Timothy\'s mother was a Jewess. It was therefore quite a different case from that of Titus, where Paul refused to allow circumcision to be performed (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',15,2);">Ac 15:2</a>)<29>Titus being, unlike Timothy, a Gentile by birth.<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TITUS">TITUS</A>.<P>The other act which was performed for Timothy\'s benefit, before he set out with Paul, was that he was ordained by the presbytery or local council of presbyters in Derbe and Lystra.<P>7. His Ordination:<P>Showing the importance which Paul assigned to this act of ordination, he refers to it in a letter to Timothy written many years afterward: "Neglect not the gift that is in thee, which was given thee by prophecy, with the laying on of the hands of the presbytery" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ti\',4,14);">1Ti 4:14</a>). In this ordination Paul himself took part, for he writes, "I put thee in remembrance, that thou stir up the gift of God, which is in thee through the laying on of my hands" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ti\',1,6);">2Ti 1:6</a>).<P>"<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ti\',1,6);">2Ti 1:6</a> should be viewed in the light of <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ti\',4,14);">1Ti 4:14</a>. Probably it was prophetic voices (through prophecy; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ti\',1,18);">1Ti 1:18</a>, \'according to the prophecies which went before in regard to thee\') which suggested the choice of Timothy as assistant of Paul and Silvanus, and his consecration to this work with prayer and the laying on of hands (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',13,2);">Ac 13:2</a>f). The laying on of hands by the presbyters (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ti\',4,14);">1Ti 4:14</a>), and that by Paul (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ti\',1,6);">2Ti 1:6</a>), are not mutually exclusive, especially since the former is mentioned merely as an accompanying circumstance of his endowment with special grace, the latter as the efficient cause of this endowment. The churches in the neighborhood of Timothy\'s home, according to <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',14,23);">Ac 14:23</a>, had been furnished with a body of presbyters soon after their founding" (Zahn, Introduction to the New Testament, II, 23).<P>8. Accompanies Paul:<P>Thus, prepared for the work, Timothy went forth with Paul on the apostle\'s 2nd missionary journey. We find Timothy with him at Berea (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',17,14);">Ac 17:14</a>), having evidently accompanied him to all places visited by him up to that point, namely, Phrygia, the region of Galatia, Mysia, Troas, Neapoils, Philippi, Amphipolis, Apollonia, Thessalonica and Berea. Paul next went<6E>and went alone, on account of the persecution at Berea<65>to Athens (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',17,15);">Ac 17:15</a>); and from that city he sent a message to Silas and Timothy at Berea, that they should come to him at Athens with all speed. They quickly came to him there, and were immediately sent on an errand to the church in Thessalonica; "When we could no longer forbear, we thought it good to be left behind at Athens alone; and sent Timothy, our brother, and minister of God, and our fellow-labourer in the gospel of Christ, to establish you, and to comfort you concerning your faith: that no man should be moved by these afflictions" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',3,1,2,3);">1Th 3:1,2,3</a> the King James Version). Timothy and Silas discharged this duty and returned to the apostle, bringing him tidings of the faith of the Christians in Thessalonica, of their love and of their kind remembrance of Paul, and of their ardent desire to see him; and Paul was comforted (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',3,5,6,7);">1Th 3:5,6,7</a>).<P>9. At Corinth:<P>Paul had left Athens before Silas and Timothy were able to rejoin him. He had proceeded to Corinth, and it was while the apostle was in that city, that "when Silas and Timothy came down from Macedonia, Paul was constrained by the word, testifying to the Jews that Jesus was the Christ" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',18,5);">Ac 18:5</a>). Timothy evidently remained with Paul during the year and six months of his residence in Corinth, and also throughout this missionary journey to its end. From Corinth Paul wrote the Epistle to the Romans, and he sent them a salutation from Timothy, "Timothy my fellow-worker saluteth you" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Rom\',16,21);">Ro 16:21</a>).<P>10. Salutations:<P>In connection with this salutation from Timothy, it should be noticed that it was Paul\'s custom to associate with his own name that of one or more of his companions, in the opening salutations in the Epistles. Timothy\'s name occurs in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',1,1);">2Co 1:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',1,1);">Php 1:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Col\',1,1);">Col 1:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Phm\',1,1);">Phm 1:1</a>. It is also found, along with that of Silvanus, in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',1,1);">1Th 1:1</a> and <a onClick="return mV(\'2Th\',1,1);">2Th 1:1</a>.<P>11. At Ephesus:<P>On Paul\'s 3rd missionary journey, Timothy again accompanied him, though he is not mentioned until Ephesus was reached. This journey involved much traveling, much work and much time. At Ephesus alone more than two years were spent. And when Paul\'s residence there was drawing to a close, he laid his plans to go to Jerusalem, after passing en route through Macedonia and Achaia. Accordingly he sent on before him "into Macedonia two of them that ministered unto him, Timothy and Erastus" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',19,22);">Ac 19:22</a>).<P>12. To Corinth Again:<P>From Ephesus Paul wrote the First Epistle to the Corinthians (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',16,8);">1Co 16:8</a>), and in it he mentioned (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',16,10);">1Co 16:10</a>) that Timothy was then traveling to Corinth, apparently a prolongation of the journey into Macedonia. After commending him to a kind reception from the Corinthians, Paul proceeded to say that Timothy was to return to him from Corinth; that is, Timothy was to bring with him a report on the state of matters in the Corinthian church.<P>13. In Greece:<P>Soon thereafter the riot in Ephesus occurred; and when it was over, Paul left Ephesus and went to Macedonia and Greece. In Macedonia he was rejoined by Timothy, whose name is associated with his own, in the opening salutation of the Second Epistle, which he now wrote to Corinth. Timothy accompanied him into Greece, where they abode three months.<P>14. In Jerusalem:<P>From Greece the apostle once more set his face toward Jerusalem, Timothy and others accompanying him (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',20,4);">Ac 20:4</a>). "We that were of Paul\'s company" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',21,8);">Ac 21:8</a> the King James Version), as Luke terms the friends who now traveled with Paul<75>and Timothy was one of them<65>touched at Troas and a number of other places, and eventually reached Jerusalem, where Paul was apprehended. This of course terminated, for the time, his apostolic journeys, but not the cooperation of his friends, or of Timothy among them.<P>15. In Rome:<P>The details of the manner in which Timothy was now employed are not recorded, until he is found once more with Paul<75>during his 1st imprisonment in Rome. But, from that point onward, there are many notices of how he was occupied in the apostle\'s service. He is mentioned in three of the Epistles written by Paul at this time, namely, in <a onClick="return mV(\'Col\',1,1);">Col 1:1</a>, and <a onClick="return mV(\'Phm\',1,1);">Phm 1:1</a>, in both of which his designation is "Timothy our brother," and in <a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',1,1);">Php 1:1</a>, "Paul and Timothy, servants of Christ Jesus." In <a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',2,19);">Php 2:19</a>, there is the interesting notice that, at a time when Paul\'s hope was that he would soon be liberated from his imprisonment, he trusted that he would be able to send Timothy to visit the church at Philippi:<P>16. To Visit Philippi:<P>"I hope in the Lord Jesus to send Timothy shortly unto you, that I also may be of good comfort, when I know your state. For I have no man likeminded, who will care truly for your state....But ye know the proof of him, that, as a child serveth a father, so he served with me in furtherance of the gospel. Him therefore I hope to send forthwith."<P>17. Appointed to Ephesus:<P>Paul\'s hope was realized: he was set free; and once again Timothy was his companion in travel. Perhaps it was in Philippi that they rejoined each other, for not only had Paul expressed his intention of sending Timothy there, but he had also said that he hoped himself to visit the Philippian church (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',1,26);">Php 1:26</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',2,24);">2:24</a>). From this point onward it is difficult, perhaps impossible, to trace the course of Paul\'s journeys, but he tells us that he had left Timothy as his delegate or representative in Ephesus (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ti\',1,3);">1Ti 1:3</a>); and soon thereafter he wrote the First Epistle to Timothy, in which he gave full instructions in regard to the manner in which he should conduct the affairs of the Ephesian church, until Paul himself should again revisit Ephesus: "These things write I unto thee, hoping to come unto thee shortly" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ti\',3,14);">1Ti 3:14</a>).<P>18. His Position in Ephesus:<P>"The position which Timothy occupied in Ephesus, as it is described in 1 Timothy, cannot without doing the greatest violence to history be called that of a bishop, for the office of bishop existed only where the one bishop, superior to the presbytery, represented the highest expression of the common church life. The office was for life, and confined to the local church. This was particularly the case in Asia Minor, where, although as early as the time of Revelation and the time of Ignatius, bishoprics were numerous and closely adjacent, the office always retained its local character. On the other hand, Timothy\'s position at the head of the churches of Asia was due to the position which he occupied as Paul\'s helper in missionary work. It was his part in the apostolic calling, as this calling involved the oversight of existing churches. Timothy was acting as a temporary representative of Paul in his apostolic capacity at Ephesus, as he had done earlier in Corinth, and in Thessalonica and Philippi (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',4,17);">1Co 4:17</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Th\',3,2);">1Th 3:2</a>f; <a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',2,\'19-23\');">Php 2:19-23</a>). His relation was not closer to one church than to the other churches of the province; its rise and disappearance did not affect at all the organization of the local congregations" (Zahn, Introduction to the New Testament, II, 34).<P>19. Paul Summons Him to Rome:<P>From the Second Epistle still further detail can be gathered. Paul was a second time imprisoned, and feeling that on this occasion his trial would be followed by an adverse judgment and by death, he wrote from Rome to Timothy at Ephesus, affectionately requesting him to come to him: "Give diligence to come shortly unto me" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ti\',4,9);">2Ti 4:9</a>). The fact that at that time, when no Christian friend was with Paul except Luke (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ti\',4,11);">2Ti 4:11</a>), it was to Timothy he turned for sympathy and aid, closing with the request that his own son in the faith should come to him, to be with him in his last hours, shows how true and tender was the affection which bound them together. Whether Timothy was able to reach Rome, so as to be with Paul before his execution, is unknown.<P>20. Mention in <a onClick="return mV(\'Hbr\',13,\'1-\');">Hebrews 13</a>:<P>One other notice of him occurs in <a onClick="return mV(\'Hbr\',13,23);">Heb 13:23</a>: "Know ye that our brother Timothy hath been set at liberty; with whom, if he come shortly, I will see you." As the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews is not Paul, it is problematical what the meaning of these words really is, except that Timothy had been imprisoned and<6E>unlike what took place in Paul\'s case<73>he had escaped death trod had been set free.<P>21. His Character:<P>Nothing further is known of him. Of all Paul\'s friends, with the exception, perhaps, of Luke, Paul\'s beloved friend, Timothy was regarded by him with the tenderest affection; he was his dearly loved son, faithful and true. Various defects have been alleged to exist in Timothy\'s character. These defects are inferred from the directions and instructions addressed to him by Paul in the Pastoral Epistles, buy these inferences may be wrong, and it is a mistake to exaggerate them in view of his unbroken and unswerving loyalty and of the long and faithful service rendered by him to Paul, "as a child serveth a father" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',2,22);">Php 2:22</a>).``155';
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isbe[8806]='Timothy, Epistles to``<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=pastoral+epistles">PASTORAL EPISTLES</a>`1';
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isbe[8807]='Tin`tin (bedhil): Tin is mentioned with brass, iron and lead in <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',31,22);">Nu 31:22</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',22,18,20);">Eze 22:18,20</a>. Ezekiel mentions tin along with silver, iron and lead as being imported into Tyre from Tarshish (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=METALS">METALS</A>). The tin must have been brought in the form of ore and smelted in Syria. The writer has some slag dug from a deposit near Beirut which yielded nearly pure tin. It was probably the site of an ancient smelter\'s shop.``37';
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isbe[8808]='Tiphsah`tif\'-sa (tiphcach, "ford"; Thapsa):<P>(1) This marks the northern extremity of the dominions ruled by Solomon, Gaza being the limit on the south (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',4,24);">1Ki 4:24</a>). It can hardly be other than Thapsacus, on the right bank of the Euphrates, before its waters join those of the Balik. The great caravan route between East and West crossed the river by the ford at this point. Here Cyrus the younger effected a somewhat perilous crossing (Xenophon, Anabasis i.4, 2). The ford was also used by Darius; but Alexander the Great, in his pursuit constructed two bridges for the transport of his army (Arrian iii.7). Under the Seleucids it was called Amphipolis. The site is probably occupied by the modern Qal\'at Dibse, where there is a ford still used by the caravans. It is about 8 miles below Meskene, where the river makes a bend to the east.<P>(2) (Codex Vaticanus Thersa, Codex Alexandrinus Thaira): The inhabitants of this town, which was apparently not far from Tirzah, did not favor the regicide Menahem, refusing to open to him. In his wrath he massacred the Tiphsites with circumstances of horrible cruelty (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',15,16);">2Ki 15:16</a>). Khirbet Tafsah, about 6 miles southwest of Nablus, corresponds in name, but is probably too far from Tirzah.``54';
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isbe[8809]='Tiras`ti\'-ras (tirac; Theiras, Lucian Thiras): A son of Japheth (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',10,2);">Ge 10:2</a> (P); <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',1,5);">1Ch 1:5</a>). Not mentioned elsewhere; this name was almost unanimously taken by the ancient commentators (so Josephus, Ant, I, vi, 1) to be the same as that of the Thracians (Thrakes); but the removal of the nominative ending -s does away with this surface resemblance. Tuch was the first to suggest the Tursenioi, a race of Pelasgian pirates, who left many traces of their ancient power in the islands and coasts of the Aegean, and who were doubtless identical with the Etruscans of Italy. This brilliant suggestion has since been confirmed by the discovery of the name Turusa among the seafaring peoples who invaded Egypt in the reign of Merenptah (W.M. Muller, AE, 356ff). Tiras has also been regarded as the same as Tarshish.``197';
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isbe[8810]='Tirathites`ti\'-rath-its (tir\'athim; Codex Vaticanus and Codex Alexandrinus, Argathieim; Lucian, Tharathei: A family of scribes that dwelt at Jabez (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',2,55);">1Ch 2:55</a>). The three families mentioned in this verse (Tirathites, Shimathites and Sucathites) are taken by Jerome to be three different classes of religious functionaries<65>singers, scribes, recorders ("canentes atque resonances et in tabernaculis commorantes"). The Targum takes the same view, save that the "Sucathites" are those "covered" with a spirit of prophecy. Bertheau sees the Tirathites as "gate-keepers" (Aramaic tera\' = Heb sha\'ar). Keil holds the three names to be those of the descendants of unknown men named Tira, Shemei and Sucah. The passage seems too obscure to admit of interpretation.``197';
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isbe[8811]='Tire, Headtire`tir (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',9,30);">2Ki 9:30</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',3,20);">Isa 3:20</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',24,17,23);">Eze 24:17,23</a>; Judith 10:3; 16:8).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=dress">DRESS</a>`1';
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isbe[8812]='Tires, Round`tirz: Small ornaments in the shape of crescents (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',3,18);">Isa 3:18</a> King James Version, Revised Version "crescents").`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=astronomy">ASTRONOMY</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=crescents">CRESCENTS</a>`1';
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isbe[8813]='Tirhakah`ter-ha\'-ka, tir-ha\'-ka (tirhaqah; Codex Vaticanus in 2 Kings Thara; elsewhere and in Codex Alexandrinus Tharaka; Josephus Tharsikes):<P>1. Name and Prenomen:<P>The king of Cush or Ethiopia (basileus Aithiopon), who opposed Sennacherib in Palestine (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',19,9);">2Ki 19:9</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',37,9);">Isa 37:9</a>). The name of this ruler of Egypt and his native realm appears in hieroglyphics as Taharqa, his prenomen being Nefer-atmu-Ra-chu, "Nefer-atmu-Ra protects." The Assyrian form of Tirhakah is Tarqu or Tarqu\'u (inscriptions of Assur-bani-pal).<P>2. Origin and Length of Reign:<P>Tirhakah was one of the sons, and apparently the favorite, of Piankhy II. He left his mother, and the city Napata, at the age of 20; and when she followed him northward, she found him crowned as king of Egypt. As he died, after a reign of at least 26 years, in 667 BC, he must have mounted the throne about 693 BC.<P>3. A Chronological Difficulty<P>The engagement between Tirhakah\'s army and the Assyrians is regarded as having taken place in 701 BC. Petrie explains this date by supposing he acted at first for the reigning Pharaoh, his cousin Shabatoka, Tirhakah not having officially become Pharaoh until the former\'s death in 693 BC. There is a general opinion, however, that the Assyrian historians, like those of 2 King and Isaiah, have mingled two campaigns made by Sennacherib, one of them being after the accession of Tirhakah.<P>4. First Conflict with the Assyrians:<P>According to the Old Testament account, Sennacherib was besieging Libnah when Tirhakah\'s army appeared in Palestine. In Sennacherib\'s inscriptions, however, the battle with "the king(s) of Mucuru (Egypt) and the bowmen, chariots, and cavalry of Meruhha" (Meroe or Ethiopia), who had come to Hezekiah\'s help, took place in the neighborhood of Eltekeh. He claims to have captured the sons of the king (variant, "kings") of Egypt and the charioteers of the king of Meruhha, and then, having taken Eltekeh, Timna, and Ekron, he brought out Padi from Jerusalem, and resented him on the throne of Ekron. The name of Tirhakah does not occur in his account.<P>5. Struggles with Esar-haddon and Assur-bani-pal. His Death:<P>It would seem to have been Egypt\'s interference in Palestinian affairs which caused the Assyrian kings to desire the conquest of that distant country. According to the Babylonian Chronicle, the Assyrian army fought in Egypt in the 7th year of Esar-haddon (675 BC), and the country was then apparently quiet until 672 BC, when Esar-haddon marched thither, and after fighting three battles, entered Memphis. "The king" (Tirhakah) fled, but his sons and nephews were made prisoners. In the latter campaign (670 BC) Esar-haddon fell ill and died on the way out, so that the operations were, apparently, completed by his son, Assur-bani-pal (Osnap-par); On hearing of the Assyrian success at Kar-Baniti, Tirhakah, who was at Memphis, fled to Thebes. The 20 petty kings installed in Egypt by Esar-haddon were restored by Assur-bani-pal, but they feared the vengeance of Tirhakah after the Assyrian army had retired, and therefore made an agreement with him. On this news reaching the Assyrian king, he sent his army back to Egypt, and the petty rulers having been abolished, Necho king of Memphis and Sais was set on the throne, with his son, Nabu-sizbanni, as ruler in Athribes. On hearing of the success of the Assyrian armies, Tirhakah fled, and died in Cush (Ethiopia). He was suceeded by Tantamane (Identified with Tanut-Amon), son of Sabaco, whom the Assyrians defeated in the last expedition which they ever made to Egypt (see W. F. Petrie, History of Egypt, III, 294ff).``136';
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isbe[8814]='Tirhana`tur\'-ha-na, ter-ha\'-na (tirchanah; Codex Vaticanus Tharam; Codex Alexandrinus Tharchna, Lucian Tharaana): A son of Caleb by his concubine, Maacah (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',2,48);">1Ch 2:48</a>).``1';
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isbe[8815]='Tiria`tir\'-i-a, ti\'-ri-a (tireya\', Baer tirya\'; Codex Vaticanus omits it; Codex Alexandrinus Theria; Lucian Ethria): A son of Jehallelel (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',4,16);">1Ch 4:16</a>).``1';
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isbe[8816]='Tirshatha`ter-sha\'-tha, tur\'-sha-tha (tirshatha\'; Hathersatha): A title which occurs 5 times in Ezra and Nehemiah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',2,63);">Ezr 2:63</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',7,65);">Ne 7:65</a>, the American Standard Revised Version and the English Revised Version margin "governor"). In <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',8,9);">Ne 8:9</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',10,1);">10:1</a>, Nehemiah is called the tirshatha\'. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',2,63);">Ezr 2:63</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',7,65,70);">Ne 7:65,70</a>, it is the title of Sheshbazzar, or Zerubbabel. As in <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',12,26);">Ne 12:26</a>, Nehemiah is called a pechah, or governor, a title which in <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',5,14);">Ezr 5:14</a> is given to Sheshbazzar also, it has been supposed that pechah and tirshatha\' were equivalent terms, the former being of Assyrio-Babylonian and the latter of Persian origin. According to Lagarde, it comes from the Bactrian antarekshatra, that is, "he who takes the place of the king." According to Meyer and Scheftelowitz it is a modified form of a hypothetical Old Persian word tarsata. According to Gesenius and Ewald, it is to be compared with the Persian torsh, "severe," "austere," i.e. "stern lord." It seems more probable that it is derived from the Babylonian root rashu, "to take possession of," from which we get the noun rashu, "creditor." In this case it may well have had the sense of a tax-collector. One of the principal duties of the Persian satrap, or governor, was to assess and collect the taxes (see Rawlinson\'s Persia, chapter viii). This would readily account for the fact that in <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',7,70);">Ne 7:70</a> the tirshatha\' gave to the treasure to be used in the building of the temple a thousand drachms of gold, etc., and that in <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',1,8);">Ezr 1:8</a> Cyrus numbered the vessels of the house of the Lord unto Sheshbazzar. This derivation would connect it with the Aramaic rashya, "creditor," and the New Hebrew rashuth, "highest power," "magistrate."``196';
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isbe[8817]='Tirzah`tur\'-za (tirtsah; Thersa):<P>(1) A royal city of the Canaanites, the king of which was slain by Joshua (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',12,24);">12:24</a>). It superseded Shechem as capital of the Northern Kingdom (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',14,17);">1Ki 14:17</a>, etc.), and itself gave place in turn to Samaria. Here reigned Jeroboam, Nadab his son, Baasha, Elah and Zimri (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',15,21,33);">1Ki 15:21,33</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',16,6,8,9,15);">16:6,8,9,15</a>). Baasha was buried in Tirzah. Here Elah was assassinated while "drinking himself drunk" in the house of his steward; here therefore probably he was buried. Zimri perished in the flames of his palace, rather than fall into Omri\'s hands. In Tirzah Menahem matured his rebellion against Shallum (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',15,14);">2Ki 15:14</a>). The place is mentioned in <a onClick="return mV(\'Sgs\',6,4);">So 6:4</a> the King James Version, where the Shulammite is said to be "beautiful...as Tirzah, comely as Jerusalem." The comparison may be due to the charm of its situation. The name may possibly be derived from ratsah, "to delight." Several identifications have been suggested. Buhl (Geographic des alten Palestina, 203) favors et-tireh, on the west of the plain of Makhneh, 4 miles south of Nablus, which he identifies with the Tira-thana of Josephus. He quotes Neubauer to the effect that the later Jews said Tir\'an or Tar\'ita instead of Tirzah, as weakening the claim of Telluzah, which others (e.g. Robinson, BR, III, 302) incline to. It is a partly ruined village with no spring, but with ancient cisterns, on a hill about 4 miles east of north from Nablus. This was evidently the place intended by Brocardius<75>Thersa, about 3 miles east of Samaria (Descriptio, VII). A third claimant is Teiasir, a fortress at the point where the road from Abel-meholah joins that from Shechem to Bethshan, fully 11 miles northeast of Nablus. It is impossible to decide with certainty. The heavy "T" in Telluzah is a difficulty. Teiasir is perhaps too far from Shechem. Buhl\'s case for identification with eT-Tireh is subject to the same difficulty as Telluzah.<P>(2) One of the five daughters of Zelophehad (<a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',26,33);">Nu 26:33</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',27,1);">27:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',36,11);">36:11</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',17,3);">Jos 17:3</a>).``54';
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isbe[8818]='Tishbite`tish\'-bit.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=elijah">ELIJAH</a>`1';
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isbe[8819]='Tishri; Tisri`tish\'-re, tiz\'-re: The 7th month of the Jewish ecclesiastical, and 1st of the civil, year (September-October). The same as Ethanim.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=calendar">CALENDAR</a>`1';
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isbe[8820]='Titans`ti\'-tanz: In Judith 16:7, "Neither did the sons of the Titans (huioi Titanon) smite him." The name of an aboriginal Canaanitish race of reputed giants who inhabited Palestine before the Hebrews, and so used in the sense of "giants" in general. See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=REPHAIM">REPHAIM</A>. In <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',5,18,22);">2Sa 5:18,22</a>, the "valley of Rephaim" is translated by the Septuagint as "the valley of the Titans."``1';
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isbe[8821]='Tithe`tith (ma\'aser; dekate): The custom of giving a 10th part of the products of the land and of the spoils of war to priests and kings (1Macc 10:31; 11:35; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',8,15,17);">1Sa 8:15,17</a>) was a very ancient one among most nations. That the Jews had this custom long before the institution of the Mosaic Law is shown by <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',14,\'17-20\');">Ge 14:17-20</a> (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Hbr\',7,4);">Heb 7:4</a>) and <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',28,22);">Ge 28:22</a>. Many critics hold that these two passages are late and only reflect the later practice of the nation; but the payment of tithes is so ancient and deeply rooted in the history of the human race that it seems much simpler and more natural to believe that among the Jews the practice was in existence long before the time of Moses.<P>In the Pentateuch we find legislation as to tithes in three places.<P>(1) According to <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',27,\'30-33\');">Le 27:30-33</a>, a tithe had to be given of the seed of the land, i.e. of the crops, of the fruit of the tree, e.g. oil and wine, and of the herd or the flock (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',14,22,23);">De 14:22,23</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',31,5,6);">2Ch 31:5,6</a>). As the herds and flocks passed out to pasture they were counted (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',33,13);">Jer 33:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',20,37);">Eze 20:37</a>), and every 10th animal that came out was reckoned holy to the Lord. The owner was not allowed to search among them to find whether they were bad or good, nor could he change any of them; if he did, both the one chosen and the one for which it was changed were holy. Tithes of the herds and flocks could not be redeemed for money, but tithes of the seed of the land and of fruit could be, but a 5th part of the value of the tithe had to be added.<P>(2) In <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',18,\'21-32\');">Nu 18:21-32</a> it is laid down that the tithe must be paid to the Levites. (It should be noted that according to <a onClick="return mV(\'Hbr\',7,5);">Heb 7:5</a>, \'they that are of the sons of Levi, who receive the office of the priesthood...take tithes of the people.\' Westcott\'s explanation is that the priests, who received from the Levites a tithe of the tithe, thus symbolically received the whole tithe. In the time of the second temple the priests did actually receive the tithes. In the Talmud (Yebhamoth 86a et passim) it is said that this alteration from the Mosaic Law was caused by the sin of the Levites, who were not eager to return to Jerusalem, but had to be persuaded to do so by Ezra (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',8,15);">Ezr 8:15</a>).) The Levites were to receive the tithes offered by Israel to Yahweh, because they had no other inheritance, and in return for their service of the tabernacle (<a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',18,21,24);">Nu 18:21,24</a>). The tithe was to consist of corn of the threshing-floor and the fullness of the wine press (<a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',18,27);">Nu 18:27</a>), which coincides with seed of the land and fruit of the trees in <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',27,\'1-\');">Le 27</a>. The Levites, who stood in the same relation to the priests as the people did to themselves, were to offer from this their inheritance a heave offering, a tithe of a tithe, to the priests (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',10,39);">Ne 10:39</a>), and for this tithey were to choose of the best part of what they received.<P>(3) In <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',12,5,6,11,18);">De 12:5,6,11,18</a> (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',4,4);">Am 4:4</a>) it is said that the tithe is to be brought "unto the place which Yahweh your God shall choose out of all your tribes, to put his name there," i.e. to Jerusalem; and in <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',12,7,12,18);">De 12:7,12,18</a>, that the tithe should be used there as a sacred meal by the offerer and his household, including the Levite within his gates. Nothing is said here about tithing cattle, only grain, wine and oil being mentioned (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',10,\'36-38\');">Ne 10:36-38</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',13,5,12);">13:5,12</a>). In <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',14,\'22-29\');">De 14:22-29</a> it is laid down that if the way was too long to carry the tithe to Jerusalem it could be exchanged for money, and the money taken there instead, where it was to be spent in anything the owner chose; and whatever was bought was to be eaten by him and his household and the Levites at Jerusalem. In the third year the tithe was to be reserved and eaten at home by the Levite, the stranger, the fatherless and the widow. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',26,\'12-15\');">De 26:12-15</a> it is laid down that in the 3rd year, after this feast had been given, the landowner should go up himself before the Lord his God, i.e. to Jerusalem, and ask God\'s blessing on his deed. (According to the Mishna, Cotah 9 10; Ma\'aser Sheni 5 65, the high priest Johanan abolished this custom.) In this passage this 3rd year is called "the year of tithing."<P>There is thus an obvious apparent discrepancy between the legislation in Leviticus and Deuteronomy. It is harmonized in Jewish tradition, not only theoretically but in practice, by considering the tithes as three different tithes, which are named the First Tithe, the Second Tithe, and the Poor Tithe, which is called also the Third Tithe (Pe\'ah, Ma\'aseroth, Ma\'ser Sheni, Dema\'i, Ro\'sh ha-shanah; compare Tobit 1:7,8; Ant, IV, iv, 3; viii, 8; viii, 22). According to this explanation, after the tithe (the First Tithe) was given to the Levites (of which they had to give the tithe to the priests), a Second Tithe of the remaining nine-tenths had to be set apart and consumed in Jerusalem. Those who lived far from Jerusalem could change this Second Tithe into money with the addition of a 5th part of its value. Only food, drink or ointment could be bought for the money (Ma\'aser Sheni 2 1; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',14,26);">De 14:26</a>). The tithe of cattle belonged to the Second Tithe, and was to be used for the feast in Jerusalem (Zebhachim 5 8). In the 3rd year the Second Tithe was to be given entirely to the Levites and the poor. But according to Josephus (Ant., IV, viii, 22) the "Poor Tithe" was actually a third one. The priests and the Levites, if landowners, were also obliged to give the Poor Tithe (Pe\'ah 1 6).<P>The explanation given by many critics, that the discrepancy between Deuteronomy and Leviticus is due to the fact that these are different layers of legislation, and that the Levitical tithe is a post-exilian creation of the Priestly Code, is not wholly satisfactory, for the following reasons:<P>(1) The allusion in <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',18,1,2);">De 18:1,2</a> seems to refer to the Levitical tithe.<P>(2) There is no relation between the law of <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',18,1);">Nu 18</a> and post-exilian conditions, when the priests were numerous and the Levites a handful.<P>(3) A community so poor and disaffected as that of Ezra\'s time would have refused to submit to a new and oppressive tithe burden.<P>(4) The division into priests and Levites cannot have been of the recent origin that is alleged.<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=LEVITES">LEVITES</a>.<P>W. R. Smith and others suggest that the tithe is simply a later form of the first-fruits, but this is difficult to accept, since the first-fruits were given to the priest, while the tithes were not. The whole subject is involved in considerable obscurity, which with our present information cannot easily be cleared away.<P>The Talmudic law of tithing extends the Mosaic Law, with most burdensome minuteness, even to the smallest products of the soil. Of these, according to some, not only the seeds, but, in certain cases, even the leaves and stalks had to be tithed (Ma\'aseroth 4 5), "mint, anise, and cummin" (Dema\'i 11 1; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',23,23);">Mt 23:23</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',11,42);">Lu 11:42</a>). The general principle was that "everything that is eaten, that is watched over, and that grows out of the earth" must be tithed (Ma\'aseroth 1 1).<P>Considering the many taxes, religious and secular, that the Jews had to pay, especially in post-exilian times, we cannot but admire the liberality and resourcefulness of the Jewish people. Only in the years just after the return from exile do we hear that the taxes were only partially paid (<a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',13,10);">Ne 13:10</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Mal\',1,7);">Mal 1:7</a>ff; and for pre-exilian times compare <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',31,4);">2Ch 31:4</a>ff). In later times such cases seldom occur (Sotah 48a), which is the more surprising since the priests, who benefited so much by these laws of the scribes, were the adversaries of the latter.``98';
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isbe[8822]='Title`ti\'-t\'-l: <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',19,19,20);">Joh 19:19,20</a> for titlos.<P>The following arrangement of the title on the cross has been suggested: See Geikie, Life and Words of Christ, chapter lxiii, note e; Seymour, The Cross in Tradition, History and Art (New York, 1898), pp. 115, 116,136, 138.<P>In <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',23,17);">2Ki 23:17</a>, the King James Version has "title" for tsiyyun. The word is connected with tsawah, "to command," and King James Version seems to have understood tsiyyun as "that giving directions," "sign-posts" (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',39,15);">Eze 39:15</a>). The word, however, means "grave-stone," "monument."`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=superscription">SUPERSCRIPTION</a>`1';
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isbe[8823]='Tittle`tit\'-\'-l (keraia (Westcott-Hort, kerea), from keras, "a horn"): A small stroke or mark, specif. on a letter to denote accent, or as a diacritical mark; used only in <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',5,18);">Mt 5:18</a> and <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',16,17);">Lu 16:17</a>. In the first passage it is used in connection with iota, or jot, i.e. the very smallest thing, and in both it refers to the minutiae of the Law. It is well known that the scribes paid the greatest attention to such marks attached to the letters in the Hebrew Scriptures, the Massoretic Text of which abounds in them.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=jot">JOT</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=yodh">YODH</a>`1';
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isbe[8824]='Titus`ti\'-tus (Titos (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',2,13);">2Co 2:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',7,6,13);">7:6,13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',8,6,16,23);">8:6,16,23</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',12,18);">12:18</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Gal\',2,1,3);">Ga 2:1,3</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ti\',4,10);">2Ti 4:10</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Tts\',1,4);">Tit 1:4</a>)):<P>1. One of Paul\'s Converts:<P>A Greek Christian, one of Paul\'s intimate friends, his companion in some of his apostolic journeys, and one of his assistants in Christian work. His name does not occur in the Acts; and, elsewhere in the New Testament, it is found only in 2 Corinthians, Galatians, 2 Timothy and Titus. As Paul calls him "my true child after a common faith" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Tts\',1,4);">Tit 1:4</a>), it is probable that he was one of the apostle\'s converts.<P>2. Paul Refuses to Have Him Circumcised:<P>The first notice of Titus is in <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',15,2);">Ac 15:2</a>, where we read that after the conclusion of Paul\'s 1st missionary journey, when he had returned to Antioch, a discussion arose in the church there, in regard to the question whether it was necessary that Gentile Christians should be circumcised and should keep the Jewish Law. It was decided that Paul and Barnabas, "and certain other of them," should go up to Jerusalem to the apostles and elders about this question. The "certain other of them" includes Titus, for in <a onClick="return mV(\'Gal\',2,3);">Ga 2:3</a> it is recorded that Titus was then with Paul. The Judaistic party in the church at Jerusalem desired to have Titus circumcised, but Paul gave no subjection to these persons and to their wishes, "no, not for an hour; that the truth of the gospel might continue with you" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gal\',2,5);">Ga 2:5</a>). The matter in dispute was decided as recorded in <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',15,\'13-29\');">Ac 15:13-29</a>. The decision was in favor of the free promulgation of the gospel, as preached by Paul, and unrestricted by Jewish ordinances. Paul\'s action therefore in regard to Titus was justified. In fact Titus was a representative or test case.<P>It is difficult and perhaps impossible to give the true reason why Titus is not mentioned by name in the Acts, but he is certainly referred to in <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',15,2);">15:2</a>.<P>3. Sent to Corinth:<P>There is no further notice of Titus for some years afterward, when he is again mentioned in 2 Corinthians. In this Epistle his name occurs 8 times. From the notices in this Epistle it appears that Titus had been sent by Paul, along with an unnamed "brother," to Corinth as the apostle\'s delegate to the church there (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',12,18);">2Co 12:18</a>). His chief business was evidently to deal with the cases of immorality which had occurred there. His mission was largely successful, so that he was able to return to Paul with joy, because his spirit was refreshed by the Corinthians (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',7,13);">2Co 7:13</a>). His inward affection was largely drawn out to them, and "he remembereth the obedience of you all, how with fear and trembling ye received him" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',7,15);">2Co 7:15</a>). At Corinth Titus seems also to have assisted in organizing the weekly collections for the poor saints in Jerusalem. See <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',16,1,2);">1Co 16:1,2</a> compared with <a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',8,6);">2Co 8:6</a>: "We exhorted Titus, that as he had made a beginning before, so he would also complete in you this grace also."<P>After the departure of Titus from Corinth, difficulty had again arisen in the church there, and Titus seems to have been sent by Paul a second time to that city, as the apostle\'s messenger, carrying a letter from him<69>referred to in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',2,3);">2Co 2:3</a>ff; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',7,8);">2Co 7:8</A>ff.<P>4. Paul Goes to Meet Him:<P>The state of the Corinthian church had been causing much anxiety to Paul, so much so that when he had come to Troas to preach Christ\'s gospel, and a door was opened to him of the Lord, he found no rest in his spirit, because he found not Titus, his brother; so he left Troas, and went thence into Macedonia, in order to meet Titus the sooner, so as to ascertain from him how matters stood in Corinth. In Macedonia accordingly the apostle met Titus, who brought good news regarding the Corinthians. In the unrest and fightings and fears which the troubles at Corinth had caused Paul to experience, his spirit was refreshed when Titus reached him. "He that comforteth the lowly, even God, comforted us by the coming of Titus...while he told us your longing, your mourning, your zeal for me; so that I rejoiced yet more" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',7,6,7);">2Co 7:6,7</a>).<P>Paul now wrote to the Corinthians again<69>our Second Epistle to the Corinthians<6E>and dispatched it to its destination by the hand of Titus, into whose heart \'God had put the same earnest care for them\' (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',8,\'16-18\');">2Co 8:16-18</a>). Titus was also again entrusted with the work of overseeing the weekly collection in the Corinthian church (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',8,10,24);">2Co 8:10,24</a>).<P>5. Travels with Paul to Crete:<P>There is now a long interval in the history of Titus, for nothing further is recorded of him till we come to the Pastoral Epistles. From Paul\'s Epistle to him these details are gathered: On Paul\'s liberation at the conclusion of his first Roman imprisonment he made a number of missionary journeys, and Titus went with him, as his companion and assistant, on one of these<73>to the island of Crete. From Crete, Paul proceeded onward but he left Titus to "set in order the things that were wanting, and appoint elders in every city" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Tts\',1,5);">Tit 1:5</a>). Paul reminds him of the character of the people of Crete, and gives him various instructions for his guidance; charges him to maintain sound doctrine, and advises him how to deal with the various classes of persons met with in his pastoral capacity.<P>6. Paul Sends for Him:<P>Titus is informed that Artemas or Tychicus will be sent to Crete so that he will be free to leave the island and to rejoin the apostle at Nicopolis, where he has determined to winter. Such were Paul\'s plans; whether they were carried out is unknown. But this at least is certain, that Titus did rejoin Paul, if not at Nicopolis, then at some other spot; and he was with him in Rome on the occasion of his 2nd imprisonment there, for he is mentioned once again (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ti\',4,10);">2Ti 4:10</a>) as having gone to Dalmatia, evidently on an evangelistic errand, as the apostle was in the habit of sending his trusted friends to do such work, when he himself was no longer able to do this, owing to his imprisonment. "Paul regarded as his own the work done from centers where he labored, by helpers associated with him, considering the churches thus organized as under his jurisdiction. This throws light upon the statement in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ti\',4,10);">2Ti 4:10</a>, that Titus at that time had gone to Dalmatia, and a certain Crescens to Gaul. There is no indication that they, like Demas, had deserted the apostle and sought safety for themselves, or that, like Tychicus, they had been sent by the apostle upon some special errand. In either case it would be a question why they went to these particular countries, with which, so far as we know, Paul, up to this time, had never had anything to do. The probability is that Titus, who had long been associated with Paul (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gal\',2,3);">Ga 2:3</a>), who, as his commissioner, had executed difficult offices in Corinth (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',7,\'1-\');">2Co 7-9</a>), and who, not very long before 2 Timothy was written, had completed some missionary work in Crete that had been begun by others, had gone as a missionary and as Paul\'s representative and helper to Dalmatia....If by this means, beginnings of church organizations had been made...in Spain by Paul himself, in Gaul by Crescens, in Dalmatia by Titus, then, in reality, the missionary map had been very much changed since Paul\'s first defense" (Zahn, Introduction to the New Testament. II, 11).<P>7. His Character:<P>Titus was one of Paul\'s very dear and trusted friends; and the fact that he was chosen by the apostle to act as his delegate to Corinth, to transact difficult and delicate work in the church there, and that he did this oftener than once, and did it thoroughly and successfully, shows that Titus was not merely a good but a most capable man, tactful and resourceful and skillful in the handling of men and of affairs. "Whether any inquire about Titus, he is my partner and fellow-worker to you-ward" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',8,23);">2Co 8:23</a>).``155';
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isbe[8825]='Titus Justus`tish\'-us jus\'-tus.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=justus">JUSTUS</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=titus+justus">TITUS JUSTUS</a>`1';
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isbe[8826]='Titus Manius``<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=manius">MANIUS</a>`1';
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isbe[8827]='Titus, Epistle to`(Titos or Titios Ioustos (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',18,7);">Ac 18:7</a>)): Titus or Titius<75>for the manuscripts vary in regard to the spelling<6E>was the prenomen of a certain Corinthian, a Jewish proselyte (sebomenos ton Theon). See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=PROSELYTE">PROSELYTE</A>). His name seems also to indicate that he was a Roman by birth. He is altogether a different person from Titus, Paul\'s assistant and companion in some of his journeys, to whom also the Epistle to Titus is addressed.<P>Titus or Titius Justus was not the "host of Paul at Corinth" (HDB, article "Justus," p. 511), for Luke has already narrated that, when Paul came to Corinth, "he abode with" Aquila and Priscilla (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',18,3);">Ac 18:3</a>). What is said of Titius Justus is that when the Jews in Corinth opposed themselves to Paul and blasphemed when he testified that Jesus was the Christ, then Paul ceased to preach the gospel in the Jewish synagogue as he had formerly done, and "he departed thence, and went into the house of a certain man named Titus Justus, one that worshipped God, whose house joined hard to the synagogue" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',18,7);">Ac 18:7</a>).<P>"Titius Justus was evidently a Roman or a Latin, one of the coloni of the colony Corinth. Like the centurion Cornelius, he had been attracted to the synagogue. His citizenship would afford Paul an opening to the more educated class of the Corinthian population" (Ramsay, Paul the Traveler and the Roman Citizen, 256).<P>Paul\'s residence in Corinth continued for a year and a half, followed without a break by another period indicated in the words, he "tarried after this yet many days" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',18,11,18);">Ac 18:11,18</a>), and during the whole of this time he evidently used the house of Titius Justus, for the purposes both of preaching the gospel and of gathering the church together for Christian worship and instruction, "teaching the word of God among them" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',18,11);">Ac 18:11</a>).<P>Titius Justus, therefore, must have been a wealthy man, since he possessed a house in which there was an apartment sufficiently large to be used for both of these purposes; and he himself must have been a most enthusiastic member of the church, when in a period of protracted difficulty and persecution, he welcomed Paul to his house, that he might use it as the meeting-place of the church in Corinth.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=pastoral+epistles">PASTORAL EPISTLES</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=titus">TITUS</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=titius+justus">TITIUS JUSTUS</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=justus">JUSTUS</a>`155';
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isbe[8828]='Tizite`ti\'-zit (ha-titsi; Codex Vaticanus ho Ieasei; Codex Alexandrinus ho Thosaei; Lucian Athosi): A gentilic attached to the name "Joha" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',11,45);">1Ch 11:45</a>), one of the soldiers of David; the origin is totally unknown.``1';
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isbe[8829]='Toah`to\'-a.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=nahath">NAHATH</a>`1';
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isbe[8830]='Tob, the Land of`tob, tob (\'erets Tobh, "a good land"; ge Tob): Hither Jephthah escaped from his brethren after his father\'s death (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',11,3);">Jud 11:3</a>), and perfected himself in the art of war, making forays with "the vain fellows" who joined him. Here the elders of Gilead found him, when, reduced to dire straits by the children of Ammon, they desired him to take command of their army (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',11,5);">Jud 11:5</a>ff). This country contributed 12,000 men to the forces of the allies, who with the Ammonites were defeated by Israel (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',10,8);">2Sa 10:8</a>). In 1Macc 5:13 we read of the land of Tubins where the Jews, about 1,000 men, were slain by the Gentiles, their wives and children being carried into captivity. The Tubieni, "men of Tobit" of 2Macc 12:17, were probably from this place. Ptolemy (v.19) speaks of Thauba, a place to the southwest of Zobah, which may possibly be Tobit. The Talmud (Neubauer, Geog. du Talmud, 239) identifies the land of Tobit with the district of Hippene. Tobit would then be represented by Hippos, modern Susiyeh, to the southwest of Fiq on the plateau east of the Sea of Galilee. Perhaps the most likely identification is that supported by G. A. Smith (HGHL, 587), with eT-Taiyibeh, 10 miles south of Umm Qeis (Gadara). The name is the same in meaning as Tobit.``54';
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isbe[8831]='Tob-Adonijah`tob-ad-o-ni\'-ja, tob-(Tobh \'adhoniyah, "good is the Lord"; Codex Vaticanus Tobadobeia; Codex Alexandrinus and Lucian Tobadonia): One of the Levites sent by King Jehoshaphat to teach in the cities of Judah (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',17,8);">2Ch 17:8</a>). The name looks like a dittography arising from the two previous names, Adonijah and Tobijah.``1';
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isbe[8832]='Tobiah`to-bi\'-a (Tobhiyah; Codex Alexandrinus Tobias; omitted in Codex Vaticanus):<P>(1) An Ammonite slave (King James Version, "servant"), probably of Sanballat, the governor of Samaria (<a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',2,10);">Ne 2:10</a>). He was grieved exceedingly when Nehemiah came to seek the welfare of the children of Israel. In two ways he was connected by marriage with the Jews, having himself married the daughter of Shecaniah, the son of Arab, and his son Jehohanan having married the daughter of Meshullam, the son of Berechiah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',6,18);">Ne 6:18</a>). Because of this close connection with the Jews, the nobles of the latter corresponded by letter with him and also reported his good deeds to Nehemiah and reported Nehemiah\'s words to Tobiah. In consequence of the report, Tobiah sent letters to Nehemiah to put him in fear (<a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',6,17,18,19);">6:17-19</A>). Nehemiah seems to have considered him to be his chief enemy; for he put him before Sanballat in his prayers to God to remember his opponents according to their works (<a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',6,14);">6:14</A>). In <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',13,4);">13:4</A> we are told that he was an ally of Eliashib, the high priest who had the oversight of the chambers of the house of God and had prepared for him as a guest chamber the room which had before been used as a storehouse for offerings of various kinds. Nehemiah, having heard during his second visit to Jerusalem of this desecration of the temple, cast out the household stuff of Tobiah and cleansed the chambers, restoring the vessels of God and the offerings as of old.<P>(2) The eponym of a family which returned with Zerubbabel, but could not trace its descent (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',2,60);">Ezr 2:60</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',7,62);">Ne 7:62</a>).``196';
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isbe[8833]='Tobias`to-bi\'-as:<P>(1) The son of Tobit.<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TOBIT,+BOOK+OF">TOBIT, BOOK OF</a>.<P>(2) Tobias, Codex Alexandrinus Tobio the father (according to Josephus, grandfather) of <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=HYRCANUS">HYRCANUS</A> (which see) (2Macc 3:11).``1';
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isbe[8834]='Tobie`to\'-bi.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=tubias">TUBIAS</a>`1';
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isbe[8835]='Tobiel`to-bi\'-el, to\'-bi-el (Tobiel, Codex Alexandrinus Tobiel): The father of Tobit (Tobit 1:1); another form of "Tabeel]" "God is good."``1';
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isbe[8836]='Tobijah`to-bi\'-ja (Tobhiyah, "Yahweh is good"):<P>(1) A Levite in the reign of Jehoshaphat whom the king sent to teach in the cities of Judah (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',17,8);">2Ch 17:8</a>; Tobhiyahu; the Septuagint omits).<P>(2) One of a party of Jews that came from Babylon to Jerusalem with gold and silver for a crown for Zerubbabel and Joshua, or for Zerubbabel alone (<a onClick="return mV(\'Zec\',6,10,14);">Zec 6:10,14</a>). The crown was to be stored in the temple in remembrance of the donors (the Septuagint in both passages translates Tobiyah by chresimoi, i.e. Tobheyha).``1';
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isbe[8837]='Tobit, Book of`to\'-bit:<P>1. Name<P>2. Canonicity<P>3. Contents<P>4. Fact or Fiction?<P>5. Some Sources<P>6. Date<P>7. Place of Composition<P>8. Versions<P>9. Original Language<P>LITERATURE<hr /><P>1. Name:<P>The book is called by the name of its principal hero which in Greek is Tobit, Tobeit and Codex N Tobeith. The original Hebrew word thus transliterated (Tobhiyah) means "Yahweh is good." The Greek name of the son is Tobias, a variant of the same Hebrew word. In the English, Welsh, etc., translations, the father and son are called Tobit and Tobias respectively, but in the Vulgate both are known by the same name<6D>Tobias<61>the cause of much confusion. In Syriac the father is called Tobit, the son Tobiya, following apparently the Greek; the former is not a transliteration of the Hebrew form given above and assumes a different etymology, but what?<P>2. Canonicity:<P>Though this book is excluded from Protestant Bibles (with but few exceptions), Tobit 4:7-9 is read in the Anglican offertory, and at one time Tobias and Sarah occupied in the marriage service of the Anglican rubrics the position at present held by Abraham and Sarah. For the position of the book in the Septuagint, Vulgate and English Versions of the Bible, see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=JUDITH">JUDITH</a>, 2.<P>3. Contents:<P>The Book of Tobit differs in essential matters in its various versions and even in different manuscripts of the same versions (compare the Septuagint). The analysis of the book which follows is based on the Septuagint\'s Codex Vaticanus and Codex Alexandrinus, which English Versions of the Bible follow. The Vulgate differs in many respects. The book tells of two Jewish families, living, one at Nineveh, the other at Ecbatana, both of which had fallen into great trouble, but at length recovered their fortunes and became united by the marriage of the son of one to the daughter of the other. Tobit had, with his brethren of the tribe of Naphtali, been taken captive by Enemessar (= Shalmaneser). remaining in exile under his two successors, Sennacherib and Sarchedonus (Esar-haddon). During his residence in the Northern Kingdom (Israel) and after his removal to Nineveh (Assyria), he continued faithful to the Jewish religion and supported the observances of that religion at Jerusalem. Moreover, he fasted regularly, gave alms freely. and buried such of his fellow-countrymen as had been put to death with the approval or by the command of the Assyrian king. Notwithstanding this loyalty to the religion of his fathers and the fact that he buried Jewish corpses intended to be<P>disgraced by exposure, he like other Jews (Daniel, etc.) won favor at court by his upright demeanor and was made steward of the king\'s estate. Under the next king (Sennacherib) all this was changed, for he not only lost his high office but was deprived of his wealth, and came perilously near to losing his life. Through an accident (bird dung falling into his eyes) he lost his sight, and, to make bad worse, his wife, in the manner of Job\'s, taunted him with the futility of his religious faith. Job-like he prayed that God might take him out of his distress.<P>Now it happened that at this time another Jewish family, equally loyal to the ancestral faith, had fallen into similar distress<73>Raguel, his wife Edna and his daughter Sarah, who resided at Ecbatana (Vulgate "Rages"; compare Tobit 1:14) in Media. Now Sarah was an only daughter, comely of person and virtuous of character. She had been married to seven successive husbands, but each one of them had been slain on the bridal night by the demon Asmodeus, who seems to have been eaten up with jealousy and wished no other to have the charming maid whom he loved. The parents of Tobias at Nineveh, like those of Sarah at Ecbatana, wished to see their only child married that they might have descendants, but the marriage must be in each case to one belonging to the chosen race (Tobit 3:7-15; but see 7, below). The crux of the story is the bringing together of Tobias and Sarah and the frustration of the jealous murders of Asmodeus. In the deep poverty to which he had been reduced Tobit bethought himself of the money (ten talents, i.e. about 3,500 British pounds) which he had deposited with one Gabael of Rages. The Septuagint\'s Codex Alexandrinus and Codex Vaticanus have Rhagoi) in Media (see Tobit 1:14). This he desired his son to fetch; but the journey is long and dangerous, and he must have a trustworthy guide which he finds in Raphael, an angel sent by God, but who appears in the guise of an orthodox Jew. The old man is delighted with the guide, whom, however, he first of all carefully examines, and dismisses his son with strict injunctions to observe the Law, to give alms and not to take to wife a non-Jewish (EV "strange") maiden (Tobit 4:3ff). Proceeding on the journey they make a halt on reaching the Tigris, and during a bath in the river Tobias sees a fish that made as if it would devour him. The angel tells him to seize the fish and to extract from it and carefully keep its heart, liver and gall. Reaching Ecbatana they are hospitably lodged in the home of Raguel, and at once Tobias falls madly in love with the beautiful daughter Sarah, and desires to have her for wife. This is approved by the girl\'s parents and by Raphael, and the marriage takes place. Before going together for the night the angel instructs the bridegroom to burn the heart and liver of the fish he had caught in the Tigris. The smoke that resulted acted as a countercharm, for it drove away the evil spirit who nevermore returned (Tobit 8:1ff). At the request of Tobias, Raphael leaves for Rages and brings from Gabael the ten talents left in his charge by Tobit. Tobias and his bride led by the angel now set out for Nineveh amid the prayers and blessings of Raguel and with half his wealth. They are warmly welcomed by the aged and anxious parents Tobit and Anna, and Tobias\' dog which he took with him (Tobit 5:16) was so pleased upon getting back to the old home that, according to the Vulgate (Jerome\'s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) rendering, he "ran on before as if bringing the news..., showing his joy by fawning and by wagging his tail" (Vulgate Tobit 11:9; compare English Versions of the Bible 11:4). Upon reaching his father, acting upon Raphael\'s directions, Tobias heals Tobit\'s demon-caused blindness by applying to the old man\'s eyes the gall of the fish, whereupon sight returns and the family\'s cup of happiness is full. The angel is offered a handsome fee for the services he has rendered, but, refusing all, he declares who he is and why he was sent by God, who deserves all the praise, he none. Tobit, having a presentiment of the coming doom of Nineveh, urges his son to leave the country and make his home in Media after the death of his parents. Tobias is commanded to write the events which had happened to him in a book (12:20). We then have Tobit\'s hymn of praise and thanksgiving and a record of his death at the age of 158 years (Tobit 13; 14). Tobias and Sarah, in accordance with Tobit\'s advice, leave for Ecabatana. His parents-in-law follow his parents into the other world, and at the age of 127 he himself dies, though not before hearing of the destruction of Nineveh by Nebuchadnezzar (14:13-15).<P>4. Fact or Fiction?:<P>Luther seems to have been the first to call in question the literal historicity of this book, regarding it rather in the light of a didactic romance. The large number of details pervading the book, personal, local and chronological, give it the appearance of being throughout a historical record; but this is but part of the author\'s article. His aim is to interest, instruct and encourage his readers, who were apparently in exile and had fallen upon evil times. What the writer seeks to make clear is that if they are faithful to their religious duties, giving themselves to prayer and almsgiving, burying their dead instead of exposing them on the "Tower of Silence," as did the Persians, then God would be faithful to them as He had been to Tobit.<P>That the book was designed to be a book of religious instruction and not a history appears from the following considerations:<P>(1) There are historical and geographical inaccuracies in the book. It was not Shalmaneser (Enemessar) who made the tribes of Naphtali and Zebulun exiles in Assyria, but Tiglath-pileser (734); see <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',15,29);">2Ki 15:29</a>. Sennacherib was not the son of Shalmaneser (Tobit 1:15), but of Sargon the Usurper. Moreover, the Tigris does not lie on the way from Nineveh to Ecbatana, as Tobit 6f imply.<P>(2) The prominence given to certain Jewish principles and practices makes it clear that the book was written on their account. See Tobit 1:3ff, Tobit\'s integrity, his support of the Jerusalem sanctuary, his almsgiving, etc.: (a) he buries the dead bodies of Jews; (b) he and his wife pray; (c) he teaches Tobias to keep the Law, give alms, etc. Note in particular the teaching of Raphael the angel (Tobit 12:6ff) and that contained in Tobit\'s song of praise (Tobit 13).<P>(3) The writer has borrowed largely from other sources, Biblical and non-Biblical, and he shows no regard for correctness of facts so long as he succeeds in making the teaching clear and the tale interesting. The legend about the angel who pretended to be an orthodox Jew with a proper Jewish name and pedigree was taken from popular tradition and could hardly have been accepted by the writer as literally true.<P>For oral and written sources used by the author of Tobit see the next section. A writer whose aim was to give an exact account of things which happened would hardly have gone to so many sources belonging to such different times, nor would he bring into one life events which in the sources belong to many lives (Job, etc.).<P>5. Some Sources:<P>The Book of Tobit is dependent upon older sources, oral or written, more than is the case with most books in the Apocrypha. The following is a brief statement of some of these:<P>(1) The Book of Job.<P>Besides belonging to the same general class of literature as Job, such as deals with the problem of suffering, Tobit presents us with a man in whose career there are alternations of prosperity and adversity similar to those that meet us in Job. When Anna reproaches her husband for continuing to believe in a religion which fails him at the critical moment (Tobit 2:14), we have probably to see a reflection of the similar incident in Job ("renounce God and die" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',2,9);">Job 2:9</a>)).<P>(2) The Book of Sirach.<P>There are so many parallels between Sirach and Tobit that some kind of dependence seems quite clear. Take the following as typical: Both lay stress on the efficacy of alms-giving (Tobit 4:11; 12:9; compare Sirach 3:30; 29:12; 40:24). Both teach the same doctrine of Sheol as the abode of feelingless shades to which the good as well as the bad go (Tobit 3:6,10; 13:2, compare Sirach 46:19; 14:16; 17:28). The importance of interring the dead is insisted upon in both books (Tobit 1:17; 2:3,7; 4:3f; compare Sirach 7:33; 30:18; 38:16). The same moral duties are emphasized: continued attention to God and the life He enjoins (Tobit 4:5f; 19; compare Sirach 6:37; 8:8-14; 35:10; 37:2); chastity and the duty of marrying within one\'s own people (Tobit 4:12f; 8:6; compare Sirach 7:26; 36:24); proper treatment of servants (Tobit 4:14; compare Sirach 7:20f); the sin of covetousness (Tobit 5:18f; compare Sirach 5); see more fully Speaker\'s Apocrypha, I, 161 f.<P>(3) The Achiqar Legend.<P>We now know that the story of Ahikar referred to in Tobit 14:10 existed in many forms and among many ancient nations. The substance of the legend is briefly that Achiqar was prime minister in Assyria under Sennacherib. Being childless he adopted a boy Nadan (called "Aman" in 14:10) and spared no expense or pains to establish him well in life. Upon growing up the young man turns out badly and squanders, not only his own money, but that of Achiqar. When rebuked and punished by the latter, he intrigues against his adoptive father and by false letters persuades the king that his minister is a traitor. Achiqar is condemned to death, but the executioner saves the fallen minister\'s life and conceals him in a cellar below his (Achiqar\'s) house. In a great crisis which unexpectedly arises the king expresses the wish that he had still with him his old and (as he thought) now executed minister. He is delighted to find after all that he is alive, and he loses no time in restoring him to his lost position, handing over to him Nadan for such punishment as he thinks fit.<P>There can be no doubt that the "Achiacharus" of Tobit (Achiacharos, 1:21f; 2:10; 11:18; 14:10), a nephew of Tobit, is the Achiqar of the above story. George Hoffmann of Kiel (Auszuge aus syrischen Akten persiacher Martyrer) was the first to connect the Achiqar legend with the Achiacharus of Tobit, though he believed that the story arose in the Middle Ages under the influence of Tobit. Modern scholars, however, agree that the story is of heathen origin and of older date than Tobit. Rendel Harris published a Syriac version of this legend together with an Introduction and translation (Cambridge Press, 1898), but more important are the references to this tale in the papyri found at Elephantine and recently published by Eduard Sachau, Aramaic Papyrus und Ostraka, (1911, 147ff). This last proves that the tale is as old as 400 BC at least. For lull bibliography on the subject (up to 1909) see Schurer, GJV4, III, 256ff. See also The Story of Achiqar from the Syriac, Arabic, Armenian, Greek, Slavonic versions by Conybeare, J. Rendel Harris and A. S. Lewis,1898,and in particular Histoire et Sagesse d\'Achiqar, paragraph Francois Nace, 1909.<P>(4) The Book of Esther:<P>The occurrence in Tobit 14:10 of "Aman" for "Nadan" may show dependence upon Esther, in which book Haman, prime minister and favorite of Ahasuerus (Xerxes, 485-464 BC) exhibits treachery comparable with that of Nadan. But Esther seems to the present writer to have been written after and not before Tobit (see Century Bible, "Esther," 299ff). It is much more likely that a copyist substituted, perhaps unconsciously through mental association, the name Haman for that which stood originally in the text. Marshall (HDB, IV, 789) thinks that the author of Tobit was acquainted with the Book of Jubilees, but he really proves no more than that both have many resemblances. In its angelology and demonology the Book of Jubilees is much more developed and belongs to a later date (about 100 BC; see R.H. Charles, Book of Jubilees, lviff, lviiiff). But the two writings have naturally much in common because both were written to express the sentiments of strict Jews living in the 2nd century BC.<P>6. Date:<P>This book seems to reflect the Maccabean age, an age in which faithful Jews suffered for their religion. It is probable that Judith and Tobit owe their origin to the same set of circumstances, the persecutions of the Jews by the Syrian party. The book belongs therefore to about 160 BC. The evidence is external and internal.<P>(1) External.<P>(a) Tobit 14:4-9 implies the existence of the Book of Jonah and also the completion and recognition of the prophetic Canon (about 200 BC).<P>(b) Since Sirach is used as a source, that book must have been written, i.e. Tobit belongs to a later date than say 180 BC.<P>(c) The Christian Father Polycarp in 112 AD quotes from Tobit, but there is no earlier allusion to the book. The external evidence proves no more than that Tobit must have been written after 180 BC and before 112 AD.<P>(2) Internal.<P>(a) Tobit 14:5f seems to show that Jonah was written while the temple of Zerubbabel was in existence, but before this structure had been replaced by the gorgeous temple erected under Herod the Great: i.e. Tobit was written before 25 BC.<P>(b) The stress laid upon the burial of the dead suits well the period of the Syrian persecution, when we know Antiochus Epiphanes allowed Jewish corpses to lie about unburied.<P>(c) We have in Tobit and Judith the same zeal for the Jewish Law and its observance which in a special degree marked the Maccabean age. Noldeke and Lohr (Kautzsch, Apok. des Altes Testament, 136) argue for a date about 175 BC, on the ground that in Tobit there is an absence of that fervent zeal for Judaism and that hatred of men and things non-Jewish which one finds in books written during the Maccabean wars. But we know for certain that when the Maccabean enthusiasm was at its height there existed all degrees of fervor among the Jews, and it would be a strange thing if all the literature of the time represented but one phase of the national life.<P>7. Place of Composition:<P>We have no means of ascertaining who wrote this book, for the ascription of the authorship to Tobit (1:1ff) is but a literary device. There are, however, data which help in fixing the nationality of the writer and the country in which he lived. That the author was a Jew is admitted by all, for no other than a Jew could have shown such a deep interest in Jewish things and in the fortunes of the Jewish nation. Moreover, the fact that Tobit, though member of the Northern Kingdom, is represented as worshipping at the Jerusalem temple and observing the feasts there (1:4-7) makes it probable that the author was a member of the Southern Kingdom wishing to glorify the religion of his country.<P>That he did not live in Palestine is suggested by several considerations:<P>(1) The book describes the varying fortunes of Jews in exile so completely and with such keen sympathy as to suggest that the writer was himself one of them.<P>(2) The affectionate language in which he refers to Jerusalem and its religious associations (Tobit 1:4ff) is such as a member of the Diaspora would use.<P>(3) The author nowhere reveals a close personal knowledge of Palestine. That Tobit, the ostensible author (1:1), should be set forth as a native of Galilee (1:1f) is due to the art of the writer.<P>Assuming that the book was written in a foreign land, opinions differ as to which. The evidence seems to favor either Persia or Egypt. In favor of Persia is the Persian background of the book. Asmodeus (Tobit 3:8,17) is the Pets Aesma daeva. The duty of burying the dead is suggested to the Jewish writer by the Persian (Zoroastrian) habit of exposing dead bodies on the "Tower of Silence" to be eaten by birds. Consanguineous marriages are forbidden in the Pentateuch (see <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',18,6);">Le 18:6</a>ff); but they are favored by Tobit 1:9; 3:15; 4:12; 7:4. The latter seems to show that Tobias and Sarah whom he married were first cousins. Marriages between relatives were common among the Iranians and were defended by the magicians as a religious duty. One may say it was allowed in the particular case in question on account of the special circumstances, the fewness of Jews in the parts where the families of Tobit and Raguel lived; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',36,4);">Nu 36:4</a>ff for another special case. The fact that a dog is made to accompany Tobias on his journey to Ecbatana (Tobit 5:17; 11:4) favors a Persian origin, but is so repugnant to Semitic ideas that it is omitted from the Hebrew versions of this story (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=DOG">DOG</A>). For an elaborate defense of a Persian origin of Tobit see J. H. Moulton, The Expository Times, XI, 157ff; compare H. Maldwyn Hughes, The Ethics of Jewish Apocryphal Literature, 42ff. The evidence is not decisive; for a knowledge of Iranian modes of thought and expression may be possessed by persons living far away from Iranian territory. And at some points Tobit teaches things contrary to Zoroastrianism. Noldeke and Lohr hold that the book was composed in Egypt, referring to the facts that the demon Asmodeus on being overcome flees to Egypt (8:3) and that there were Jews in Egypt who remained loyal to their ancestral faith and were nevertheless promoted to high places in the state. The knowledge of Mesopotamia shown by the author is so defective (see 4, above) that a Mesopotamian origin for the book cannot be conceived of.<P>8. Versions:<P>Tobit exists in an unusually large number of manuscripts and versions showing that the book was widely read and regarded as important. But what is peculiar in the case of this book is that its contents differ largely<6C>and not seldom in quite essential matters<72>in the various manuscripts, texts and translations (see 3. above).<P>Tobit has come down to us in the following languages:<P>(1) Greek.<P>Manuscripts of the Greek text belong to three classes:<P>(a) that found in the uncials Codex Vaticanus and Codex Alexandrinus, BA, (which are almost identical) and most Greek manuscripts; our English and other modern translations are made from this;<P>(b) that of Codex Sinaiticus which deviates from (a) often in important matters. The old Latin tallies with this very closely;<P>(c) that of Codices 44, 106 and 107 (adopting the numbers of Holmes and Parsons), which largely coincides with (b).<P>From 7:10 onward this text forms the basis of the Syriac (Peshitta) version Opinions differ as to which of these three Greek texts is the oldest. Fritzsche, Noldeke and Grimm defend the priority of BA. In favor of this are the following: This text exists in the largest number of manuscripts and translations; it is most frequently quoted by the Fathers and other early writers; it is less diffuse and more spontaneous, showing less editorial manipulation. Ewald, Reusch, Schurer, Nestle and J. Rendel Harris hold that &?#1488; [Aleph] represents the oldest Greek text. Schurer (GJV4, III, 243) gives the principal arguments for this view (compare Fuller, Speaker\'s Commentary, I, 168f). &?#1488; [Aleph] is much fuller than BA. Condensation (compare BA) is much more likely, Fuller and Schurer say, than expansion (Codex Sinaiticus); but this is questioned. In some cases, Codex Sinaiticus preserves an admittedly better text, which is of course true often of the Septuagint and even the minor versions as against the Massoretic Text.<P>(2) Latin.<P>(i) The Old Latin based on Codex Sinaiticus found in (i) the editions published in 1751 by Sabbathier (Bib. Sac. Latin versions Antiq.); (ii) in the Book of Tobit (A. Neubauer, 1878). This text exists in at least three recensions. (b) The Vulgate, which simply reproduces Jerome\'s careless translation made in a single night; see (3). In Judith and Tobit, the Vulgate (Jerome\'s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) is in every respect identical with its translation made by Jerome.<P>(3) Aramaic (a Term Which Strictly Embraces Syriac).<P>(a) That from which Jerome\'s Jewish help made the Hebrew that formed the basis of Jerome\'s Latin version. We have no copy of this (see next section).<P>(b) That published by Neubauer (Book of Tobit, a Chaldee Text) which was found by him imbedded in a Jewish Midrash of the 15th century.<P>Neubauer was convinced and tried to prove that this is the version which Jerome\'s teacher put into Hebrew and which therefore formed the basis of Jerome\'s own version In favor of this is the fact that in Tobit 1-36, and therefore throughout the book, Tobit is spoken of in the third person alike in this Aramaic (Chaldee) version and in Jerome\'s Latin translation; whereas in all the other versions (compare chapters 1-36) Tobit speaks in the first person ("I," etc.). But the divergences between this Aramaic and Jerome\'s Latin versions are numerous and important, and Neubauer\'s explanations are inadequate (op. cit., viff). Besides, Dalman (Grammatik des jud.-palest. Aramaic,1894,27-29) proves from the language that this version belongs to the 7th century AD or to a later time.<P>(4) Syriac.<P>The text of this version was first printed in the London Polyglot (Volume IV) and in a critically revised form in the Lib. Apocrypha. Vet. Test. Syriac of Lagarde. This text consists of parts of two different versions. The Hexaplar text based on the usual manuscripts (Codex Vaticanus and Codex Alexandrinus etc.) is used from Tobit 1:1-7:9. From 7:10 onward the text corresponds closely with the Greek, א [Aleph] , and ת [Tav] especially in parts, with the manuscripts 44,106,107. See fully Schurer, GJV4, 244ff.<P>(5) Hebrew.<P>None of the Hebrew recensions are old. Two Hebrew texts of Tobit have been known since the 16th century, having been printed then and often afterward. Both are to be found in the London Polyglot.<P>(a) That known as Hebraeus Munsteri (HM), from the fact that it was published at Basel in 1542 by Sebastian Munster, though it had also been printed in 1516 at Constantinople.<P>(b) That known as Hebraeus Fagii (HF), on account of the fact that Paul Fagius published it in 1542.<P>It had, however, been previously published, i.e. in Constantinople in 1517. HF introduces Biblical phraseology wherever possible. Since these are comparatively late translations they have but little critical value, and the same statement applies to the two following Hebrew translations discovered, edited and translated by Dr. M. Caster (see PSBA, XVIII, 204ff, 259ff; XIX, 27ff):<P>(a) A Hebrew manuscript found in the British Museum and designated by him HL. This manuscript agrees with the Vulgate (Jerome\'s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) and Aramaic at some points where the other authorities differ, and Dr. Gaster thinks it not unlikely that in HL we have a copy of the original text. He has not been followed by any scholar in this opinion.<P>(b) Dr. Gaster copied some years ago from a Hebrew Midrash, apparently no longer existing, a condensed Hebrew version (HG) of Tobit. Like HL it agrees often with the Vulgate and Aramaic against other versions and manuscripts.<P>(6) Ethiopic.<P>Dillmann has issued the ancient Ethiopic versions in his Biblia Veteris Testamenti Aethiopica, V, 1894.<P>9. Original Language:<P>The majority of modern scholars, who have a better knowledge of Sere than the older scholars, hold that the original text of Tobit was Semitic (Aramaic or Hebrew); so Ewald, Hilgenfeld, Graetz, Neubauer, Bickell, Fuller (Speaker\'s Apocrypha), Marshall (HDB). In favor of this are the following considerations:<P>(1) The existence of an Aramaic text in Jerome\'s day (see (3), above).<P>(2) The proper names in the book, male and female, have a Semitic character.<P>(3) The style of the writer is Semitic rather than Aryan, many of the expressions making bad Greek, but when turned into Semitic yielding good Aramaic or Hebrew.<P>See the arguments as set out by Fuller (Speaker\'s Apocrypha, I, 164ff). Marshall (HDB, III, 788) gives his reasons for concluding that the original language was Aramaic, not Hebrew, in this opinion following Neubauer (op. cit.). Graetz (Monatsschrift far Geschichte und Wissenschaft der Juden,1879,386ff) gives his grounds for deciding for a Hebrew original. That the book was written in Greek is the view upheld by Fritzsche, Noldeke, W.R. Smith, Schurer and Lbhr. The text of Codex Vaticanus and Codex Alexandrinus says Lohr, contains Greek of the most idiomatic kind, and gives no suggestion of being a translation.<P>LITERATURE.<P>Much of the best literature has been cited in the course of the preceding article. See also "Literature" in article <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=APOCRYPHA">APOCRYPHA</a>, for text, comms., etc., and the Bible Dicts., Encyclopedia Biblica (W. Erbt) and HDB (J. T. Marshall). Note in addition the following: K. D. Ilgen, Die Geschichte Tobias, nach den drei verschiedenen Originalen, Griechisch, Lateinisch u. Syriac., etc., 1800; Ewald, Gesch.3, IV, 269-74; Graetz, Gesch.2, IV, 466ff; Noldeke, "Die Texte des Buchs Tobit," Monatsschrift der Berlin Acad.,1879,45ff; Bickell, "A Source of the Book of Tobit," Athenaeum,1890,700ff; 1891, 123ff; I. Abrahams, "Tobit\'s Dog," Jewish Quarterly Review, I,3,288 E. Cosquin, "Le livre de Tobie et l\'histoire du sage Achiqar," Rev. Biblical Int., VIII,1899,50-82, 519-31, rejects R. Harris\' views; Margarete Plath, "Zum Buch Tobit," Stud. und Krit.,1901,377-414; I. Levi, "La langue originale de Tobit," Rev. Juive, XLIV,1902,288-91, Oxford Apocrypha, "Tobit" (full bibliography).``33';
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isbe[8838]='Tochen`to\'-ken (tokhen, "task," "measure"; Codex Vaticanus Thokka; Codex Alexandrinus Thochchan): One of the cities of Simeon, mentioned with Rimmen and Ashan (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',4,32);">1Ch 4:32</a>). The name does not appear in Joshua\'s list (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',19,7);">Jos 19:7</a>), but in that place the Septuagint gives Thokka, from which we may infer that the name has fallen out in the Hebrew. It is not identified.``1';
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isbe[8839]='Togarmah`to-gar\'-ma [togharmah]; Thorgama, Thergama, Thurgama, Thurgaba; Vulgate (Jerome\'s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) Thorgoma):<P>1. Its Forms: A Suggested Identification:<P>The 3rd son of Gomer, and grandson of Japheth, his brothers being Ashkenaz and Riphath (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',10,3);">Ge 10:3</a>). The meaning of the name is doubtful. Grimm (Gesch. deutsch. Sprache, II, 325) suggests Sanskr. toka, "tribe," and arma = Armenia. Etymological and other difficulties stand in the way of French Delitzsch\'s identification of Togarmah with the Assyrian Til-garimmu, "hill of Garimmu," or, possibly, "of the bone-heap," a fortress of Melitene, on the borders of Tabal (Tubal).<P>2. Probably Armenia or a Tract Connected Therewith:<P>In <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',27,14);">Eze 27:14</a> Togarmah is mentioned after Tubal, Javan and Mesech as supplying horses and mules to the Tyrians, and in 38:6 it is said to have supplied soldiers to the army of Gog (Gyges of Lydia). In the Assyrian inscriptions horses came from Kusu (neighborhoed of Cappadocia), Andia and Mannu, to the north of Assyria. Both Kiepert and Dillmann regard Togarmah as having been southeastern Armenia, and this is at present the general opinion. The ancient identification of their country with Togarmah by the Armenians, though correct, is probably due to the Septuagint transposition of "g" and "r" (Thorgama for Togarmah), which has caused them to see therein the name of Thorgom, father of Haik, the founder of their race (Moses of Khor, I,4,secs. 9-11). <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',27,14);">Eze 27:14</a> (Swete) alone has "g" before "r": Thaigrama. The name "Armenia" dates from the 5th century BC.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=armenia">ARMENIA</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=table+of+nations">TABLE OF NATIONS</a>`136';
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isbe[8840]='Tohu`to\'-hu.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=nahath">NAHATH</a>`1';
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isbe[8841]='Toi`to\'-i.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=tou">TOU</a>`1';
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isbe[8842]='Token`to\'-k\'-n (\'oth, usually rendered "sign" (on <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',22,14);">De 22:14</a>ff see the comms.)): "Sign" and "token" are virtually synonymous words and in the King James Version are used with little or no distinction (in <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',13,\'1-\');">Ex 13</a>, compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',13,9);">13:9</A> and <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',13,16);">16</A>). If there is any difference, "token" is perhaps more concrete and palpable than "sign," but this difference cannot be stressed. The modern use of "token," however, as a "memorial of something past" found in <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',17,10);">Nu 17:10</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',2,12);">Jos 2:12</a>. the Revised Version (British and American) has substituted sign in <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',13,16);">Ex 13:16</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',135,9);">Ps 135:9</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',44,25);">Isa 44:25</a>, and the American Standard Revised Version has "evidence" in <a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',21,29);">Job 21:29</a> (a needlessly prosaic change). The four New Testament examples, <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',14,44);">Mr 14:44</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',1,28);">Php 1:28</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Th\',1,5);">2Th 1:5</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Th\',3,17);">3:17</a> (each for a different Greek word) are self-explanatory.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=sign">SIGN</a>`48';
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isbe[8843]='Tokhath`tok\'-hath.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=tikvah">TIKVAH</a>`1';
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isbe[8844]='Tola`to\'-la (tola\', "worm" or "scarlet stuff"):<P>(1) One of the four sons of Issachar (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',46,13);">Ge 46:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',7,1);">1Ch 7:1</a>), mentioned among those who journeyed to Egypt with Jacob (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',46,8);">Ge 46:8</a>f), and in the census taken by Moses and Eleazar, as father of the Tolaites (<a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',26,23);">Nu 26:23</a>) whose descendants in the reign of David included 22,600 "mighty men of valor" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',7,2);">1Ch 7:2</a>).<P>(2) One of the Judges, the son of Puah, a man of Isaachar. He dwelt in the hill country of Ephraim in the village of Shamir, where after judging Israel 23 years he was buried (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',10,1,2);">Jud 10:1,2</a>). In the order of succession he is placed between Abimelech and Jair. It is interesting to note that both Tola and Puah are names of colors, and that they occur together both in the case of the judge and in that of the sons of Isaachar. They may therefore be looked upon as popular typical or ancestral names of the Issachar tribe, although current critical theories seek an explanation in a confusion of texts.``80';
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isbe[8845]='Tolad`to-\'lad.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=eltolad">ELTOLAD</a>`1';
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isbe[8846]='Tolaites`to-\'la-its.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=tola">TOLA</a>`1';
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isbe[8847]='Tolbanes`tol\'-ba-nez, tol-ba\'-nez (Tolbanes): One of the porters who had taken foreign wives (1Esdras 9:25) = "Telem" of <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',10,24);">Ezr 10:24</a>; perhaps identical with the porter Talmon (<a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',12,25);">Ne 12:25</a>).``1';
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isbe[8848]='Toll`tol: (1) Aramaic middah, "toll" or "tribute" paid by a vassal nation to its conqueror (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',4,20);">Ezr 4:20</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',6,8);">6:8</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',5,4);">Ne 5:4</a>); written also mindah (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',4,13);">Ezr 4:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',7,24);">7:24</a>). More accurately for halakh, "toll," or "way tax" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',4,13,20);">Ezr 4:13,20</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',7,24);">7:24</a>). In New Testament times the Romans had placed throughout Palestine many toll stations (telonion). Levi the publican was stationed at such a tax office (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',9,9);">Mt 9:9</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',2,14);">Mr 2:14</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',5,27);">Lu 5:27</a>); compare telones, a "tax collector" or "publican." The tax which the Jews paid toward the support of the temple, a didrachma, is called telos, "toll" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',17,25);">Mt 17:25</a>), the same as the word rendered "tribute" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Rom\',13,7);">Ro 13:7</a>).``137';
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isbe[8849]='Tomb`toom.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=burial">BURIAL</a>`1';
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isbe[8850]='Tomorrow`too-mor\'-o.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=morrow">MORROW</a>`1';
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isbe[8851]='Tongs`tongz (melqachayim): This word is, where it occurs in the King James Version and the English Revised Version, with two exceptions, changed in the American Standard Revised Version into "snuffers" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',25,38);">Ex 25:38</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',4,9);">Nu 4:9</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',4,21);">2Ch 4:21</a>; see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=SNUFFERS">SNUFFERS</A>), The exceptions are <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',7,49);">1Ki 7:49</a>, "tongs of gold," and <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',6,6);">Isa 6:6</a>, "taken with the tongs from off the altar."<P>In <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',44,12);">Isa 44:12</a>, where another word (ma\'atsadh) is used, "the smith with the tongs" of the King James Version is changed in the Revised Version (British and American) into "the smith maketh an axe" (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',10,3);">Jer 10:3</a>).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=altar">ALTAR</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=tools">TOOLS</a>`1';
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isbe[8852]='Tongue`tung: Almost invariably for either lashon, or glossa the latter word with the cognates heteroglossos, "of strange tongues" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',14,21);">1Co 14:21</a>), glossodes, "talkative," English Versions of the Bible "full of tongue" (Sirach 8:3; 9:18), glossotomeo, "to cut out the tongue" (2Macc 7:4), diglossos, "double-tongued" (Sirach 5:9; 28:13). In <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ti\',3,8);">1Ti 3:8</a>, however, "double-tongued" is for dilogos, literally, "two-worded." Where "tongue" in the King James Version translates dialektos (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',1,19);">Ac 1:19</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',2,8);">2:8</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',21,40);">21:40</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',22,2);">22:2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',26,14);">26:14</a>), the Revised Version (British and American) has "language," while for the King James Version "in the Hebrew tongue" in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',5,2);">Joh 5:2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Rev\',9,11);">Re 9:11</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Rev\',16,16);">16:16</a> (Hebraisti) the Revised Version (British and American) has simply "in Hebrew." In addition, in the Old Testament and Apocrypha, the King James Version uses "to hold one\'s tongue" as a translation for various verbs meaning "to be silent"; the Revised Version (British and American) in the Old Testament writes "to hold one\'s peace" and in the Apocrypha "to be silent," except in Sirach 32:8, where the King James Version is retained (siopao).<P>The various uses of "tongue" in English are all possible also for lashon and glossa, whether as the physical organ (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',11,7);">Ex 11:7</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',7,33);">Mr 7:33</a>, etc.) or as meaning "language" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',10,5);">Ge 10:5</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',2,4);">Ac 2:4</a>, etc.) or as describing anything shaped like a tongue (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',11,15);">Isa 11:15</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',2,3);">Ac 2:3</a>, etc.). In addition, both words, especially lashon appear in a wider range of meanings than can be taken by "tongue" in modern English. So the tongue appears as the specific organ of speech, where we should prefer "mouth" or "lips" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',4,10);">Ex 4:10</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',71,24);">Ps 71:24</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',78,36);">78:36</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Pro\',16,1);">Pr 16:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Phl\',2,11);">Php 2:11</a>, etc.), and hence, "tongue" is used figuratively for the words uttered (<a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',6,30);">Job 6:30</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',139,4);">Ps 139:4</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Jo\',3,18);">1Joh 3:18</a>, etc.). So the tongue can be said to have moral qualities (<a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',109,2);">Ps 109:2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Pro\',15,4);">Pr 15:4</a>, etc.) or to be "glad" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',2,26);">Ac 2:26</a>); to "love with the tongue" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Jo\',3,18);">1Joh 3:18</a>) is to love in word only, and to be "double-tongued" (Sirach 5:9; 28:13; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ti\',3,8);">1Ti 3:8</a> is to be a liar. A further expansion of this figurative use has produced expressions that sound slightly bizarre in English, although their meaning is clear enough: e.g., "Who have whet their tongue like a sword" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',64,3);">Ps 64:3</a>); "His tongue is as a devouring fire" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',30,27);">Isa 30:27</a>); "My tongue is the pen of a ready writer" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',45,1);">Ps 45:1</a>), and, especially, "Their tongue walketh through the earth" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',73,9);">Ps 73:9</a>).<P>In <a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',20,12);">Job 20:12</a>, "Though wickedness be sweet in his mouth, though he hide it under his tongue," the figure is that of an uncultured man rolling a choice morsel around in his mouth so as to extract the utmost flavor. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',10,7);">Ps 10:7</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',66,17);">66:17</a> (Revised Version margin), however "under the tongue" means "in readiness to utter," while in <a onClick="return mV(\'Sgs\',4,11);">So 4:11</a>, "Honey and milk are under thy tongue," the pleasure of a caress is described. To "divide their tongue" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',55,9);">Ps 55:9</a>) is to visit on offenders the punishment of Babel.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=tONGUES,+CONFUSION+OF">TONGUES, CONFUSION OF</a>`48';
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isbe[8853]='Tongues of Fire`(glossai hosei puros): The reference in this topic is to the marvelous gift of the Holy Spirit on the Day of Pentecost (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',2,\'1-13\');">Ac 2:1-13</a>). After His resurrection the Lord bade His disciples to tarry in Jerusalem until He should fulfill to them the promise of the Father, and until they should be clothed with power from on high (<a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',24,49);">Lu 24:49</a>). <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',1,8);">Ac 1:8</a> repeats the same gracious promise with additional particulars: "But ye shall receive power, when the Holy Spirit is come upon you: and ye shall be my witnesses both in Jerusalem, and in all Judea and Samaria, and unto the uttermost part of the earth." These were probably the last words our Lord spoke on earth before He ascended to the right hand of God.<P>1. Supernatural Manifestations:<P>When the Day of Pentecost was fully come and the disciples, no doubt by previous arrangement and with one accord, were gathered together in one place, the promise was gloriously fulfilled. On that day, the 50th after the Passover, and so the first day of the week, the Lord\'s day, the Spirit of God descended upon them in marvelous copiousness and power. The gift of the Spirit was accompanied by extraordinary manifestations or phenomena. These were three and were supernatural. His coming first appealed to the ear. The disciples heard a "sound from heaven," which rushed with mighty force into the house and filled it even as the storm rushes, but there was no wind. It was the sound that filled the house, not a wind. It was an invisible cause producing audible effects. Next, the eye was arrested by the appearance of tongues of fire which rested on each of the gathered company. Our the King James Version "cloven tongues" is somewhat misleading, for it is likely to suggest that each fire-like tongue was cloven or forked, as one sometimes sees in the pictures representing the scene. But this is not at all the meaning of Luke\'s expression; rather, tongues parting asunder, tongues distributed among them, each disciple sharing in the gift equally with the others. "Like as of fire," or, more exactly, "as if of fire," indicates the appearance of the tongues, not that they were actually aflame, but that they prefigured the marvelous gift with which the disciples were now endowed.<P>Finally, there was the impartation to them of a new strange power to speak in languages they had never learned. It was because they were filled with the Holy Spirit that this extraordinary gift was exhibited by them. Not only did the Spirit enable them thus to speak, but even the utterance of words depended on His divine influence<63>they spake "as the Spirit gave them utterance."<P>Many attempts have been made by writers on the Acts to explain the phenomenon of Pentecost so as to exclude in whole or in part the supernatural element which Luke unquestionably recognizes. Some try to account for the gift of tongues by saying that it was a new style of speaking, or new forms of expression, or new and elevated thoughts, but this is both unnatural and wholly inconsistent with the narrative where a real difference of language is implied. Others imagine that the miracle was wrought upon the ears of the hearers, each of whom supposed what he heard to be uttered in his mother-tongue. But this view contradicts the distinct statement in <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',2,4);">Ac 2:4</a>: they "began to speak with other tongues," i.e. the disciples did. It contradicts what the multitude affirmed, namely, "How hear we, every man in our own language, wherein we were born?" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',2,8);">2:8</A>). Furthermore, the view contains an element of falsehood, for in this case the miracle was wrought to make men believe what was not actually the fact. The only reasonable explanation of the phenomena is that which the record bears on its face, and which Luke obviously meant his readers to believe, namely, that the Holy Spirit enabled the disciples to speak in the various languages represented by the multitude gathered together at the time.<P>2. Sinai and Pentecost:<P>The scenes witnessed at Pentecost were somewhat analogous to the events which occurred at the giving of the Law at Sinai, but the contrast between them is much more pronounced. We are told in <a onClick="return mV(\'Hbr\',12,18,19);">Heb 12:18,19</a> that "tempest," "fire," and "the voice of words" attended the inauguration of the Mosaic dispensation. Something similar was witnessed at Pentecost. But the differences between the two are very marked. At Sinai there were also the blackness and darkness, the quaking earth, the thunderings and lightnings, the voice of the trumpet exceeding loud, the terror of the people, and the fear of Moses (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',19,\'16-18\');">Ex 19:16-18</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Hbr\',12,18,19);">Heb 12:18,19</a>). Nothing of this was seen at Pentecost.<P>The phenomena characterize the two dispensations. That of Sinai was legal. Its substance was: Do and live; disobey and die. Law knows no mercy, extends no grace. Exact justice is its rule, perfect righteousness its requirement, and death its penalty. No wonder terrible things accompanied its proclamation, and Moses trembled with fear. No wonder it was called "a fiery law" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',33,2);">De 33:2</a>).<P>3. Qualities Imparted by the Spirit:<P>With the advent of the Spirit came perfect grace, divine power and complete pardon for the worst of men. At Sinai God spoke in one language. At Pentecost the Spirit through the disciples spoke in many tongues (15 in all are mentioned in <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',2,\'1-\');">Ac 2</a>). The Law was for one people alone; the gospel is for the whole race. The sound that accompanied the outpouring of the Spirit filled all the house and all the disciples likewise<73>token and pledge of the copiousness, the fullness of the gift. The tongues of flame signified the power of speech, boldness of utterance, and persuasiveness which from henceforth were to mark the testimony of the disciples.<P>The marvelous capabilities which the witnesses display after Pentecost are most noteworthy. It is common to admire their courage and zeal, to contrast their fearlessness in the presence of enemies and danger with their former timidity and cowardice. It is perhaps not so common to recognize in them the qualities that lie at the foundation of all effective work, that which gives to witness-bearing for Christ its real energy and potency. These qualities are such as: knowledge and wisdom, zeal and prudence, confidence and devotion, boldness and love. skill and tact. These and the like gifts appear in their discourses, in their behavior when difficulties arise and dangers impend, and in their conduct before the angry rulers. It is altogether remarkable with what skill and tact they defend themselves before the Sanhedrin, and with what effectiveness they preach the gospel of the grace of God to the multitude, often a scoffing and hostile multitude. In Peter\'s address on the Day of Pentecost there are the marks of the highest art, the most skillful logic, and the most, persuasive argument. Professor Stifler well says of it: "It is without a peer among the products of uninspired men. And yet it is the work of a Galilean fisherman, without culture or training, and his maiden effort." The like distinguished traits are found in Peter\'s address recorded in <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',3,\'1-\');">Ac 3</a>, in that to Cornelius and his friends, and in his defense when arraigned by the strict believers at Jerusalem for having gone into the company of men uncircumcised and having eaten with them. No less must be said of the equally wonderful reply of Stephen to the charge brought against him as recorded in <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',7,\'1-\');">Ac 7</a>. It is quite true that Stephen did not share in the effusion of the Spirit on the Day of Pentecost, so far as we know, but he did share in the gift and power of the Spirit soon after, for we are told that he was full of faith and of the Holy Spirit, that he was also full of grace and power. Accordingly, it should be no surprise to read, as the effect of his discourse, that the high priest and all the rest who heard him "were cut to the heart, and they gnashed on him with their teeth" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',7,54);">7:54</a>). Stephen spoke with a tongue of fire.<P>In the management of the serious complaint made by the Grecian Jews against the Hebrews as to the neglect of their widows in the daily ministration (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',6,1);">Ac 6:1</a>), and in their conduct and defense when brought before the council, as they were once and again (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',4,\'1-\');">Ac 4</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',5,\'1-\');">5</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',12,\'1-\');">12</a>), they exhibited a wisdom and prudence far enough removed from shrewdness and cunning. The qualities they possessed and displayed are uncommon, are more than human, they are the gift of the Holy Spirit with whom they were baptized on Pentecost. So the Lord Jesus had promised (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',13,11);">Mr 13:11</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',16,13);">Joh 16:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',1,8);">Ac 1:8</a>).<P>4. Distinguished from <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',12,\'1-\');">1 Corinthians 12</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',14,\'1-\');">14</a>:<P>The tongues of fire which we have been considering appear to have differed in one important aspect from the like gift bestowed on the Corinthians (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',12,\'1-\');">1Co 12</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',14,\'1-\');">14</a>). At Pentecost the disciples spoke in the languages of the various persons who heard them; there needed to be no interpreter, as was provided for at Corinth. Paul distinctly orders that if there be no one to explain or interpret the ecstatic utterance of a speaker, he shall keep silent (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',14,28);">1Co 14:28</a>). At Pentecost many spoke at the same time, for the Spirit had perfect control of the entire company and used each as it pleased Him. At Corinth Paul directed that not more than two or at most three should speak in a tongue, and that by course (one at a time). At Pentecost each one of the 15 nationalities there represented by the crowd heard in his own tongue wherein he was born the wonderful works of God. At Corinth no one understood the tongue, not even the speaker himself, for it seems to have been a rhapsody, an uncontrolled ecstatic outburst, and in case there was no one to interpret or explain it, the speaker was to hold his peace and speak to himself and to God, i.e. he must not disturb the worship by giving voice to his ecstasy unless the whole assembly should be edified thereby. Paul sets prophecy, or preaching the word of God, far above this gift of tongues.<P>It may not be out of place here to say that the so-called "gift of tongues," so loudly proclaimed by certain excitable persons in our day, has nothing in common with the mighty action of the Spirit of God on the day of Pentecost, and hardly anything with that which the Corinthian Christians enjoyed, and which Paul regulated with a master-hand.<P>LITERATURE.<P>Stifler, Introduction to the Book of Acts; Alexander, Commentary on the Acts; Kuyper, Work of the Holy Spirit; Moorehead, Outline Studies in Acts<74>Ephesians.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=tongues,+gift+of">TONGUES, GIFT OF</a>`123';
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isbe[8854]='Tongues, Confusion of`tungz:<P>1. The Narrative:<P>According to <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',11,\'1-9\');">Ge 11:1-9</a>, at some time not very long after the Flood, "the whole earth was of one language and of one speech. And it came to pass, as they journeyed east" (the "they" is left vague) that they settled in the land of Shinar (Babylonia). There they undertook to build "a city, and a tower, whose top may reach unto heaven," using the Bah burned brick and "slime" as building materials. The motive was to "make us a name; lest we be scattered abroad upon the face of the whole earth." This seems to mean that the buildings would give them a reputation for impregnability that would secure them against devastating invasions. "And Yahweh came down to see." And He said, "Nothing will be withholden from them, which they purpose to do. Come, let us go down, and there confound their language." The persons spoken to are not named (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',1,26);">Ge 1:26</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',3,22);">3:22</a>), nor is it explained how Yahweh, who in <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',11,5);">Ge 11:5</a> was on earth, is now in heaven. "So Yahweh scattered them abroad from thence," and the name of the city was "called Babel (babhel); because Yahweh did there confound (balal) the language of all the earth: and from thence did Yahweh scatter them abroad upon the face of all the earth."<P>The purpose of this narrative is the explanation of the diversity of human languages. They originated through an act of Yahweh, in order to destroy the presumptuous designs of the first builders of Babylon.<P>2. Context:<P>The section admittedly belongs to J and it has no connection with the matter (mostly P) in <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',10,\'1-\');">Ge 10</a>. For <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',10,\'1-\');">Genesis 10</a> explains the origin of the nations "every one after his tongue, after their families" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',10,5,20,31);">10:5,20,31</A>) as due to the orderly migration and gradual spreading of the sons and descendants of Noah, and names Nimrod (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',10,10);">10:10</>) as the sole founder of Babylon. Nor does <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',11,\'1-9\');">11:1-9</a> logically continue the J matter in <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',9,\'1-\');">Genesis 9</a>, as too many persons are involved for the time immediately following the Flood. Still, it is quite possible that some J matter was dropped when the J and P sources were united at this point. Another possibility is to see in <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',11,\'1-9\');">Ge 11:1-9</a> the continuation of <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',4,\'16-24\');">Ge 4:16-24</a>, which it carries on smoothly, with the same distrust of human culture. The murderer Cain went to the east of Eden (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',4,16);">4:16</A>), and his descendants brought in the knowledge of the various arts (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',4,20,21,22);">4:20-22</a>). These descendants journeyed still farther to the east (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',11,2);">11:2</A>), attempted to use their skill in building the tower and were punished by the balal catastrophe. No account of the Deluge could have followed, for all the diversities of languages would have been wiped away by that event.<P>This assumption of a special, early source within J probably best explains the facts. It is indicated by the very primitive, naive theology, which is much less developed than that of J as a whole. And the obscure relation of <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',11,\'1-9\');">Ge 11:1-9</a> to the Flood narrative is accounted for, for two narratives were combined here, one of which contained an account of the Deluge, while the other did not.<P>3. Homogeneity:<P>By using the repeated "going down" of verses <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',11,5,7);">5,7</a> as a clue, the section can be resolved fairly easily into two narratives, e.g.<P>(1) The men build a tower, "whose top may reach unto heaven," in order to make a name for themselves as marvelous builders. Yahweh, seeing the work beginning and "lest nothing be withholden from them," etc., goes down and confounds their language.<P>(2) The men build a city, as a defensive measure, "lest we be scattered abroad on the face of the whole earth." Yahweh goes down to see and scatters them abroad. For other analyses see the commentaries.<P>But they are hardly imperative. For (2) gives no motive for Yahweh\'s action, while "city" and "tower," "confusion of tongues" and "scattering," are complementary rather than parallel terms. The supposition that a few words describing Yahweh\'s return to heaven have disappeared somewhere from verse 6 relieves the awkwardness.<P>4. Historicity:<P>The "historicity" of the narrative will be upheld by very few persons of the present day. Human languages began to diverge (if, indeed there ever was such a thing as a primitive language) tens, if not hundreds, of thousands of years before the building of Babylon and long before human beings had attained enough skill to erect the most rudimentary structures, let alone such an elaborate affair as the brick-built city and tower of Babel. And what is true of languages as a whole is equally true of the languages spoken in the vicinity of Palestine. If Egyptian Hittite, and the Semitic group have any common point of origin, it lies vastly back of the time and cultural conditions presupposed in <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',11,\'1-9\');">Ge 11:1-9</a>. It is needless to enlarge on this, but for the harm done by a persistent clinging to the letter of the narrative, White\'s History of the Warfare of Science with Theology may be consulted. It belonged to the genius of the Hebrews to seek religious explanations of the things around them. And such an explanation of the origin of languages is the content of <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',11,\'1-9\');">Ge 11:1-9</a>.<P>5. Sources:<P>This explanation seems, as yet, to be without parallel, for the translation of the fragmentary British Museum Inscription K 3657 is entirely uncertain. Indeed, legends as to how the differences of human speech began seem to be extremely scanty everywhere, as if the question were not one that occupied the minds of primitive people. Comparative folklore still has much work to do as regards this special topic (for a few references see Encyclopedia Brit, 11th edition, article "Babel" and Gunkel Genesis3 in the place cited.). The other features of the narrative, however, are without great significance. Buildings that were unfinished because the builders offended the gods are fairly abundant, and it is quite possible that the writer of <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',11,\'1-9\');">Ge 11:1-9</a> had some particular Bah structure in mind (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=BABEL,+TOWER+OF">BABEL, TOWER OF</a>). Nor are attempts of men to climb into heaven difficult to conceive, when the sky is thought of (as it nearly always was until comparatively modern times) as a material dome. So Greek Baruch (3:6f) specifies that they "built the tower to the height of 463 cubits. And they took a gimlet, and sought to pierce the heaven, saying, Let us see whether the heaven is made of clay, or of brass, or of iron." Closely parallel to the Babel story is the Greek legend of the giants, who piled Pelion on Ossa in their attempt to storm the dwelling of the gods, and, as a matter of fact, the two accounts seem to be combined in Sib Or 3:97-104.<P>Whether aided by a tradition about some particular Babylonian tower or not, the localization of the story in Babylonia was inevitable. The Babylonians, above all nations in the world, relied on their wisdom and their skill, and so nowhere but in Babylon would this supreme presumption have been possible. Babylon, the embodiment of pride, at the very beginning of her existence was guilty of an act of pride so overwhelming as to call out God\'s vengeance. The "folk-etymology" babhel-balal (in Aramaic babhel-balbel) may have been suggested by this story or (perhaps more probably) it may have originated separately, perhaps at first as a piece of deliberate irony. Certainly the many languages that could be heard in Babylon were not without significance for the story.<P>6. Religious Value:<P>The religious value of the story is dimmed for the modern reader because of the very primitive concepts that it contains. The men are able to build up into heaven. In order to see what they are doing Yahweh is obliged to "come down." He is obliged to take action lest His dwelling-place be invaded (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',3,22);">Ge 3:22</a>). And the "let us go down" of <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',11,7);">Ge 11:7</a>, while certainly not polytheistic, is equally certainly a polytheistic "remnant." On the other hand, it is to be noted that God\'s power is never in question and that there is no desperate and uncertain battle as in the Greek legend. Important, also (and often overlooked), is the realization that God\'s power is just as active in Babylon as it is in Palestine. The primal meaning to the Israelite, however, was this: In Babylon was seen the greatest enemy of the people of God, possessing immeasurable resources. Humanly speaking, there were no limits to this power, and if it had been uncontrolled at the beginning, all the world would have been overwhelmed with the rule of evil. This God had prevented.<P>LITERATURE.<P>Driver in HDB; Cheyne (art. "Babel, Tower of") in EB; the commentaries. on Genesis, especially those of Skinner, Driver, Procksch, and Gunkel.``48';
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isbe[8855]='Tongues, Gift of`1. Basic Character of <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',14,\'1-\');">1 Corinthians 14</a>:<P>A spiritual gift mentioned in <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',10,\'44-46\');">Ac 10:44-46</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',11,15);">11:15</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',19,6);">19:6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',16,17);">Mr 16:17</a>, and described in <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',2,\'1-13\');">Ac 2:1-13</a> and at length in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',12,\'1-\');">1Co 12-14</a>, especially chapter <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',14,\'1-\');">14</A>. In fact, <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',14,\'1-\');">1Co 14</a> contains such a full and clear account that this passage is basic. The speaker in a tongue addressed God (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',14,2,28);">14:2,28</A>) in prayer (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',14,14);">14:14</A>), principally in the prayer of thanksgiving (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',14,15,16,17);">14:15-17</a>). The words so uttered were incomprehensible to the congregation (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',14,2,5,9);">14:2,5,9</a>, etc.), and even to the speaker himself (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',14,14);">14:14</A>). Edification, indeed, was gained by the speaker (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',14,4);">14:4</A>), but this was the edification of emotional experience only (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',14,14);">14:14</A>). The words were spoken "in the spirit" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',14,2);">14:2</a>); i.e. the ordinary faculties were suspended and the divine, specifically Christian, element in the man took control, so that a condition of ecstasy was produced. This immediate (mystical) contact with the divine enabled the utterance of "mysteries" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',14,2);">14:2</a>)<29>things hidden from the ordinary human understanding (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=MYSTERY">MYSTERY</A>). In order to make the utterances comprehensible to the congregation, the services of an "interpreter" were needed. Such a man was one who had received from God a special gift as extraordinary as the gifts of miracles, healings, or the tongues themselves (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',12,10,30);">12:10,30</a>); i.e. the ability to interpret did not rest at all on natural knowledge, and acquisition of it might be given in answer to prayer (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',14,13);">14:13</A>). Those who had this gift were known, and Paul allowed the public exercise of "tongues" only when one of the interpreters was present (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',14,28);">14:28</A>). As the presence of an interpreter was determined before anyone spoke, and as there was to be only one interpreter for the "two or three" speakers (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',14,28);">14:28</a>), any interpreter must have been competent to explain any tongue. But different interpreters did not always agree (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',14,26);">14:26</a>), whence the limitation to one.<P>2. Foreign Languages Barred Out:<P>These characteristics of an interpreter make it clear that "speaking in a tongue" at Corinth was not normally felt to be speaking in a foreign language. In <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',14,10);">1Co 14:10</a> English Versions of the Bible are misleading with "there are, it may be, so many kinds of voices in the world," which suggests that Paul is referring directly to the tongues. But tosauta there should be rendered "very many," "ever so many," and the verse is as purely illustrative as is <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',14,7);">14:7</a>. Hence, foreign languages are to be barred out. (Still, this need not mean that foreign phrases may not occasionally have been employed by the speakers, or that at times individuals may not have made elaborate use of foreign languages. But such cases were not normative at Corinth.) Consequently, if "tongues" means "languages," entirely new languages must be thought of. Such might have been of many kinds (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',12,28);">12:28</A>), have been regarded as a fit creation for the conveyance of new truths, and may even at times have been thought to be celestial languages<65>the "tongues of angels" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',13,1);">13:1</A>). On the other hand, the word for "tongue" (glossa) is of fairly common use in Greek to designate obsolete or incomprehensible words, and, specifically, for the obscure phrases uttered by an oracle. This use is closely parallel to the use in Corinth and may be its source, although then it would be more natural if the "ten thousand words in a tongue" of <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',14,19);">14:19</A> had read "ten thousand glossai." In no case, however, can "tongue" mean simply the physical organ, for <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',14,18,19);">14:18,19</A> speaks of articulated words and uses the plural "tongues" for a single speaker (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',14,5,6);">14:5,6</A>).<P>3. A State of Ecstasy:<P>A complete explanation of the tongues is given by the phenomena of ecstatic utterances, especially when taken in connection with the history of New Testament times. In ecstasy the soul feels itself so suffused with the divine that the man is drawn above all natural modes of perception (the understanding becomes "unfruitful"), and the religious nature alone is felt to be active. Utterances at such times naturally become altogether abnormal. If the words remain coherent, the speaker may profess to be uttering revelations, or to be the mere organ of the divine voice. Very frequently, however, what is said is quite incomprehensible, although the speaker seems to be endeavoring to convey something. In a still more extreme case the voice will be inarticulate, uttering only groans or outcries. At the termination of the experience the subject is generally unconscious of all that has transpired.<P>For the state, compare Philo, Quis rerum. divin., li-liii.249-66: "The best (ecstasy) of all is a divinely-infused rapture and \'mania,\' to which the race of the prophets is subject....The wise man is a sounding instrument of God\'s voice, being struck and played upon invisibly by Him....As long as our mind still shines (is active)...we are not possessed (by God)...but...when the divine light shines, the human light sets....The prophet...is passive, and another (God) makes use of his vocal organs." Compare, further, the descriptions of Celsus (Origen, Contra Celsus, vii.9), who describes the Christian "prophets" of his day as preaching as if God or Christ were speaking through them, closing their words with "strange, fanatical, and quite unintelligible words of which no rational person can find the meaning." The Greek papyri furnish us with an abundance of magical formulas couched in unintelligible terms (e.g. Pap. Lond.,121,"Iao, eloai, marmarachada, menepho, mermai, ieor, aeio, erephie, pherephio," etc.), which are not infrequently connected with an ecstatic state (e.g. Reitzenstein, Poimandres, 53-58).<P>Interpretation of the utterances in such a state would always be difficult and diversities of interpretation would be unavoidable. Still, with a fixed content, such as the Christian religion gave, and with the aid of gestures, etc., men who felt that they had an understanding of such conditions could undertake to explain them to the congregation. It is to be noted, however, that Paul apparently does not feel that the gift of interpretation is much to be relied on, for otherwise he would have appraised the utility of tongues more highly than he does. But the popularity of tongues in Corinth is easily understood. The speaker was felt to be taken into the closest of unions with God and hence, to be an especial object of God\'s favor. Indeed, the occurrence of the phenomenon in a neo-convert was irrefragable proof that the conversion was approved by God (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',10,\'44-48\');">Ac 10:44-48</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',11,15);">11:15</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',19,6);">19:6</a>). So in <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',16,17);">Mr 16:17</a> the gift is treated as an exceptional and miraculous divine blessing (in this verse "new" is textually uncertain, and the meaning of the word, if read, is uncertain also). Moreover, for the more selfish, the gift was very showy (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',13,1);">1Co 13:1</a> suggests that it was vociferous), and its possession gratified any desire for personal prominence.<P>4. The Account in <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',2,\'1-\');">Ac 2</a>:<P>The account in <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',2,\'1-\');">Ac 2</a> differs from that of <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',14,\'1-\');">1Co 14</a> in making the tongues foreign languages, although the ability to use such languages is not said to have become a permanent apostolic endowment. (Nor is it said that the speech of <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',2,\'14-36\');">Ac 2:14-36</a> was delivered in more than one language.) When the descent of the Spirit occurred, those who were assembled together were seized with ecstasy and uttered praises to God. A crowd gathered and various persons recognized words and phrases in their own tongues; nothing more than this is said. That the occasion was one where a miracle would have had unusual evidential value is evident, and those who see a pure miracle in the account have ample justification for their position. But no more than a providential control of natural forces need be postulated, for similar phenomena are abundantly evidenced in the history of religious experience. At times of intense emotional stress the memory acquires abnormal power, and persons may repeat words and even long passages in a foreign language, although they may have heard them only once. Now the situation at Jerusalem at the time of the Feast gave exactly the conditions needed, for then there were gathered pilgrims from all countries, who recited in public liturgical passages (especially the Shemoneh \'Esreh) in their own languages. These, in part, the apostles and the "brethren" simply reproduced. Incomprehensible words and phrases may well have been included also (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',2,13);">Ac 2:13</a>), but for the dignity of the apostles and for the importance of Pentecost Luke naturally cared to emphasize only the more unusual side and that with the greatest evidential value. It is urged, to be sure, that this interpretation contradicts the account in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',14,\'1-\');">1Co 14</a>. But it does so only on the assumption that the tongues were always uniform in their manifestation and appraisement everywhere<72>and the statement of this assumption is its own refutation. If the modern history of ecstatic utterances has any bearing on the Apostolic age, the speaking in foreign languages could not have been limited only to Pentecost. (That, however, it was as common as the speaking in new "languages" would be altogether unlikely.) But both varieties Luke may well have known in his own experience.<P>5. Religious Emotionalism:<P>Paul\'s treatment of the tongues in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',12,\'1-\');">1Co 12-14</a> is a classical passage for the evaluation of religious emotionalism. Tongues are a divine gift, the exercise is not to be forbidden (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',14,39);">14:39</A>), and Paul himself is grateful that he has the gift in an uncommon degree (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',14,18);">14:18</A>). Indeed, to those who treat them simply with scorn they become a "sign" that hardening is taking place (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',14,21,22,23);">14:21-23</A>). Yet a love of them because they are showy is simply childish (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',14,20);">14:20</A>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',13,11);">13:11</a>), and the possessor of the gift is not to think that he has the only thing worth obtaining (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',12,\'1-\');">1Co 12</a>). The only gift that is utterly indispensable is love (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',13,\'1-\');">1Co 13</a>), and without it tongues are mere noise (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',13,1);">13:1</a>). The public evidential value of tongues, on which perhaps the Corinthians were inclined to lay stress, Paul rates very low (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',14,21,22,23);">14:21-23</A>). Indeed, when exercised in public they tend to promote only the self-glorification of the speaker (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',14,4);">14:4</a>), and so are forbidden when there is not an interpreter, and they are limited for public use at all times (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',14,27,28);">14:27,28</A>). But the ideal place for their exercise is in private: "Let him speak to himself, and to God" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',14,28);">14:28</a>). The applicability of all this to modern conditions needs no commentary. Ultra-emotionalistic outbreaks still cause the formation of eccentric sects among us, and every evangelist knows well-meaning but slightly weak individuals who make themselves a nuisance. On the other hand, a purely intellectual and ethical religion is rather a dreary thing. A man who has never allowed his religious emotions to carry him away may well be in a high state of grace<63>but he has missed something, and something of very great value.<P>See also <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=SPIRITUAL+GIFTS">SPIRITUAL GIFTS</A>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TONGUES+OF+FIRE">TONGUES OF FIRE</a>.<P>LITERATURE.<P>Plumptre in DB is still useful. Wright, Some New Testament Problems (1898), and Walker, The Gift of Tongues and Other Essays (1906), have collections of material. Of the commentaries on 1 Corinthians those of Heinrici (latest edition, 1896), Lietzmann (1907) and J. Weiss (1910) are much the best, far surpassing Robertson and Plummer in ICC (1911). For the Greek material, see ... in the index of Rhode\'s Psyche. Gunkel, Die Wirkungen des heiligen Geistes (1888, 2nd reprint in 1909), was epoch-making. For the later period, see Weinel, Die Wirkungen des Gelstes und der Geister (1899); Lake, The Earlier Epistles of Paul (London, 1911); and see Inge in The Quarterly Review (London, 1914).``48';
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isbe[8856]='Tongues, Interpretation, of`in-tur-pre-ta\'-shun.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=spiritual+gifts">SPIRITUAL GIFTS</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=tongues,+gift+of">TONGUES, GIFT OF</a>`1';
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isbe[8857]='Tools`toolz: In the Bible, references to the handicrafts are almost entirely incidental, and not many tools are named. The following article aims to give a list of those mentioned, together with those that must have existed also. For detailed description and the Hebrew and Greek terms employed, see the separate articles.<P>(1) The percussion tool was the hammer, used for splitting or trimming stone, beating metals, and in wood-carving, as well as for driving nails, tent pins, etc. Several words are translated "hammer," but the distinction between them is very vague and in some cases the propriety of the translation is dubious. Certainly no such distinction is made as that between "hammer" and "mallet," nor were separate names given to the different hammers used in the various crafts (compare, e.g., <a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',4,21);">Jud 4:21</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',6,7);">1Ki 6:7</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',44,12);">Isa 44:12</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',10,4);">Jer 10:4</a><3E>all for maqqabhah).<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=HAMMER">HAMMER</a>.<P>(2) Of cutting tools, the simplest was of course the knife. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',20,25);">Ex 20:25</a>, however, the knife ("sword," English Versions of the Bible "tool") appears as a stone-cutter\'s implement and is without doubt a chisel. But the hatchet of <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',74,6);">Ps 74:6</a> may be a knife.<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=HATCHET">HATCHET</A>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=KNIFE">KNIFE</A>.<P>For ax, again, various words are employed in a way that is quite obscure to us and apparently with meanings that are not fixed. So garzen in <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',20,19);">De 20:19</a> is certainly an ax, but in the Siloam Inscription (ll 2,4) it is a pickax (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=MATTOCK">MATTOCK</a>). The various words translated "ax" (the Revised Version (British and American) "axe") must also somewhere include the word for adz, but the specific term, if there were any such (ma\'atsadh(?)), is unknown. But the adz is a very ancient tool and must certainly have existed in Palestine.<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=AX+(AXE),+AX-HEAD">AX (AXE), AX-HEAD</a>.<P>The saw was used both for wood and for stone (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',7,9);">1Ki 7:9</a>), in the latter case being employed in connection with water and sand. But sawing stone was a very laborious process, and this was one reason why the ancients preferred stone in large blocks. These were quarried by the use of heavy hammers and wedges.<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=SAW">SAW</A>.<P>The plane (maqtso\'ah) of <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',44,13);">Isa 44:13</a> should be translated chisel. Chisels, of course, are almost as old as humanity, and were used on both wood and stone and doubtless also on metals. In particular, with a broad chisel and an adz the surface of wood may be finished very smoothly, and these two implements took the place of the plane. For wood-carving the concave chisel (gouge) may have been invented.<P>The pencil of <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',44,13);">Isa 44:13</a> is probably a stylus, for engraving as well as for marking out lines. For engraving on gems (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',28,9);">Ex 28:9</a>, etc.) particularly delicate instruments of this kind must have been used.<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=LINE">LINE</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=PENCIL">PENCIL</a>.<P>(3) Among the boring tools, only the awl appears (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',21,6);">Ex 21:6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',15,17);">De 15:17</a>), an instrument primarily for the use of workers in leather. Holes in wood or stone were made by a drill, often worked with the aid of a drawn bow, through the string of which the drill was passed.<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=AWL">AWL</A>.<P>(4) Blunted tools were of course sharpened on stones, as everywhere. In <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',13,21);">1Sa 13:21</a> English Versions of the Bible speaks of sharpening with a file, but the text of the verse is hopelessly corrupt and the translation mere guesswork. But files of some sort (stone?) must of course have been used by metal-workers.<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=FILE">FILE</A>.<P>(5) Measuring tools were the line and the rod (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=REED">REED</a>), and the latter must also have been used as a straight-edge. The compasses of <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',44,13);">Isa 44:13</a> were for drawing circles, but doubtless served for measuring also. See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=COMPASSES">COMPASSES</a>. Plumb-line (\'anakh in <a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',7,7);">Am 7:7</a>f; a symbol of the searching moral investigation which would be followed by a precise and exact judgment; compare mishkoleth, "plummet," <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',21,13);">2Ki 21:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',28,17);">Isa 28:17</a>) and plummet (\'ebhen bedhil, "a stone of tin," <a onClick="return mV(\'Zec\',4,10);">Zec 4:10</a>, used by Zerubbabel in testing the completed walls) were likewise necessities and had existed from a very early period. Tools of some sort must have been used in addition by builders in drawing plans, but their nature is unknown.<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=LINE">LINE</A>.<P>(6) The tools for holding and handling work (vises, tongs, pincers, etc.) are never alluded to (the King James Version in <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',44,12);">Isa 44:12</a> is wrong; see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TONGS">TONGS</A>). For moving larger objects no use was made of cranes, and lifting was done by the aid of inclined planes and rollers; but blocks of stone weighing hundreds of tons could be handled in this way.<P>The material of the Hebrew tools was either iron or bronze. The former was introduced at least by the time of David (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',12,31);">2Sa 12:31</a>), but the mention of iron as a material is often made in such a way (<a onClick="return mV(\'Amo\',1,3);">Am 1:3</a>, etc.) as to show that it was not to be taken for granted. In fact, iron was hard to work and expensive, and bronze probably persisted for a while as a cheaper material. Stone tools would be used only by the very poor or as occasional makeshifts or for sacred purposes (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',5,2);">Jos 5:2</a>).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=agriculture">AGRICULTURE</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=carpenter">CARPENTER</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=crafts">CRAFTS</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=potter,+smith">POTTER, SMITH</a>`48';
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isbe[8858]='Toparchy`to\'-par-ki, top\'-ar-ki (toparchia): the King James Version renders this Greek word by "government" in 1Macc 11:28 (the King James Version margin and the Revised Version (British and American) "province"). It denotes a small administrative district corresponding to the modern Turkish Nahieh, administered by a Mudir. Three such districts were detached from the country of Samaria and added to Judea. Elsewhere (1Macc 10:30; 11:34) the word used to describe them is nomos. Some idea of the size of these districts may be gathered from the fact that Judea was divided into ten (Pliny v.14) or eleven (BJ, III, iii, 5) toparchies.``1';
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isbe[8859]='Topaz`to\'-paz.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=stones,+precious">STONES, PRECIOUS</a>`1';
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isbe[8860]='Tophel`to\'-fel (tophel; Tophol): This name is found in a passage with many difficulties (<a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',1,1);">De 1:1</a>). The verse ostensibly makes clearer the position occupied by the camp of Israel where Moses addressed the people, by reference to certain other places which might be presumed to be better known. Not one of them, however, has been satisfactorily identified. Some think Tophel may be represented by the modern et-tafeleh, 15 miles southeast of the Dead Sea, on the caravan road from Petra to Kerak. Apart from the question of position, the change of "t" to "T" is not easily explained. Meantime we must suspend judgment.``54';
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isbe[8861]='Topheth`to\'-feth (ha-topheth, etymology uncertain; the most probable is its connection with a root meaning "burning"<22>the "place of burning"; the King James Version, Tophet, except in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',23,10);">2Ki 23:10</a>): The references are to such a place: "They have built the high places of Topheth, which is in the valley of the son of Hinnom, to burn their sons and their daughters in the fire" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',7,31);">Jer 7:31</a>). On account of this abomination Topheth and the Valley of Hinnom should be called "The valley of Slaughter: for they shall bury in Topheth, till there be no place to bury," the Revised Version margin "because there shall be no place else" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',7,32);">Jer 7:32</a>); see also <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',19,6,12,13,14);">Jer 19:6,12,13,14</a>. Josiah is said to have "defiled Topheth" as part of his great religious reforms (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',23,10);">2Ki 23:10</a>). The site of this shameful place would seem to have been either at the lower end of the Valley of Hinnom (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=HINNOM,+VALLEY+OF">HINNOM, VALLEY OF</A>), near where Akeldama is now pointed out, or in the open ground where this valley joins the Kidron.``117';
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isbe[8862]='Torah`to\'-ra.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=law+in+the+old+testament">LAW IN THE OLD TESTAMENT</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=revelation">REVELATION</a>`1';
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isbe[8863]='Torch`torch (lappidh; lampas; in the King James Version this word occurs only 4 times (<a onClick="return mV(\'Nah\',2,3,4);">Na 2:3,4 (Hebrew 4,5)</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Zec\',12,6);">Zec 12:6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',18,3);">Joh 18:3</a>). In the Revised Version (British and American) it is found 10 times (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',15,17);">Ge 15:17</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',7,16,20);">Jud 7:16,20</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',41,19);">Job 41:19 (Hebrew 11)</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',1,13);">Eze 1:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Dan\',10,6);">Da 10:6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Nah\',2,4);">Na 2:4 (Hebrew 5)</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Zec\',12,6);">Zec 12:6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',18,3);">Joh 18:3</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Rev\',8,10);">Re 8:10</a>)): A flambeau; a large portable light.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=lamp">LAMP</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=lantern">LANTERN</a>`1';
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isbe[8864]='Tormah`tor\'-ma (tormah, "fraud"; Codex Vaticanus en kruphe, "in secret," Codex Alexandrinus meta doron, "with gifts"): This name is given in EVm as an alternative to "privily", or "craftily" the Revised Version (British and American) (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',9,31);">Jud 9:31</a>). There is no knowledge of such a place. The text is corrupt.``1';
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isbe[8865]='Torment, Place of`tor\'-ment: A literal translation in <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',16,28);">Lu 16:28</a> of topos tes basanou.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=hell">HELL</a>`1';
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isbe[8866]='Tormentor`tor-men\'-ter: the King James Version 2Macc 7:29 for demios "belonging to the people," and so "public executioner," the Revised Version (British and American) "butcher." A term of utter contempt, whose force is lost in the King James Version. Also <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',18,34);">Mt 18:34</a> for basanistes, "torturer." Normally the bankrupt debtor was sold into slavery. But, apparently, in extreme cases (where concealment of assets was suspected?) the defaulter was sent to prison until restitution should be made. Probably the imprisonment itself was regarded as "torment" (as it doubtless was), and the "tormentors" need mean nothing more than jailers.``48';
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isbe[8867]='Tortoise`tor\'-tus, tor\'-tis, tor\'-tois. (the King James Version) (tsabh, the Revised Version (British and American) "great lizard"; compare the Arabic word, dabb, the thorny-tailed lizard): The word tsabh occurs as the name of an animal only in <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',11,29);">Le 11:29</a>, being the third in the list of unclean "creeping things."<P>The same word is found in <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',66,20);">Isa 66:20</a>, translated "litters," and in <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',7,3);">Nu 7:3</a>, where \'eghloth tsabh is translated "covered wagons." Gesenius derives the word, in all senses, from the root cabhabh, "to move gently," "to flow"; compare Arabic dabba, "to flow." The Arabic noun dabb is Uromastix spinipes, the Arabian thorny-tailed lizard. This lizard is about 18 inches long, its relatively smooth body being terminated with a great tail armed with rings of spiny scales. The Arabs have a familiar proverb, \'a\'kad min dhanab ud-dabb, "knottier than the tail of the dabb." The Septuagint has for tsabh in <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',11,29);">Le 11:29</a> ho krokodeilos ho chersaios, the English equivalent of which, "land-crocodile," is used by the Revised Version (British and American) for the fifth in the list of unclean "creeping things," koach, the King James Version "chameleon."<P>The writer does not know what can have led the translators of the King James Version to use here the word "tortoise." Assuming that the thorny-tailed lizard is meant, the "great lizard" of the Revised Version (British and American) may be considered to be a fair translation.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=lizard">LIZARD</a>`37';
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isbe[8868]='Totemism`to\'-tem-iz\'-m: How far the belief in totems and totemistic relationships existed in early Israel cannot be discussed at length here. Evidence of the belief in deified animal ancestors is supposed by some writers to be found in the tribal names Leah ("wild cow"?), Rachel ("ewe"), Simeon (synonymous with the Arabic sim\'u, which denotes a cross between a wolf and a hyena), Hamor ("ass"), Caleb ("dog"), Zibiah ("gazelle"), etc. But these names in themselves "do not prove a totem stage in the development of Israel" (HPN, 114); philologically, the view has a shaky foundation (see, e.g. article "Leah" in 1-vol HDB).<P>Again, it is true that, as a rule, in totemic communities the individual may not kill or eat the name-giving object of his kin, these animals being regarded as sacred in totem worship and therefore "unclean" (taboo) as food. But the attempt to connect such personal names as Shaphan ("rock-badger"), Achbor ("mouse"), Huldah ("weasel")<29>all from the time of Josiah (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',22,3,12,14);">2Ki 22:3,12,14</a>; compare Deborah ("bee"), Gaal ("beetle"?), Told ("crimson worm," "cochineal"), Nabash ("serpent"))<29>with the list of unclean animals in <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',11,\'1-\);">Le 11</a> (see <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',11,5);">11:5</a> (margin), <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',11,29);">29</a>) and <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',14,\'1-\');">De 14</a> is beset with difficulties (compare, however, <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',66,17);">Isa 66:17</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',8,10);">Eze 8:10</a>f), since all the names cannot possibly be explained on this ground.<P>See also <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=SACRIFICE">SACRIFICE, II,2,(4); VI, 1.</A><P>Robertson Smith (followed by Stade and Benzinger) strongly advocated the view "that clear traces of totemism can be found in early Israel" (see HDB, III, 100). G. B. Gray also seems inclined to favor the view that some of these names may be "indirectly derivative from a totem stage of society" (HDB, III, 483f), while at the same time he recognizes that "the only question is whether other explanations are not equally satisfactory" (HPN, 105).<P>Other writers, such as Wellhausen, Noldeke (ZDMG, 157f; 1886), Marti (Gesch. der israelit. Religion, 4th edition, 24), Addis (Hebrew Rel., 33f), have opposed or abandoned theory as applied to Israel.<P>"Upon the whole we must conclude once more that, while it is certainly possible that Totemism once prevailed in Israel, its prevalence cannot be proved; and, above all, we must hold that the religion of Israel as it presents itself in the Old Testament has not retained the very slightest recollection of such a state of things" (Kautzsch, HDB, extra vol, 614f; compare p. 623).<P>The theory is also opposed by Job. Jacobs (article "Are there Totem-Clans in the Old Testament?" in Archaeol. Review, III (1889), <span class="noTag">number 3</span>, 145ff); F.V. Zapletal, Der Totemismus u. die Religion Israels; and S. A. Cook, in JQR, XIV, number 55.<P>The evidence on either side is inconclusive, but the weight of authority is opposed to the view that totemism ever existed in Israel. What is certain is that totemism was never a potent factor, either in the early religion of Israel as an organized people, or in any of the dominant cults of the historical period as a whole (see articles "Family" in HDB, I, 850 (Bennett); "Sacrifice," HDB, IV, 331 (Paterson], and <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=DEFILEMENT">DEFILEMENT</a> (Crannell), <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=IMAGES">IMAGES</A>, 3, 6 (Cobern), and <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ISRAEL,+RELIGION+OF">ISRAEL, RELIGION OF</a>, II,1,(4) (Orelli), in this Encyclopedia).<P>LITERATURE.<P>In addition to the works cited in the text, see, for theory of the prevalence of totemism in early Israel, W. R. Smith, Religion of the Semites (2nd edition, 1894), Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia (1903); A. F. Scot, Offering and Sacrifice (1900); and I. Benzinger, Hebraische Archaol. (1907); against, Eric Brit, 11th edition, XIII,177, article "Hebrew Religion" (Whitehouse); Standard BD, 782; Temple DB, article "Shaphan." For a general account and discussion of totemism, see Frazer, Totemism and Exogamy (1910) and The Golden Bough (3rd edition, 1907-13); Westermarck, History of Human Marriage (1891); Deans, Tales from the Totems of Hidery (1898); Lang, Myth, Ritual, Religion (new edition, 1899), The Secret of the Totem (1905), and article "Totemism" in Encyclopedia Brit, 11th edition, XXVII, with extensive bibliography; HDB, extra vol, 115; and Cymru, 1892-93, p. 137; 1893-94, p. 7.``91';
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isbe[8869]='Tou`to\'-oo (to\'u; Codex Vaticanus Thoa; Codex Alexandrinus Thoou): King of Hamath. As an enemy of Hadarezer, after David\'s victory over the latter, he sent David a message of congratulation (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',18,9);">1Ch 18:9</a>f). In <a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',8,9);">2Sa 8:9</a>f spelled "Toi."``1';
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isbe[8870]='Tow`to (ne\'oreth (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',16,9);">Jud 16:9</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',1,31);">Isa 1:31</a>)): The coarser part of flax, with short threads, used as an example of easily inflammable material. Also <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',43,17);">Isa 43:17</a> the King James Version for pishtah, the usual word for "flax" (so the English Revised Version), here as used for a wick (so the American Standard Revised Version, the English Revised Version margin).``1';
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isbe[8871]='Tower`tou\'-er.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=fortification">FORTIFICATION</a>`1';
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isbe[8872]='Tower of Babel``<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=astronomy">ASTRONOMY</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=babel,+tower+of">BABEL, TOWER OF</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=tongues,+confusion+of">TONGUES, CONFUSION OF</a>`1';
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isbe[8873]='Tower of David`(<a onClick="return mV(\'Sgs\',4,4);">So 4:4</a>)`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=jerusalem">JERUSALEM</a>`1';
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isbe[8874]='Tower of Edar (the Flock)``<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=eder">EDER</a>`1';
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isbe[8875]='Tower of Hananeel``<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=hananel">HANANEL</a>`1';
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isbe[8876]='Tower of Ivory`(mighdal hashen): Occurs only in <a onClick="return mV(\'Sgs\',7,4);">So 7:4</a>. Cheyne would, not unreasonably, emend the text and read the "tower of Shenir" as a parallel to the "tower of Lebanon" in the same verse. If the reading "tower of ivory" is correct, the reference must be to some piece of furniture in the adornment of which ivory was much used, and when we compare the word mighdal here with its use for a "pulpit" in <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',8,4);">Ne 8:4</a>, we can think only of a reminiscence of something of the nature of the throne of ivory made by Solomon (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',10,18);">1Ki 10:18</a>).``23';
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isbe[8877]='Tower of Lebanon`(mighdal ha-lebhanon): (<a onClick="return mV(\'Sgs\',7,4);">So 7:4</a>)): The designation "which looketh toward Damascus" compels us to identify it with some portion of, or something in, the eastern range of "Lebanon, toward the sun-rising" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',13,5);">Jos 13:5</a>). It would then of necessity correspond to the chief summit of Hermon, on which there has been from ancient times also a tower-like temple, and from which the view is almost of boundless extent, Damascus with its gardens and groves being surprisingly near and appearing like a beautiful island in a wide extended sea.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=lebanon">LEBANON</a>`23';
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isbe[8878]='Tower of Meah`me\'-a.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=hammeah">HAMMEAH</a>`1';
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isbe[8879]='Tower of Penuel``<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=peniel">PENIEL</a>`1';
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isbe[8880]='Tower of Shechem`(mighdal shekhem): Mentioned only in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',9,\'46-49\');">Jud 9:46-49</a>. It seems along with the Beth-millo and the Beth-el-berith to have comprised the three strongest parts of the fortification when Abimelech besieged the town. It was, however, abandoned by its defenders, who took refuge in the Beth-millo, in which they were slain.``1';
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isbe[8881]='Tower of Siloam``<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=siloam">SILOAM</a>`1';
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isbe[8882]='Tower of Syene`si-e\'-ne.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=seveneh">SEVENEH</a>`1';
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isbe[8883]='Tower of the Furnaces``<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=furnaces,+tower+of+the">FURNACES, TOWER OF THE</a>`1';
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isbe[8884]='Town`toun: This word is used to represent a number of different Hob terms in the Old Testament.<P>(1) When any explanatory word or attendant circumstances show that a "city" was unwalled, and sometimes in the contrary case (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',23,7);">1Sa 23:7</a>), the Hebrew \'ir is translated "town" by the King James Version, and the Revised Version (British and American) generally agrees with it (<a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',3,5);">De 3:5</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',27,5);">1Sa 27:5</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Est\',9,19);">Es 9:19</a>).<P>(2) Both the King James Version and the Revised Version (British and American) translate chawwoth by "towns" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',32,41);">Nu 32:41</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',13,30);">Jos 13:30</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',4,13);">1Ki 4:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ch\',2,23);">1Ch 2:23</a>), while chatserim and perazoth both appear in the King James Version as "towns," but in the Revised Version (British and American) as "villages" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',25,16);">Ge 25:16</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Zec\',2,4);">Zec 2:4</a>). See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=HAVVOTH-JAIR">HAVVOTH-JAIR</a>.<P>(3) Bath, literally, "daughter," is sometimes found in the plural between the name of a city and chatserim, "villages," as in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',15,45);">Jos 15:45</a> margin, "Ekron, with its daughters and its villages." "Towns" is evidently the appropriate translation, and, even without chatserim, bath is rendered "town" (the Revised Version (British and American) <a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',21,25);">Nu 21:25</a>, etc.). The same use of "daughter" occurs also in the Greek of 1Macc 5:65 (thugater), the King James Version "town," the Revised Version (British and American) "village," margin "daughter."<P>(4) the King James Version and the English Revised Version gloss qir, "wall" in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',2,15);">Jos 2:15</a> by rendering it "town wall"; the American Standard Revised Version omits.<P>(5) The Greek term komopoleis (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',1,38);">Mr 1:38</a>), being a combination of the words for "village" and "city," is a clear attempt to describe something between the two, and is well translated "town." (6) the King James Version uses "town" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',10,11);">Mt 10:11</a> etc.) and "village" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',9,35);">Mt 9:35</a>, etc.) quite indifferently for kome; the Revised Version (British and American) has "village" throughout. For similar changes of the King James Version "town" compare 2Macc 8:6 (chora); 11:5; 12:21 (chorion, the Revised Version (British and American) "place").`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=city">CITY</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=village">VILLAGE</a>`23';
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isbe[8885]='Town Clerk`klurk, klark (grammateus): The word "clerk," "writer," "town clerk," "scribe," is found in this meaning only in <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',19,35);">Ac 19:35</a>, "when the townclerk had quieted the multitude." Cremer defines the word as signifying a "public servant among the Greeks and the reader of the legal and state-papers" (Lexicon of the New Testament). There was considerable difference between the authority of these "clerks" in the cities of Asia Minor and of Greece. Among the Greeks the grammateis were usually slaves, or at least persons belonging to the lower classes of society, and their office was a nominal, almost a mechanical, one. In Asia, on the contrary, they were officers of considerable consequence, as the passage quoted indicates (Thucidydes vii.19, "the scribe of the city") and the grammateus is not infrequently mentioned in the inscriptions and on the coins of Ephesus (e.g. British Museum Inscriptions, III,2,482, 528). They had the supervision of the city archives, all official decrees were drawn up by them, and it was their prerogative to read such decrees to the assembled citizens. Their social position was thus one of eminence, and a Greek scribe would have been much amazed at the deference shown to his colleagues in Asia and at the power they wielded in the administration of affairs.``42';
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isbe[8886]='Trachonitis`trak-o-ni\'-tis: Appears in Scripture only in the phrase tes Itouraias kai Trachbnitidos choras, literally, "of the Iturean and Trachonian region" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',3,1);">Lu 3:1</a>). Trachonitis signifies the land associated with the trachon, "a rugged stony tract." There are two volcanic districts south and east of Damascus, to which the Greeks applied this name: that to the northwest of the mountain of Bashan (Jebel ed-Druze) is now called el-Leja\', "the refuge" or "asylum." It lies in the midst of an arable and pastoral country; and although it could never have supported a large population, it has probably always been inhabited. The other is away to the northeast of the mountain, and is called in Arabic es-Safa. This covers much the larger area. It is a wild and inhospitable desert tract, remote from the dwellings of men. It was well known to the ancients; but there was nothing to attract even a sparse population to its dark and forbidding rocks, burning under the suns of the wilderness. It therefore plays no part in the history. These are the two Trachons of Strabo (xvi.2, 20). They are entirely volcanic in origin, consisting of lava belched forth by volcanoes that have been extinct for ages. In cooling, the lava has split up and crumbled into the most weird and fantastic forms. The average elevation of these districts above the surrounding country is about 30 ft. Es-Safa is quite waterless. There are springs around the border of el-Leja\', but in the interior, water-supply depends entirely upon cisterns. Certain great hollows in the rocks also form natural reservoirs, in which the rain water is preserved through the summer months.<P>El-Leja\' is roughly triangular in shape, with its apex to the north. The sides are about 25 miles in length, and the base about 20. The present writer has described this region as he saw it during two somewhat lengthened visits: From Zor\'a our course lay northeast by east...What a wild solitude it is! Far on every hand stretched a veritable land of stone. The first hour or two of our march no living thing was seen....Wherever we looked, before or behind, lay wide fields of volcanic rock, black and repulsive,...with here and there a deep circular depression, through which in the dim past red destruction belched forth, now carefully walled round the lip to prevent wandering sheep or goat from falling in by night. The general impression conveyed was as if the dark waters of a great sea, lashed to fury by a storm, had been suddenly petrified....At times we passed over vast sheets of lava which in cooling had cracked in nearly regular lines, and which, broken through in parts, appeared to rest on a stratum of different character, like pieces of cyclopaean pavement. Curious rounded rocks were occasionally seen by the wayside, like gigantic black soap bubbles blown up by the subterranean steam and gases of the active volcanic age; often, with the side broken out as if burst by escaping vapor, the mass, having cooled too far to collapse, remained an enduring monument of the force that formed it. Scanty vegetation peeped from the fissures in the rocks, or preserved a precarious existence in the scanty soil sometimes seen in a hollow between opposing slopes. In a dreary waterless land where the cloudless sun, beating down on fiery stones, creates a heat like that of an oven, it were indeed a wonder if anything less hardy than the ubiquitous thistle could long hold up its head....When the traveler has fairly penetrated the rough barriers that surround eI-Leja\' he finds not a little pleasant land within<69>fertile soil which, if only freed a little from overlying stones, might support a moderate population. In ancient times it was partly cleared, and the work of the old-world agriculturists remains in gigantic banks of stones built along the edges of the patches they cultivated" (Arab and Druze at Home, 30ff).<P>In some parts, especially those occupied by the Druzes, fair crops are grown. Where the Arabs are masters, poverty reigns. They also have an evil reputation. As one said to the present writer, "They will even slay the guest." \'Arab el-Leja\' anjas ma yakun is a common saying, which may be freely rendered: "Than the Arabs of el-Leja\' greater rascals do not exist." Until comparatively recent years there were great breadths of oak and terebinth. These have disappeared, largely owing to the enterprise of the charcoal burners. The region to the northeast was described by a native as bass wa\'r, "nothing but barren rocky tracts" (compare Hebrew ya\'ar), over which in summer, he said, not even a bird would fly. There are many ruined sites. A list of 71 names collected by the present writer will be found in PEFS,1895,366ff. In many cases the houses, strongly built of stone, are still practically complete, after centuries of desertion.<P>There may possibly be a reference to the Trachons in the Old Testament where Jeremiah speaks of the charerim, "parched places" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',17,6);">17:6</a>). The cognate el-Charrah is the word used by the Arabs for such a burned, rocky area. For theory that el-Leja\' corresponds to the Old Testament "Argob," see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ARGOB">ARGOB</A>.<P>The robbers who infested the place, making use of the numerous caves, were routed out by Herod the Great (Ant., XV, x, 1ff; XVI, ix, 1; XVII, ii, 1f). Trachonitis was included in the tetrarchy of Philip (viii, 1; ix, 4). At his death without heirs it was joined to the province of Syria (XVIII, iv, 6). Caligula gave it to Agrippa I. After his death in 44 AD, and during the minority of his son, it was administered by Roman officers. From 53 till 100 AD it was ruled by Agrippa II. In 106 AD it was incorporated in the new province of Arabia. Under the Romans the district enjoyed a period of great prosperity, to which the Greek inscriptions amply testify. To this time belong practically all the remains to be seen today. The theaters, temples, public buildings and great roads speak of a high civilization. That Christianity also made its way into these fastnesses is vouched for by the ruins of churches. Evil days came with the advent of the Moslems. Small Christian communities are still found at Khabab on the western Luchf, and at Sur in the interior. The southeastern district, with the chief town of Damet el-\'Alia, is in the hands of the Druzes; the rest is dominated by the Arabs.``54';
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isbe[8887]='Trade`trad:<P><b>I. GENERAL</b><P class="in15">1. Terms<P class="in15">2. Position of Palestine<P class="in15">3. Trade Products of Palestine<P class="in15">4. Palestinian Traders<P><b>II. HISTORY</b><P class="in15">1. To David<P class="in15">2. Solomon<P class="in15">3. Maritime Trade<P class="in15">4. To the Exile<P class="in15">5. The Exile and After<P><b>LITERATURE</b><hr /><P>I. General. 1. Terms:<P>For a full list of the commercial terms used in the Old Testament, reference must be made to EB, IV, cols. 5193-99. Only the more important can be given here.<P>For "merchant" the Hebrew uses almost always one of the two participial forms cocher, or rokhel, both of which mean simply "one who travels." There is no difference in their meaning, but when the two are used together (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',27,13);">Eze 27:13</a>) the Revised Version (British and American) distinguishes by using "trafficker" for rokhel. The verb cachar, from which cocher is derived, is translated "to trade" in <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',34,10,21);">Ge 34:10,21</a> and "to traffic" in <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',42,34);">Ge 42:34</a>, with numerous noun formations from the same stem. The verb rakhal from which rokhel is derived does not occur, but the noun formation rekhullah in <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',26,12);">Eze 26:12</a> (the Revised Version (British and American) "merchandise"); <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',28,5,16,18);">28:5,16,18</a> (the Revised Version (British and American) "traffic") may be noted. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',27,24);">Eze 27:24</a> the Revised Version (British and American) has "merchandise" for markoleth, but the word means "place of merchandise," "market." The participle tarim, from tur, "seek out," in combination with \'aneshe, "men," in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',10,15);">1Ki 10:15</a>, is translated "merchant men" by the King James Version, "chapmen" by the English Revised Version and "traders" by the American Standard Revised Version; in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',9,14);">2Ch 9:14</a>, the King James Version and the English Revised Version have "chapmen" and the American Standard Revised Version "traders." The text of these verses is suspected. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',27,\'1-\');">Eze 27</a> (only) "merchandise" represents ma\'arabh, from \'arabh, "to exchange," translated "to deal," margin "exchange," in <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',27,9);">27:9</A> the American Standard Revised Version, with "dealers," margin "exchangers," in <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',27,27);">27:27</A> (the King James Version and the English Revised Version have "occupy," "occupiers"). kena\'an, and kena\'ani "Canaanite," are sometimes used in the sense of "merchant," but it is often difficult to determine whether the literal or the transferred force is intended. Hence, all the confusion in English Versions of the Bible; in the Revised Version (British and American) note "merchant," <a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',41,6);">Job 41:6</a>; "merchant," margin "Canaanite," <a onClick="return mV(\'Pro\',31,24);">Pr 31:24</a>; "trafficker," <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',23,8);">Isa 23:8</a>; "trafficker," margin "Canaanite," <a onClick="return mV(\'Hsa\',12,7);">Ho 12:7</a>; "Canaan," margin "merchant people," <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',23,11);">Isa 23:11</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Zep\',1,11);">Ze 1:11</a>, and compare "land of traffic," margin "land of Canaan," <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',17,4);">Eze 17:4</a>.<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=CHAPMAN">CHAPMAN</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=OCCUPY">OCCUPY</a>.<P>In Apocrypha and New Testament "merchant" is for emporos (Sirach 26:29, etc.; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',13,45);">Mt 13:45</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Rev\',18,3,11,15,23);">Re 18:3,11,15,23</a>). So "merchandise" is emporion, in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',2,16);">Joh 2:16</a> and emporia, in <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',22,5);">Mt 22:5</a>, while emporeuomai, is translated "make merchandise of" in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Pe\',2,3);">2Pe 2:3</a> and "trade" in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jam\',4,13);">Jas 4:13</a> (the King James Version "buy and sell"). But "to trade" in <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',25,16);">Mt 25:16</a> is for ergazomai (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Rev\',18,17);">Re 18:17</a>), and <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',19,13);">Lu 19:13</a> for pragmateuomai, the King James Version "occupy"; while "merchandise" in <a onClick="return mV(\'Rev\',18,11,12);">Re 18:11,12</a> is for gomos, "cargo" (so the Revised Version margin; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',21,3);">Ac 21:3</a>). Worthy of note, moreover, is metabolia, "exchange" (Sirach 37:11).<P>2. Position of Palestine:<P>Any road map of the ancient world shows that Palestine, despite its lack of harbors, occupied an extremely important position as regards the trade-routes. There was no exit to the west from the great caravan center Damascus, there was virtually no exit landward from the great maritime centers Tyre and Sidon, and there was no exit to the north and northeast from Egypt without crossing Palestine. In particular, the only good road connecting Tyre (and Sidon) with Damascus lay directly across Northern Palestine, skirting the Sea of Galilee. In consequence, foreign merchants must at all times have been familiar figures in Palestine (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',37,25,28);">Ge 37:25,28</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',10,15);">1Ki 10:15</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',13,16);">Ne 13:16</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',2,6);">Isa 2:6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Zep\',1,11);">Ze 1:11</a>, etc.). As a corollary, tolls laid on these merchants would always have been a fruitful source of income (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',10,15);">1Ki 10:15</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',26,2);">Eze 26:2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',4,20);">Ezr 4:20</a>), and naturally Palestine enjoyed particular advantages for the distribution of her own products through the presence of these traders.<P>3. Trade Products of Palestine:<P>Of these products the three great staples were grain, oil and wine (<a onClick="return mV(\'Hsa\',2,8);">Ho 2:8</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',7,13);">De 7:13</a>, etc.). The wine of Palestine, however, gained little reputation in the ancient world, and its export is mentioned only in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',2,10,15);">2Ch 2:10,15</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',3,7);">Ezr 3:7</a>, while <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',27,18);">Eze 27:18</a> says expressly that for good wine Tyre sent to Damascus. Grain would not be needed by Egypt, but it found a ready market in Phoenicia, both for consumption in the great cities of Tyre and Sidon and for export (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',5,11);">1Ki 5:11</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Ezr\',3,7);">Ezr 3:7</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',27,17);">Eze 27:17</a>, etc.). A reverse dependence of Palestine on Tyre for food (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',23,18);">Isa 23:18</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',41,57);">Ge 41:57</a>) could have occurred only under exceptional circumstances. Oil was needed by Egypt as well as by Phoenicia (<a onClick="return mV(\'Hsa\',12,1);">Ho 12:1</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',57,9);">Isa 57:9</a>), but from Northern Israel was probably shipped into Egypt by way of Phoenicia. <a onClick="return mV(\'Hsa\',2,5,9);">Ho 2:5,9</a> mentions wool and flax as products of Israel, but neither could have been important. Flax was a specialty of Egypt (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',19,9);">Isa 19:9</a>) and is hardly mentioned in the Old Testament, while for wool Israel had to depend largely on Moab (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',3,4);">2Ki 3:4</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',16,1);">Isa 16:1</a>). Minor products that were exported were "balm...honey, spicery and myrrh, pistachio-nuts and almonds" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',43,11);">Ge 43:11</a> margin; see the separate articles, and compare "pannag and...balm" in <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',27,17);">Eze 27:17</a>). These were products of Gilead (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',37,25);">Ge 37:25</a>). "Oaks of Bashan" had commercial value, but only for use for oars (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',27,5);">Eze 27:5</a>), and so in small logs. Palestine had to import all heavy timbers (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',5,6);">1Ki 5:6</a>, etc.). Despite <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',8,9);">De 8:9</a>, Palestine is deficient in mineral wealth. The value of Pal\'s manufactured products would depend on the skill of the inhabitants, but for the arts the Hebrews seem to have had no particular aptitude (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',5,6);">1Ki 5:6</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'1Sa\',13,19);">1Sa 13:19</a>ff).<P>4. Palestinian Traders:<P>In comparison with the great volume of international trade that was constantly passing across Palestine, the above products could have had no very great value and the great merchants would normally have been foreigners. A wide activity as "middlemen" and agents was, however, open to the inhabitants of Palestine, if they cared to use it. Such a profession would demand close contact with the surrounding nations and freedom from religious scruples. The Canaanites evidently excelled in commercial pursuits of this time, so much so that "Canaanite" and "merchant" were convertible terms.<P>II. History.<P>1. To David:<P>The Israelites entered Canaan as a nomadic people who had even agriculture yet to learn, and with a religious self-consciousness that restrained them from too close relations with their neighbors. Hence, they were debarred from much participation in trade. The legislation of the Pentateuch (in sharp distinction from that of Code of Hammurabi) shows this non-commercial spirit very clearly, as there are no provisions that relate to merchants beyond such elementary matters as the prohibition of false weights, etc. (<a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',25,13);">De 25:13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Lev\',19,36);">Le 19:36</a>; Covenant Code has not even these rules). In particular, the prohibition of interest (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',22,25);">Ex 22:25</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',23,19);">De 23:19</a>, etc.) shows that no native commercial life was contemplated, for, without a credit-system, trade on any extensive scale was impossible. All this was to be left to foreigners (<a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',23,20);">De 23:20</a>; compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',15,6);">15:6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',28,12,44);">28:12,44</A>). The Jewish ideal, indeed, was that each household should form a self-sufficient producing unit (<a onClick="return mV(\'Pro\',31,\'10-27\');">Pr 31:10-27</a>), with local or national exchange of those commodities (such as tools and salt) that could not be produced at home. And this ideal seems to have been maintained tolerably well. The most northerly tribes, through their proximity to the Phoenicians, were those first affected by the commercial spirit, and in particular the isolated half-tribe of Dan. In <a onClick="return mV(\'Jdg\',5,17);">Jud 5:17</a> we find them "remaining in ships" at the time of Barak\'s victory. As their territory had no seacoast, this must mean that they were gaining funds by serving in the ships of Tyre and Sidon. Zebulun and Issachar, likewise, appear in <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',33,19);">De 33:19</a> as the merchants of Israel, apparently selling their wares chiefly at the time of the great religious assemblages. But the disorders at the time of the Judges were an effectual bar against much commerce. Saul at length succeeded in producing some kind of order, and we hear that he had brought in a prosperity that showed itself in richer garments and golden ornaments for the women (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',1,24);">2Sa 1:24</a>; see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=MONEY">MONEY</a>). David\'s own establishment of an official shekel (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',14,26);">2Sa 14:26</a>) is proof that trade was becoming a matter of importance.<P>2. Solomon:<P>Under Solomon, however, Israel\'s real trade began. The writer of Kings lays special stress on his imports. From Tyre came timber (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',5,6);">1Ki 5:6</a>, etc.) and gold (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',9,11);">1Ki 9:11</a>). From Sheba came gold and spices (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',10,10);">1Ki 10:10</a>, "gave" here, like "presents" elsewhere, is a euphemism). From Ophir and elsewhere came gold, silver, precious stones, almug trees, ivory, apes and peacocks (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',10,11,22,25);">1Ki 10:11,22,25</a>). According to Massoretic Text <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',10,28);">1Ki 10:28</a>f; horses and chariots were brought from Egypt and re-sold to the north.<P>But the text here is suspected. Egypt had no reputation as a horse-mart in comparison with Northern Syria and Western Armenia (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TOGARMAH">TOGARMAH</A>). So many scholars prefer to read "Musri" (in northwestern Arabia) for "Egypt" (mtsr for mtsrym<79>see the comms., especially EB, III, cols. 3162-63). Yet the change does not clear up all the difficulties, and Egypt was certainly famous for her chariots. And compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Deu\',17,16);">De 17:16</a>.<P>In exchange Solomon exported to Tyre wheat and oil (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',5,11);">1Ki 5:11</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',2,10,15);">2Ch 2:10,15</a> adds "barley...and wine"). What he sent to the other countries is not specified, and, in particular, there is no mention of what he exchanged for gold. <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',5,11);">1Ki 5:11</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',9,11);">9:11</a>, however, indicate that Hiram was the intermediary for most of this gold traffic, so that at the final settlement of accounts Solomon must have been heavily in Hiram\'s debt. <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',9,11);">1Ki 9:11</a> proves this. Solomon had undertaken a larger task than the resources of Palestine could meet, and in payment was obliged to cede Northern Galilee to Hiram. (The writer of 1 Kings explains that \'the cities were worthless,\' while Chronicles passes over the unedifying incident altogether, if <a onClick="return mV(\'2Ch\',8,2);">2Ch 8:2</a> is not a reversal of the case.)<P>3. Maritime Trade:<P>Among Solomon\'s other activities sea-commerce was not forgotten. David\'s victory over Edom gave access to the Red Sea at Eziongeber, and this port was utilized by Hiram and Solomon in partnership (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',9,26);">1Ki 9:26</a>), Hiram, apparently, supplying the ships and the sailors (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',10,11);">1Ki 10:11</a>). After Solomon\'s death, Edom revolted and the way to the sea was closed (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',11,14);">1Ki 11:14</a>). It was not recovered until the time of Jehoshaphat, and he could do nothing with it, "for the ships were broken at Eziongeber" (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',22,48);">1Ki 22:48</a>), i.e. in the home harbor. Either they were badly built or incompetently manned. The Hebrews had no skill as sailors.<P>See <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=SHIPS+AND+BOATS">SHIPS AND BOATS</a>.<P>4. To the Exile:<P>After the time of Solomon the commerce established by him of course continued, with fluctuations. Samaria became so important a city from the trade standpoint that Ben-hadad I forced Baasha to assign a street there to the merchants of Damascus, while Ahab succeeded in extracting the reverse privilege from Ben-hadad II (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',20,34);">1Ki 20:34</a>). The long and prosperous contemporary reigns of Jeroboam II and Uzziah evidently had great importance for the growth of commerce, and it was the growing luxury of the land under these reigns that called forth the denunciations of Amos, Hosea and Isaiah. Amos complains of the importation of expensive foreign luxuries by the rich (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',3,\'18-23\');">Isa 3:18-23</a>), who wasted the natural products of Palestine (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',6,\'3-6\');">Isa 6:3-6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',3,12,15);">3:12,15</a>). Grain, the chief article of value, was extorted from the poor (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',5,11);">Isa 5:11</a>), and the grain-dealers were notoriously dishonest (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',8,\'4-6\');">Isa 8:4-6</a>); <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',8,6);">Isa 8:6c</a> in English Versions of the Bible suggests the sale of adulterated grain. The meaning of the Hebrew, however, is obscure, but of course adulteration must have existed, and it is doubtless not without significance that the labels on the recently discovered Samaritan jar-fragments emphasize the purity of the contents (Harvard Theological Review, 1911, 138-39). The extent of commercialism so overwhelms Hosea that he exclaims \'Ephraim is become a Canaanite!\' (<a onClick="return mV(\'Hsa\',12,7);">12:7</A> margin). The most unscrupulous dealing is justified by the plea, "Surely I am become rich" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Hsa\',12,8);">12:8</A>). Isaiah is shocked at the intimate contracts made with foreigners, which prove so profitable to the makers, but which bring in idolatry (<a onClick="return mV(\'Hsa\',2,6,7,8);">2:6-8</A>). It was in the time of Isaiah that Assyrian influence began to make itself felt in Judah, and the setting up in the Temple of a pattern of an Assyrian altar (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',16,10);">2Ki 16:10</a>f) must have been accompanied with an influx of Assyrian commodities of all descriptions. (Similarly, the religious reaction under Hezekiah would have been accompanied by a boycott on Assyrian goods.) Data for the following pre-exilic period are scanty, but <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',26,2);">Eze 26:2</a> shows that Jerusalem retained a position of some commercial importance up to the time of her fall. Of especial interest are <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',23,\'1-\');">Isa 23</a> and <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',26,\'1-\');">Eze 26</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',27,\'1-\');">27</a> with their descriptions of the commerce of Tyre. Ezekiel indeed confines himself to description, but Isaiah characterizes the income of all this trade as "the hire of a harlot" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',23,17,18);">23:17,18</A>), a phrase that reappears in <a onClick="return mV(\'Rev\',18,3,9);">Re 18:3,9</a><3E>a chapter couched in the genuine old prophetic tone and based almost exclusively on Isaiah and Ezekiel. But it is important to note that Isaiah realizes (<a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',23,18);">23:18</a>) that all this enterprise is capable of consecration to Yahweh and is therefore not wrong in itself.<P>5. The Exile and After:<P>The deportation into Babylon brought the Jews directly into the midst of a highly developed commercial civilization, and, although we are ignorant of the details, they must have entered into this life to a very considerable extent. Indeed, it is more than probable that it was here that the famed commercial genius of the Jews made its appearance. Certain it is that exiles acquired great wealth and rose to high position (<a onClick="return mV(\'Zec\',6,10);">Zec 6:10</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',1,11);">Ne 1:11</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',5,17);">5:17</a>, etc.), and that when an opportunity to return to Palestine was opened, most of the exiles preferred to stay where they were (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=EXILE">EXILE</A>). As a matter of fact, the Palestinian community was beggarly poor for years (<a onClick="return mV(\'Zec\',8,10);">Zec 8:10</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Hag\',1,6);">Hag 1:6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Neh\',1,3);">Ne 1:3</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mal\',3,\'10-12\');">Mal 3:10-12</a>, etc.) and could not even prevent the sale of its children into slavery (<a onClick="return mV(\'Joe\',3,6);">Joe 3:6</a>). Such trade as existed was chiefly in the hands of foreigners (<a onClick="return mV(\'Joe\',3,17);">Joe 3:17</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Zec\',14,21);">Zec 14:21</a>), but the repeated crop-failures must have forced many Jews into commerce to keep from starving. The history of the 4th century is very obscure, but for the later commercial history of the Jews the foundation of Alexandria (332 BC) was a fact of fundamental importance. For Alexandria rapidly became the commercial center of the world and into it the Jews, attracted by the invitations of the Ptolemies, poured in streams. Alexandria\'s policy was closely copied by Antioch (on the period see Ant, XII, i, iii; compare <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ALEXANDRIA">ALEXANDRIA</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ANTIOCH">ANTIOCH</a>), and Ant, XII, iv, shows that the ability of the Jews was duly recognized by the Gentiles. But this development was outside Palestine. Sirach does not count commerce among the list of trades in 38:24-30 (note, however, the increased importance of artisans) and his references to commerce throughout are not especially characteristic (5:8; 8:13, etc.; but see 42:7). But even the trade of Palestine must have been increasing steadily. Under the Maccabees Joppa was captured, and the opening of its port for Greek commerce is numbered among Simon\'s "glories" (1Macc 14:5). The unification of the trade-world under Rome, of course, gave Palestine a share in the benefits. Herod was able to work commercial miracles (Ant., XV, vi, 7; viii, 1; ix, 2; xi, 1; XVI, v, 3,etc.), and the Palestine of the New Testament is a commercial rather than an agricultural nation. Christ\'s parables touch almost every side of commercial life and present even the pearl merchant as a not unfamiliar figure (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',13,45);">Mt 13:45</a>). Into the ethics of commerce, however, He entered little. Sharp dealings were everywhere (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',12,40);">Mr 12:40</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',16,\'1-12\');">Lu 16:1-12</a>, etc.), and the service of Mammon, which had pushed its way even into the temple (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',11,\'15-17\');">Mr 11:15-17</a> and parallel\'s), was utterly incompatible with the service of God (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',6,\'19-34\');">Mt 6:19-34</a>, etc.). In themselves, however the things of Caesar and the things of God (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',12,17);">Mr 12:17</a> and parallel\'s) belong to different spheres, and with financial questions pure and simple He refused to interfere (<a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',12,13);">Lu 12:13</a>f). For further details and for the (not very elaborate) teaching of the apostles see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ETHICS">ETHICS</a>.<P>LITERATURE.<P>The appropriate sections in the HA\'s and Biblical diets., especially G. A. Smith\'s indispensable article "Trade" in EB, IV, cols. 5145-99 (1903); for the later period, GJV4, II, 67-82 (1907), III, 97-102 (1909). Compare also Herzfeld, Handelsgeschichte der Juderi des Alterthums2 (1894).``48';
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isbe[8888]='Trades`tradz.`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=crafts">CRAFTS</a>`1';
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isbe[8889]='Tradition`tra-dish\'-un: The Greek word is paradosis, "a giving over," either by word of mouth or in writing; then that which is given over, i.e. tradition, the teaching that is handed down from one to another. The word does not occur in the Hebrew Old Testament (except in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',39,4);">Jer 39 (32):4</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',41,2);">41 (34):2</a>, used in another sense), or in the Septuagint or the Apocrypha (except in 2Esdras 7:26, used in a different sense), but is found 13 times in the New Testament (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',15,2,3,6);">Mt 15:2,3,6</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',7,3,5,8,9,13);">Mr 7:3,5,8,9,13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',11,2);">1Co 11:2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Gal\',1,14);">Ga 1:14</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Col\',2,8);">Col 2:8</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Th\',2,15);">2Th 2:15</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Th\',3,6);">3:6</a>).<P>1. Meaning in Jewish Theology:<P>The term in the New Testament has apparently three meanings. It means, in Jewish theology, the oral teachings of the elders (distinguished ancestors from Moses on) which were reverenced by the late Jews equally with the written teachings of the Old Testament, and were regarded by them as equally authoritative on matters of belief and conduct. There seem to be three classes of these oral teachings:<P>(a) some oral laws of Moses (as they supposed) given by the great lawgiver in addition to the written laws;<P>(b) decisions of various judges which became precedents in judicial matters;<P>(c) interpretations of great teachers (rabbis) which came to be prized with the same reverence as were the Old Testament Scriptures.<P>It was against the tradition of the elders in this first sense that Jesus spoke so pointedly to the scribes and Pharisees (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',15,2);">Mt 15:2</a>f; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',7,3);">Mr 7:3</a>f). The Pharisees charged Jesus with transgressing "the tradition of the elders." Jesus turned on them with the question, "Why do ye also transgress the commandment of God because of your tradition?" He then shows how their hollow traditionalism has fruited into mere ceremonialism and externalism (washing of hands, vessels, saying "Corban" to a suffering parent, i.e. "My property is devoted to God, and therefore I cannot use it to help you," etc.), but He taught that this view of uncleanness was essentially false, since the heart, the seat of the soul, is the source of thought, character and conduct (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',7,14);">Mr 7:14</a>f).<P>2. As Used in 1 Corinthians and 2 Thessalonians:<P>The word is used by Paul when referring to his personal Christian teachings to the churches at Corinth and Thessalonica (<a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',11,2);">1Co 11:2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Th\',2,15);">2Th 2:15</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Th\',3,6);">3:6</a>). In this sense the word in the singular is better translated "instruction," signifying the body of teaching delivered by the apostle to the church at Thessalonica (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Th\',3,6);">2Th 3:6</a>). But Paul in the other two passages uses it in the plural, meaning the separate instructions which he delivered to the churches at Corinth and Thessalonica.<P>3. As Used in Colossians:<P>The word is used by Paul in <a onClick="return mV(\'Col\',2,8);">Col 2:8</a> in a sense apparently different from the two senses above. He warns his readers against the teachings of the false teachers in Colosse, which are "after the tradition of men." Olshausen, Lightfoot, Dargan, in their commentaries in the place cited., maintain that the reference is to the Judaistic character of the false teachers. This may be true, and yet we must see that the word "tradition" has a much broader meaning here than in 1 above. Besides, it is not certain that the false teachings at Colosse are essentially Jewish in character. The phrase "tradition of men" seems to emphasize merely the human, not necessarily Jewish, origin of these false teachings.<P>The verb paradidomi, "to give over," is also used 5 times to express the impartation of Christian instruction: <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',1,2);">Lu 1:2</a>, where eyewitnesses are said to have handed down the things concerning Jesus; <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',11,2,23);">1Co 11:2,23</a> and <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',15,3);">15:3</A> referring to the apostle\'s personal teaching; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Pe\',2,21);">2Pe 2:21</a>, to instruction by some Christian teacher (compare <a onClick="return mV(\'1Pe\',1,18);">1Pe 1:18</a>).<P>LITERATURE.<P>Broadus, Allen, Meyer, commentaries on <span class="noTag">Mt 15:2</span>f; Swete, Gould, commentaries on Mark (7:3f); Lightfoot, Meyer, commentaries on <span class="noTag">Ga 1:14</span>; Lightfoot, Olshausen, Dargan (American Commentary), commentaries on <span class="noTag">Col 2:8</span>; Milligan, commentary on 1 and 2 Thessalonians (<span class="noTag">2Th 2:15</span> and 3:6); Weber, Jewish Theology (Ger., Altsyn. Theol.); Pocock, Porta Mosis, 350-402; Schurer, HJP, II, i, section 25; Edersheim, Life and Times of Jesus the Messiah, II, chapter xxxi; Josephus, Ant, XIII, x, 6.``194';
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isbe[8890]='Traffic, Trafficker`traf\'-ik, traf\'-ik-er (kena\'-an, micchar, cachar, rekhullah):<P>(1) Kena\'an = "Canaan," and, as the Canaanites were celebrated merchants, came to mean "merchant," and so "traffic" (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=CANAAN">CANAAN</a>). <a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',17,4);">Eze 17:4</a> refers to the great eagle who "cropped off the topmost of the young twigs (of cedar) thereof, and carried it unto a land of traffic; he set it in a city of merchants."<P>(2) Micchar means "trade," and so "traffic"; comes from a root meaning "to travel round," e.g. as a peddler. <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',10,15);">1Ki 10:15</a> reads: "Besides that which the traders brought, and the traffic of the merchants." This refers to the income of Solomon.<P>(3) Cachar means "to go about," "occupy with," "trade," "traffic," "merchant," and so the business of the moving merchant or peddler. Joseph said to his brothers: "So will I deliver you your brother, and ye shall traffic in the land" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',42,34);">Ge 42:34</a>). He evidently meant that they should have license to become, throughout Egypt, traveling traders.<P>(4) Rekhullah, from a root meaning "to travel for trading," and so a peddled traffic, as in spices, etc. Ezekiel speaks against the prince of Tyre: "By thy great wisdom and by thy traffic hast thou increased thy riches" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',28,5);">28:5</A>); and against the king of Tyre: "in the unrighteousness of thy traffic," etc. (<a onClick="return mV(\'Eze\',28,18);">Eze 28:18</a>).`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=market">MARKET</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=merchandise">MERCHANDISE</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=ships+and+boats">SHIPS AND BOATS</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=trade">TRADE</a>`142';
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isbe[8891]='Tragacanth`trag\'-a-kanth: For "spicery" in <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',37,25);">Ge 37:25</a>, the Revised Version margin gives "gum tragacanth or storax."`<a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=spice">SPICE</a>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=storax">STORAX</a>`1';
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isbe[8892]='Train`tran (verb chanakh, "educate" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Pro\',22,6);">Pr 22:6</a>), with adjective chanikh (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',14,14);">Ge 14:14</a>)): In <a onClick="return mV(\'1Ki\',10,2);">1Ki 10:2</a> the Queen of Sheba\'s "train," the noun is chayil, the usual word for "force," "army." But in <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',6,1);">Isa 6:1</a> the "train" (shul, "loose hanging garment") is that of God\'s robe (the Revised Version margin "skirts").``1';
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isbe[8893]='Train; Trained`tran, trand: The word is used in two places in both the King James Version and the Revised Version (British and American), namely, <a onClick="return mV(\'Gen\',14,14);">Ge 14:14</a>, where it means "drilled," "prepared for war," and <a onClick="return mV(\'Pro\',22,6);">Pr 22:6</a>. "Train up a child" means more than to teach, and includes everything that pertains to the proper development of the child, especially in its moral and spiritual nature. In this broader sense also the Revised Version (British and American) substitutes "train" for the "teach" of the King James Version in <a onClick="return mV(\'Tts\',2,4);">Tit 2:4</a> (sophronizo).``1';
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isbe[8894]='Trance`trans (ekstasis): The condition expressed by this word is a mental state in which the person affected is partially or wholly unconscious of objective sensations, but intensely alive to subjective impressions which, however they may be originated, are felt as if they were revelations from without. They may take the form of visual or auditory sensations or else of impressions of taste, smell, heat or cold, and sometimes these conditions precede epileptic seizures constituting what is named the aura epileptica. The word occurs 5 times in the King James Version, twice in the story of Balaam (<a onClick="return mV(\'Num\',24,4,16);">Nu 24:4,16</a>), twice in the history of Peter (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',10,10);">Ac 10:10</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',11,5);">11:5</a>), and once in that of Paul (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',22,17);">Ac 22:17</a>). In the Balaam story the word is of the nature of a gloss rather than a translation, as the Hebrew naphal means simply "to fall down" and is translated accordingly in the Revised Version (British and American). Here Septuagint has en hupno, "in sleep" (see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=SLEEP,+DEEP">SLEEP, DEEP</a>). In Peter\'s vision on the housetop at Joppa he saw the sail (othone) descending from heaven, and heard a voice. Paul\'s trance was also one of both sight and sound. The vision on the Damascus road (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',9,\'3-9\');">Ac 9:3-9</a>) and that recorded in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',12,\'2-4\');">2Co 12:2-4</a> were also cases of trance, as were the prophetic ecstasies of Saul, Daniel and Elisha, and the condition of John in which he says that he was "in the Spirit" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Rev\',1,10);">Re 1:10</a>).<P>The border line between trance and dream is indefinite: the former occurs while one is, in a sense, awake; the latter takes place in the passage from sleep to wakefulness. The dream as well as the vision were supposed of old to be channels of revelation (<a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',33,15);">Job 33:15</a>). In Shakespearean English, "trance" means a dream (Taming of the Shrew, I, i, 182), or simply a bewilderment (Lucrece, 1595).<P>In the phenomena of hypnotic suggestion, sometimes affecting a number of persons simultaneously we have conditions closely allied to trance, and doubtless some of the well-authenticated phantom appearances are similar subjective projections from the mind affecting the visual and auditory centers of the brain.``107';
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isbe[8895]='Transfiguration`trans-fig-o-ra\'-shun (metamorphoomai, "to be transformed"): Used only with reference to the transfiguration of Christ (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',17,2);">Mt 17:2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',9,2);">Mr 9:2</a>) and the change wrought in the Christian personality through fellowship with Christ (<a onClick="return mV(\'Rom\',12,2);">Ro 12:2</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',3,18);">2Co 3:18</a>).<P>(1) About midway of His active ministry Jesus, accompanied by Peter, James and John, withdrew to a high mountain apart (probably Mt. Hermon; see next article) for prayer. While praying Jesus was "transfigured," "his face did shine as the sun," "and his garments became glistering, exceeding white, so as no fuller on earth can whiten them." It was night and it was cold. The disciples were drowsy and at first but dimly conscious of the wonder in progress before their eyes. From the brightness came the sound of voices. Jesus was talking with Moses and Elijah, the subject of the discourse, as the disciples probably learned later, being of the decease (exodus) which Jesus was about to accomplish at Jerusalem. As the disciples came to themselves, the figures of Moses and Elijah seemed to withdraw, whereupon Peter impetuously demanded tents to be set up for Jesus and His heavenly visitants that the stay might be prolonged and, if possible, made permanent. Just then a cloud swept over them, and out of the cloud a voice came, saying, "This is my beloved Son: hear ye him." In awe the disciples prostrated themselves and in silence waited. Suddenly, lifting up their eyes they saw no one, save Jesus only (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',17,\'1-13\');">Mt 17:1-13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',9,\'2-13\');">Mr 9:2-13</a>; <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',9,\'28-36\');">Lu 9:28-36</a>).<P>Such is the simple record. What is its significance? The Scripture narrative offers no explanation, and indeed the event is afterward referred to only in the most general way by Peter (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Pe\',1,\'16-18\');">2Pe 1:16-18</a>) and, perhaps, by John (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jhn\',1,14);">Joh 1:14</a>). That it marked a crisis in the career of Jesus there can be no doubt. From this time He walked consciously under the shadow of the cross. A strict silence on the subject was enjoined upon the three witnesses of His transfiguration until after "the Son of man should have risen again from the dead." This means that, as not before, Jesus was made to realize the sacrificial character of His mission; was made to know for a certainty that death, soon and cruel, was to be His portion; was made to know also that His mission as the fulfillment of Law (Moses) and prophecy (Elijah) was not to be frustrated by death. In His heart now would sound forever the Father\'s approval, "This is my beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased." The scene, therefore, wrought out in Jesus a new fervor, a new boldness, a new confidence of ultimate victory which, as a source of holy joy, enabled Him to endure the cross and to despise the shame (<a onClick="return mV(\'Hbr\',12,2);">Heb 12:2</a>). In the disciples the scene must have wrought a new faith in the heavensent leadership of Jesus. In the dark days which were soon to come upon them the memory of the brightness of that unforgettable night would be a stay and strength. There might be opposition, but there could be no permanent defeat of one whose work was ratified by Moses, by Elijah, by God Himself. Indeed, was not the presence of Moses and Elijah a pledge of immortality for all? How in the face of such evidence, real to them, however it might be to others, could they ever again doubt the triumph of life and of Him who was the Lord of life? The abiding lesson of the Transfiguration is that of the reality of the unseen world, of its nearness to us, and of the comforting and inspiring fact that "spirit with spirit may meet."<P>The transfigured appearance of Jesus may have owed something to the moonlight on the snow and to the drowsiness of the disciples; but no one who has ever seen the face of a saint fresh from communion with God, as in the case of Moses (<a onClick="return mV(\'Exd\',34,\'29-35\');">Ex 34:29-35</a>) and of Stephen (<a onClick="return mV(\'Act\',6,15);">Ac 6:15</a>), will have any difficulty in believing that the figure of Jesus was irradiated with a "light that never was on sea or land." See Comms. and Lives of Christ; also a suggestive treatment in Westcott\'s Introduction to the Study of the Gospels. (2) The transfiguration of Christians is accomplished by the renewing of the mind whereby, in utter abandonment to the will of God, the disciple displays the mind of Christ (<a onClick="return mV(\'Rom\',12,2);">Ro 12:2</a>); and by that intimate fellowship with God, through which, as with unveiled face he beholds the glory of the Lord, he is "transformed into the same image from glory to glory, even as from the Lord the Spirit" (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',3,18);">2Co 3:18</a>).``168';
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isbe[8896]='Transfiguration, Mount of`trans-fig-u-ra\'-shun (referred to as the "holy mount" in <a onClick="return mV(\'2Pe\',1,18);">2Pe 1:18</a>): Records of the Transfiguration are found in <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',17,1);">Mt 17:1</a>ff; <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',9,2);">Mr 9:2</a>ff; <a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',9,28);">Lu 9:28</a>ff. From these narratives we gather that Jesus went with His disciples from Bethsaida to the neighborhood of Caesarea Philippi, where Peter\'s memorable confession was made. Some six or eight days later Jesus went up into a high mountain to pray, taking with Him Peter, James and John. There He was transfigured before them. Descending the next day, He healed a demoniac boy, and then passed through Galilee to Capernaum.<P>1. Not Olivet or Tabor:<P>It is quite evident that the tradition placing the scene on the Mount of Olives must be dismissed. Another tradition, dating from the 4th century, identifies the mountain with Tabor. In the article on <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=TABOR,+MOUNT">TABOR, MOUNT</A>, reasons are stated for rejecting this tradition. It was indeed possible in the time indicated to travel from Caesarea Philippi to Tabor; but there is nothing to show why this journey should have been undertaken; and, the mountain top being occupied by a town or village, a suitable spot could not easily have been found.<P>2. Mt. Hermon:<P>In recent years the opinion has become general that the scene must be placed somewhere on Mt. Hermon. It is near to Caesarea Philippi. It is the mountain par excellence in that district (<a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',9,28);">Lu 9:28</a>). It was easily possible in the time to make the journey to Chasbeiyah and up the lofty steeps. The sacred associations of the mountain might lend it special attractions (Stanley, S and the Priestly Code (P), 399). This is supported by the transient comparison of the celestial splendor with the snow, where alone it could be seen in Palestine (ibid., 400).<P>It seems to have been forgotten that Mt. Hermon lay beyond the boundaries of Palestine, and that the district round its base was occupied by Gentiles (HJP, II, i, 133f). The sacred associations of the mountain were entirely heathen, and could have lent it no fitness for the purpose of Jesus; hos chion, "as snow," in <a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',9,3);">Mr 9:3</a>, does not belong to the original text, and therefore lends no support to the identification. It was evidently in pursuance of His ordinary custom that Jesus "went up into the mountain to pray" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Luk\',9,28);">Lu 9:28</a>). This is the only indication of His purpose. It is not suggested that His object was to be transfigured. "As he was praying," the glory came. There is no hint that He had crossed the border of Palestine; and it is not easy to see why in the circumstances He should have made this journey and toilsome ascent in heathen territory. Next morning as usual He went down again, and was met by a crowd that was plainly Jewish. The presence of "the scribes" is sufficient proof of this (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',9,14);">Mr 9:14</a>). Where was such a crowd to come from in this Gentile district? Matthew in effect says that the healing of the demoniac took place in Galilee (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',17,22);">Mt 17:22</a>). The case against Mt. Hermon seems not less conclusive than that against Tabor.<P>3. Jebel Jermuk:<P>The present writer has ventured to suggest an identification which at least avoids the difficulties that beset the above (Expository Times, XVIII, 333f). Among the mountains of Upper Galilee Jebel Jermuk is especially conspicuous, its shapely form rising full 4,000 ft. above the sea. It is the highest mountain in Palestine proper, and is quite fitly described as hupselon ("high"). It stands to the west over against the Safed uplands, separated from them by a spacious valley, in the bottom of which runs the tremendous gorge, Wady Leimun. It is by far the most striking feature in all the Galilean landscape. The summit commands a magnificent view, barred only to the southwest by other mountains of the range. It rises from the midst of a district which then supported a large population of Jews, with such important Jewish centers as Kefr Bir\'im, Gishcala, Meiron, etc., around its base. Remote and lonely as it is, the summit was just such a place as Jesus might have chosen for prayer. It was comparatively easy to reach, and might be comfortably climbed in the evening. Then on His descent next day the crowd might easily assemble from the country and the villages near by. How long our Lord stayed near Caesarea Philippi after the conversation recorded in <a onClick="return mV(\'Mat\',16,21);">Mt 16:21</a>ff we do not know. From Banias to Gishcala, e.g. one could walk on foot without fatigue in a couple of days. If a little time were spent in the Jewish villages passed on the way, the six days, or Luke\'s "about eight days," are easily accounted for. From this place to Capernaum He would "pass through Galilee" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Mar\',9,30);">Mr 9:30</a>).``54';
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isbe[8897]='Transform`trans-form\' (<a onClick="return mV(\'Rom\',12,2);">Ro 12:2</a>; the Revised Version (British and American) <a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',3,18);">2Co 3:18</a> for metamorphoomai, and the King James Version <a onClick="return mV(\'2Cr\',11,13,14,15);">2Co 11:13,14,15</a> for metaschematizo, the Revised Version (British and American) "fashion"): The commentaries often explain the former word as connoting a change of nature, while the latter refers only to the appearance, but this distinction is probably fanciful.``1';
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isbe[8898]='Transgression`trans-gresh\'-un: From "transgress," to pass over or beyond; to overpass, as any rule prescribed as the limit of duty; to break or violate, as a law, civil or moral; the act of transgressing; the violation of a law or known principle of rectitude; breach of command; offense; crime; sin. In the Old Testament pesha\', occurs 80 times, rendered in all versions by "transgression." Its meaning is "rebellion"; see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=REBELLION">REBELLION</a>. The word "rebellion" differs from this word in that it may be in the heart, though no opportunity should be granted for its manifestation: "An evil man seeketh only rebellion" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Pro\',17,11);">Pr 17:11</a>). Here the wise man contemplates an evil heart, looking for an excuse or opportunity to rebel.<P>The New Testament uses parabasis, "trespass": "The law...was added because of transgressions" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Gal\',3,19);">Ga 3:19</a>); "Where there is no law, neither is there transgression" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Rom\',4,15);">Ro 4:15</a>); "for the redemption of the transgressions that were under the first covenant" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Hbr\',9,15);">Heb 9:15</a>).``45';
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isbe[8899]='Translation`trans-la\'-shun: The verb "translate" is found once in the Old Testament (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Sa\',3,10);">2Sa 3:10</a> the King James Version, in the sense of "to transfer") and 3 times in the New Testament (<a onClick="return mV(\'Col\',1,13);">Col 1:13</a>, methistemi, where it means "to transfer"; twice in <a onClick="return mV(\'Hbr\',11,5);">Heb 11:5</a>, where it has the quasi-technical sense of removing one from the earthly to the heavenly state without the intervening experience of death).<P>The noun "translation" occurs only in <a onClick="return mV(\'Hbr\',11,5);">Heb 11:5</a>, metathesis, where it refers to the transition, the general nature of which has just been described in connection with the verb. With their customary reserve in regard to such matters, the Scriptures simply record the fact of Enoch\'s translation without commenting either upon the attendant circumstances, or upon the nature of the change involved in his experience. Doubtless what Paul says in <a onClick="return mV(\'1Cr\',15,51,52);">1Co 15:51,52</a> applied in the case of Enoch and also in that of Elijah (<a onClick="return mV(\'2Ki\',2,11);">2Ki 2:11</a>).``116';
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isbe[8900]='Trap`(moqesh; thera, literally, "hunting," used metaphorically in Psalms and Romans as "trap"): Any of the methods for taking birds; see <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=SNARE">SNARE</A>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=NET">NET</A>; <a href="./study/isbe/search.html?string=GIN">GIN</A>, etc. It is probable that a trap was more particularly a hole in the ground covered with twigs, concealed by leaves and baited with food. Such devices were common in taking the largest animals and may have been used with birds also. Trap is mentioned frequently in connection with snare and in such manner as to indicate that they were different devices: "Know for a certainty that Yahweh your God will no more drive these nations from out of your sight; but they shall be a snare and a trap unto you" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Jos\',23,13);">Jos 23:13</a>). Another such reference will be found in <a onClick="return mV(\'Psa\',69,22);">Ps 69:22</a>:<P>"Let their table before them become a snare;<P>And when they are in peace, let it become a trap."<P>This is quoted in <a onClick="return mV(\'Rom\',11,9);">Ro 11:9</a>: "Let their table be made a snare, and a trap,<P>And a stumbling block, and a recompense unto them."<P>An instance where a trap alone is referred to can be found in <a onClick="return mV(\'Jer\',5,26);">Jer 5:26</a>: "They set a trap, they catch men." <a onClick="return mV(\'Isa\',42,22);">Isa 42:22</a> uses this expression, "snared in holes." This might mean that a snare was placed in a hole, or that the hole was the snare to lure bird or animal to its death. The former proposition is sustained by Job, who says, "A noose is hid for him in the ground, and a trap for him in the way" (<a onClick="return mV(\'Job\',18,10);">18:10</A>). This translation appears as if it were reversed and should read, "A trap is hid for him in the ground and a noose in the way."``167';
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